PREFACE. 


The  Author  of  this  book  had  the  pleasure  and  advantage  of  the 
personal  acquaintance  and  the  honor  of  friendship  and  confidence  of 
William  McKinley  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  as  a  public  journalist 
knew  the  public  men  of  his  State — knew  the  man  McKinley  at  his 
homes  in  Ohio  and  Washington — knew  his  friends — he  had  no  enemies 
—knew  his  relations  with  men  and  measures,  and  there  was  not  a  blot 
on  the  illuminated  pages  of  that  open  book,  his  life. 

There  has  been  no  embarrassment  in  the  work  of  biography,  from 
the  beginning  to  the  completion,  save  in  the  surpassing  riches  of  the 
material  testified  by  clouds  of  witnesses.  It  is  a  life  illustrious  indeed, 
without  a  blemish  or  a  flaw,  nothing  to  avoid,  explain  or  extenuate. 
His  good  reputation  is  the  white  light  of  a  cloudless  sky,  no  shadow 
falling  to  dim  the  deeds  of  a  day. 

The  life  of  William  McKinley,  twenty-fifth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  luminously  representative  of  the  better  characteristics  of 
Americanism.  He  was  the  ninth  President  re-elected.  Washington, 
Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  Jackson,  Lincoln,  Grant,  Cleveland  and 
McKinley  are  the  names  of  that  list. 

The  first  recorded  leadership  of  McKinley  is  that  he  was  the  fore- 

[  most  boy  of  his  village  to  leave  school  and  go  for  a  soldier.     He  entered 

the  first  class  in  the  army,  that  of  the  enlisted  men,  and  was  a  man 

with  a  gun  for  fourteen  months  on  his  shoulder  on  the  march,  and 

against  his  shoulder  on  the  fire  line. 

When  the  war  was  over  he  was  a  Major,  and  always  a  Major  with 
the  majority.  He  is  the  only  enlisted  man  in  our  history  who  served  as 
a  private  in  the  ranks  for  a  year  and  became  President. 

He  earned  the  promotions  he  got  in  war  and  in  peace.  From 
private  to  President,  he  secured  no  advance  that  was  not  coming  to  him. 
t  There  is  no  prouder  record  written  on  the  rolls  of  glory. 


"it  is 
not 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION    10 

CHAPTER   I. 

THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

Surroundings  of  McKinley's  Birth — His  Parentage  and  Army  Experiences — The  Mur 
derous  Assault  at  Buffalo — All  the  World  Aroused — Hope  of  Recovery,  but  the 
Wound  was  Mortal— No  Skill  or  Science  Could  Save— The  Work  the  President 
so  Loved  to  do  was  to  be  Done  no  More — He  Had  Finished  His  Course — The 
White  House  He  was  not  Again  to  See — It  was  as  by  Miracle  He  Had  Been  Saved 
for  the  Wonderful  Testimony  of  His  Death — The  Last  Hours  on  Earth 81 

CHAPTEE    II. 

THE    SHADOW    OF    DEATH. 

The  Parting  of  the  Dying  President  and  His  Wife— The  Scene  of  the  Death  of  the 
President — The  Emotion  of  Senator  Hanna — The  President's  Last  Words — The 
Historical  House  Where  He  Died— The  Shadows  That  Fell  When  Lincoln  Fell..  53 

CHAPTER  III. 

ANARCHY— ITS    HISTORY,    INFLUENCES    AND    DANGERS. 

Leon  Czolgosz,  the  Assassin  of  the  President — The  Story  He  Told  of  His  Movements 
Previous  to  the  Assassination — The  Creed  of  Assassination — The  Cunning  Dis 
played  by  These  Red-Handed  Assassins — How  the  Anarchists  Select  and  Slay 
Their  Victims  with  Ferocity 66 

CHAPTER   IV. 

ANARCHISTS'   AGITATION   AFTER   THE   ASSASSINATION. 

American  Anarchists  Assume  to  be  Defiant — Astounding  Development  of  a  Political 
Policy  of  Assassination — Is  a  Penal  Colony  for  Cranks  Needed? — A  Shocking 
Array  of  Incidents — The  Canker  of  Anarchy  Displayed 74 

CHAPTER   V. 

ANARCHY    AS    A   DOCTRINE. 

Proposed  International  Remedy— The  Inflammatory  State  of  the  Public  Mind— Inci 
dents  of  a  Warning  Nature — Senator  Depew  on  the  Exposure  of  Our  Presidents 
to  Extraordinary  Risks— The  Necessity  of  Safeguards 100 


io  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    VI. 

McKINLEY'S    BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY    MANHOOD, 

McKinley's  Boyhood  as  Told  by  His  Mother — His  Steady  Rise  to  Leadership — How  He 
Studied  and  Grew  Strong — His  Early  Tariff  Speeches — The  Law  that  Bears  His 
Name — The  Object-Lesson  He  Gave  the  Country  in  His  Journey  Across  the 
Continent — A  Story  of  Him  as  a  Boy-Soldier — His  Story  of  His  Own  Regiment. . .  108 

CHAPTER   VII. 

McKINLEY   AND   PHIL  SHERIDAN. 

Who  Sheridan  Found  First  at  the  End  of  His  Famous  Ride  from  Winchester  to  a 
Lost  Battlefield  that  Was  Soon  Regained— A  Letter  From  McKinley  to  Murat 
Halstead  122 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

PRESIDENT   McKINLEY  AS   A   CONGRESSMAN 

Sixteen  Years  of  "Strenuous  Life"  in  the  House— He  Worked  Hard,  Did  Not  Seek  to 
Push  Himself — At  Last  Became  a  Leader  and  Had  the  Greater  Share  of  Responsi 
bility  for  the  Great  Law  that  Bears  His  Name — Gerrymandered  Out  of  the  House 
He  Had  Two  Terms  of  Governor— The  Masterly  Logic  of  McKinley  in  Debating 
the  Tariff  Question 131 

CHAPTER   IX. 

McKINLEY'S    FIRST    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  Story  of  the  Glory  of  McKinley's  First  Administration— How  He  Bore  the  Heat 
and  Burden  of  the  War,  as  Well  as  Inspired  the  Confidence  of  the  Country  and 
Prepared  the  Boon  of  Its  Prosperity 140 

CHAPTER   X. 

THE    HIGH-WATER    MARK    OF    AMERICAN    PROSPERITY. 

McKinley's  Administration  Attained  It— Let  It  Be  the  Policy  of  All  to  Maintain  It— 
The  Apotheosis  of  Our  Martyr  President  is  Instantaneous— He  is  Already  En 
graved  Upon  the  Hearts  of  the  People  Above  Party  Strife — Character  Study  of 
Garfield  and  McKinley — The  Peacefully  Glorious  Death  of  the  President  Will  Be 
Immortal — The  Power  of  Publicity 154 

CHAPTER    XI. 

THE    SECOND    NOMINATION    OF   THE    THIRD    MARTYR    PRESIDENT    FOR    THE 

PRESIDENCY. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  of  1900— McKinley's  Nomination  Seconded  by 
Theodore  Roosevelt — His  Eloquent  Words  on  that  Memorable  Occasion — Senator 
Depew's  Address  One  of  the  Features  of  the  Convention..  .  160 


MRS.  McKINLEY— WIDOW  OF  THE  PRESIDENT. 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT,  PRESIDENT    OF   UNITED    STATES 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  recent  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  has  an  ancestry 
going  back  to  medieval  times  in  Dutch  history.  He  had  served  as  a  New  York 
Assemblyman,  a  National  Civil  Service  Commissioner  and  Police  Commissioner 
for  the  City  of  New  York,  and  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  Spanish  War  was  Assist 
ant  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He  resigned  at  once  and  saw  service  with  the  Rough 
Riders  in  Cuba.  He  was  elected  Governor  of  New  York  in  1898,  and  won  with 
President  McKinley  in  the  campaign  of  1900.  He  is  the  author  of  several  works 
of  a  historical  nature. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS.  13 

CHAPTER   XII. 

THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1900. 

McKinley's  Ohio  Home — His  Notification  at  Canton  of  His  Nomination  for  a  Second 
Term  of  the  Presidency — The  Significance  and  Scenery  of  the  Event — The  Twen 
ty-fifth  President's  Speech  Accepting  His  Second  Nomination  and  Reviewing  the 
Promises  His  Administration  Redeemed 172 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

HOW    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY    FACED    THE    PEOPLE. 

His  Speeches  to  the  Returned  Soldiers  from  the  Philippines  and  to  the  Men  of 
Organized  Labor — He  Spoke  in  the  Cities  of  the  South,  the  Clubs  and  on  Antietam 
Battlefield  182 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

PRESIDENT   McKINLEY   AS    AN   ORATOR. 

His  Speeches  Before  the  People  Compared  with  those  of  Other  Famous  Americans — 
Extracts  that  Prove  His  Vast  Scope  of  Information  and  Power  of  Varied  Expres 
sion 203 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE    HOME    LIFE    OF    OUR    MARTYRED    PRESIDENT. 

Its  Sacredness  and  Sorrows,  Beauty  and  Tenderness — It  was  a  Sanctuary  of  Love 
and  Devotion — How  the  News  of  His  Election  to  the  Presidency  was  Received 
at  His  Canton  Home 211 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

McKINLEY'S    FAREWELL   ADDRESS. 

Opens  with  Courteous  Expressions  to  Foreign  Representatives — Praises  the  Exposi 
tion — The  Beneficent  Use  of  the  Telegraph  in  Peace  and  War — A  Word  for 
Reciprocal  Treaties — A  Plea  for  the  Isthmian  Canal  and  a  Pacific  Cable 221 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  FUNERAL  AT  BUFFALO,  WASHINGTON  AND  CANTON. 

The  Last  View  of  the  Martyr  President's  Face— Pathetic  Scenes  of  Sorrow— The 
Simple  Solemnities  at  Buffalo  and  the  Tremendous  Outpourings  of  People — A 
Somber  Day  at  Washington— The  Farewell  to  President  McKinley  at  Canton 229 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

SPLENDID    TRIBUTES    TO    McKINLEY. 

Orations  by  Men  of  the  Highest  Distinction— Rarely  has  Eulogy  been  so  Superb, 
Sincere,  or  so  Eloquent  over  the  Grave  of  any  Man — The  Universal  Acclaim  is 
that  Never  were  Affection  and  Admiration  More  Worthily  Bestowed 253 


14  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

THE  VOICE   OF  THE  CLERGY  ON   THE  MARTYRDOM   OP  McKINLEY. 

An  Unexampled  Union  in  Prayers  and  Sermons  from  All  Christian  Denominations, 
First  that  the  Precious  Life  of  the  President  Might  Be  Preserved,  and  that  Hope 
Lost  that  the  Lessons  of  His  Life  Might  Live,  and  the  Lessons  of  His  Death  Be 
an  Everlasting  Benediction  to  Mankind 272 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    SYMPATHY    OF    THE    NATIONS. 

Heartfelt  Expressions  of  Sorrow  on  the  Assassination  of  President  McKinley — The 
Third  of  the  Chief  Magistrates  of  the  United  States  to  Be  Shot  Down— Remark 
able  Expressions  of  Regrets  and  Regards  from  All  Parts  of  the  World 290 

CHAPTER    XXI. 

TWO    OF    OUR    PRESIDENTIAL    TRAGEDIES. 

The  Mortal  Wounds  of  Garfield  and  McKinley  Scientifically  Compared— The  Case 
Professionally  Considered  and  a  Most  Interesting  Study  Made  of  the  Medical 
Mysteries  Attending  the  Death  of  the  Two  Latest  Presidents  Elected  from  Ohio. .  311 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

The  Inside  History  of  the  Paris  Negotiation  as  Told  in  the  Confidential  "Cables" — 
Chiefly  Those  of  the  President  From  Which  the  Injunction  of  Secrecy  Was  Only 
Removed  in  January  Last — This,  Until  Lately  Secret  History,  Gives  the  Best  Ex 
pression  of  the  Methods  of  the  President  and  His  Character  that  Anywhere 
Exists — It  is  Most  Creditable  and  Gives  a  Perfectly  Authentic  Measure  of  the 
Man — How  McKinley  in  Public  Policy  Was  the  Rock,  While  Those  Against  Him 
Were  as  the  Waves 330 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 

His  Dying  Recognition  of  "God's  Way" — The  Death  of  Mr.  McKinley  an  Impressive 
Testimony — The  Poetry  About  the  Tragedy — The  Keynote  of  Faith  in  Life — Dr. 
Talmage  on  McKinley's  Religious  Character 370 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  THREE  MARTYR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  Way  the  News  Came  of  the  Assassination  of  Lincoln,  Garfield  and  McKinley, 
Who  Will  Be  Forever  Known  and  Honored  Because  They  Died  by  the  Hands  of 
Miscreants  for  the  Cause  of  the  Country — Pencillings  by  the  Way,  of  Lincoln, 
Garfield  and  McKinley..  .  402 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS.  15 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

Illustrative  of  the  Life  of  President  McKinley  and  Its  Associations — When  McKinley 
Challenged  the  Vote  of  Ohio — A  Picture  Gallery  of  His  Youth — His  Conversion — 
Courtship — How  He  Was  Attentive  to  His  Wife — His  Methodism — The  Town  in 
Which  He  Was  a  Boy— President  McKinley's  Will— The  McKinley  Farm  Near 
Canton — McKinley  as  a  Handshaker 415 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

THE  TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES. 

His  First  Official  Act — His  Earliest  Transactions  Gave  Universal  Confidence — In  all 
Respects  He  Makes  a  Good  Impression — He  has  in  all  His  Ways  Been  Approved 
And  all  the  People  Hopefully  and  Confidently  Wish  Him  Well— His  Great  Min 
neapolis  Speech  on  September  2d 433 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND  SENTENCE  TO  DEATH. 

The  Dignity  of  the  Proceedings — The  Testimony  Taken  Under  Oath  of  Great  Inter 
est — The  Trial  Brought  Out  the  Wretched  Weakness  of  the  Miscreant  Murderer- 
He  Played  His  Ghastly  Part  in  a  Cringing  Way,  and  Made  a  Most  Miserable 
Show  of  Himself — His  Cowardly  Collapse  When  He  Arrived  at  the  Prison  and 
Found  the  Way  He  Stood  with  the  People — Scenes  of  His  Trial  and  Sentence. . . .  448 


OF 


president  William 


BORN  NILES,  OHIO,  JANUARY  29,  1843. 
SCHOOL-TEACHER,  POLAND,  OHIO,  1860. 
ENLISTED  UNION  ARMY  JUNE,  1861. 
SECOND  LIEUTENANT  SEPTEMBER  24,  1862. 
FIRST  LIEUTENANT  FEBRUARY  7,  1863. 
CAPTAIN  JULY  25,  1864. 
BREVET  MAJOR  FOR  GALLANTRY,  1865. 
ADMITTED  TO  THE  OHIO  BAR  1867. 
ELECTED   STATE'S  ATTORNEY  1869. 
ELECTED  FIRST  TO  CONGRESS  1876. 
RE-ELECTED  1878,  1880,   1882,   1884  TO   1890. 
ELECTED  GOVERNOR  OF   OHIO  1891. 
RE-ELECTED   GOVERNOR   OF   OHIO   1893. 
ELECTED  PRESIDENT  UNITED  STATES  1896. 
RE-ELECTED  PRESIDENT  UNITED  STATES  1900. 
SHOT  BY  AN  ASSASSIN  SEPTEMBER  6,  1901. 
DIED  BUFFALO,  N.  Y.,  SEPTEMBER  14,  1901. 


16 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

PORTRAIT — LAST   PICTURE  OF  PRESIDENT   MCKINLEY 3 

PORTRAIT — THE  FAVORITE  PICTURE  OF  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY 4 

PORTRAIT — MRS.   MCKINLEY    11 

PORTRAIT — THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 12 

PORTRAIT — PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY  AND  His  CABINET  AT  TIME  OF  His  ASSASSINATION  . .  21 

PORTRAIT — MURAT  HALSTEAD   22 

DRAWING — ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY 39 

DRAWING — PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY'S  FAREWELL  TO  His  WIFE 40 

PORTRAIT — LEON  CZOLGOSZ,  WHO  SHOT  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY 57 

DIAGRAM     SHOWING    POINTS    WHERE   THE    BULLETS    ENTERED   BODY    OF    PRESIDENT 

MCKINLEY      58 

ASSASSIN  CZOLGOSZ'   DERRINGER 58 

FOSTER  AND   IRELAND 75 

PORTRAIT — EMMA  GOLDMAN   76 

PORTRAIT — JAMES   B.   PARKER 76 

PORTRAIT — JOHN   G.   MILBURN 93 

PORTRAIT — GEORGE  B.  CORTELYOU 93 

PORTRAIT — DR.  P.  M.  RIXEY 93 

PORTRAIT — Miss  GRACE  MACKENZIE 93 

RESIDENCE  OF  PRESIDENT  MILBURN  OF  THE  PAN-AMERICAN  EXPOSITION.     BUFFALO 94 

MILBURN  MANSION    (REAR) 94 

MCKINLEY   HOMESTEAD,  CANTON,   OHIO Ill 

TEMPLE  OF  Music,  BUFFALO,  N.  Y Ill 

DRAWING — TIME  TO  DRAW  AND  STRIKE 112 

DRAWING — ALL  NATIONS  MOURN  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY'S  UNTIMELY  DEATH 112 

PORTRAITS — THREE  PRESIDENTS  WHO  HAVE  FALLEN  VICTIMS  TO  ASSASSINS'  BULLETS..  129 

PORTRAIT — ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  ASSASSINATED  IN  1865 130 

THE    MARTYRED    LINCOLN    AND    His    WAR    CABINET    READING    THE    EMANCIPATION 

PROCLAMATION    147 

DRAWING — THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 148 

DRAWING — THE  ESCAPE  OF  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  PANIC  OF  THE  AUDIENCE 148 

DRAWING — DEATH-BED   SCENE  OF   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 165 

VIEWING  LINCOLN'S   REMAINS 166 

17 


18  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

PORTRAIT — JAMES  ABRAM  GARFIELD,  ASSASSINATED  1881 183 

THE  NATIONAL  CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON 184 

PORTRAIT — WILLIAM  MCKINLEY,  FATHER  OF  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY 201 

PORTRAIT — MRS.  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY,  MOTHER  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 201 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY,  NILES,  OHIO 202 

CATAFALQUE  IN  THE  NATIONAL  CAPITOL  USED  FOR  THE  THIRD  TIME  FOR  A  STRICKEN 

PRESIDENT    202 

IDA  SAXTON,  MRS.  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY  (FOUR  VIEWS) 219 

WILLIAM  MCKINLEY  IN  YOUNGER  DAYS   (FOUR  VIEWS) 220 

PORTRAIT — PHILIP    H.    SHERIDAN 237 

MR.  AND  MRS.  MCKINLEY  TWENTY  YEARS  AGO 238 

WILLIAM  MCKINLEY  AS  A  FARMER 238 

PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY  AT  HOME 255 

MR.  AND  MRS.  WILLIAM  MCKINLEY  OUT  DRIVING 255 

WILLIAM   MCKINLEY,  WIFE  AND  MOTHER 256 

WILLIAM  MCKINLEY  AS  AN  ORATOR 273 

PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY  TAKING  OATH  OF  OFFICE 274 

PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY  AND  His  WAR  CABINET  OF  1898 291 

THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  VOTING  THE  $50,000,000  SPANISH  WAR  APPROPRIATION...  292 

THE  FIRST  M.  E.  CHURCH,  CANTON,  OHIO 309 

PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY'S  TRANSCONTINENTAL  TRIP 309 

FUNERAL  TRAIN  REMOVING  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY'S  BODY  FROM  BUFFALO  TO  CAPITOL.  .  310 
PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY'S  FUNERAL  CORTEGE  ON  THE  WAY  TO  THE  CAPITOL  AT  WASH 
INGTON     310 

THE  EXECUTIVE  MANSION    (WHITE  HOUSE)   WASHINGTON 327 

EAST  ROOM  OF  THE  WHITE  HOUSE 328 

THE  MCKINLEY  FAMILY  PLAT,  WESTLAWN  CEMETERY,  CANTON,  OHIO 345 

VAULT  IN  CEMETERY,  CANTON,   OHIO 345 

DRAWING — ENTERING  THE  HALL  OF  MARTYRS 346 

PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  AND  FAMILY 363 

WILCOX    MANSION,    BUFFALO 364 

LIBRARY  OF  THE  WILCOX  MANSION,  BUFFALO 364 

PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  TAKING  OATH  OF  OFFICE 381 

TEMPORARY  RESIDENCE  OF  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT,  WASHINGTON 382 

CzoLGesz  LISTENING  TO  THE  JURY'S  VERDICT  OF  GUILTY 382 

THOMAS  PENNEY   399 

CASKET  COVERED  WITH  FLORAL  OFFERINGS  BOSNE  UP  THE  STEPS  OF  THE  CAPITOL  AT 

WASHINGTON  .  40 


INTRODUCTION. 


A  rapacity  for  notoriety  seems  to  be  the  common  characteristic  of  the 
murderers  of  our  Presidents.  They  have  slaughtered  three  of  the  noblest 
and  tenderest  and  most  generous  of  men,  and  it  is  not  certain  but  the 
consuming  passion  of  all  the  bloody  miscreants  was  vanity.  Among 
the  assassins  of  our  martyred  Presidents  the  one  who  was  in  the  greater 
degree  insane  was  Booth.  He  had  no  grievance  except  that  of  senti 
ment.  He  knew  nothing  of  politics,  but  was  for  the  section  in  which 
he  was  born.  He  was  not  a  lunatic,  but  a  madman.  He  was  not  at  any 
time  a  combatant.  Among  the  fighting  men  North  and  South  was 
found  first,  when  the  war  ended,  the  spirit  of  conciliation  and  generosity. 
They  felt  that  the  soldiers  arrayed  against  each  other  were,  after  all,  coun 
trymen,  and  their  destiny  was  to  live  together  in  their  Father's  house, 
that  as  the  war  was  over,  all  the  soldiers  who  had  been  in  it  should 
get  together  as  "comrades."  There  was  no  rancor  in  personalities 
among  the  heroes  of  the  contending  armies.  The  splendid  chapter  of 
history  made  at  "Appomattox"  illustrates  this,  and  the  heroes  who  sur 
rendered  so  honorably  were  twice  vanquished,  first  by  arms  and  then 
by  kindness.  The  words  current  in  the  States  of  the  fallen  Confederacy 
were  that  "the  South  lost  her  best  friend  when  Lincoln  was  killed,"  and 
will  remain  the  true,  settled  feeling  of  those  who  saw  too  late  the  tender 
ness  of  the  heart  of  the  President  and  the  wisdom  of  his  good  will  "with 
malice  toward  none,  charity  for  all."  The  first  martyred  President  was 
the  victim  of  a  vengeful  folly  and  fury  without  understanding,  and  the 
loss  to  the  whole  country  of  the  life  put  out  in  a  frenzy  was  incalculable 
and  everlasting.  The  wound  is  not  healed  and  the  scar  can  not  be 
effaced. 

The  murderer  of  President  Garfield  was  a  most  ignoble  creature, 
who  distinctly  belonged  to  the  criminal  class.  The  man  was  a  strange 
mixture  of  vindictive  vanity  and  vicious  incapacity.  He  was  of  the 
most  insignificant  class  of  office  seekers,  especially  persistent  as  well 
as  ludicraus  until  he  became  a  horror.  His  anxiety  to  be  rewarded  for 

19 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

services  that  were  a  part  of  his  infuriate  malady  grew  upon  him.  His 
despondency  became  malicious.  He  was  a  hissing  serpent  in  the  weeds. 
His  idea  of  the  public  service  and  politician  was  embodied  in  the  theory, 
after  he  had  murdered  the  President,  that  he  could  depend  upon  others 
who  were  disappointed  in  the  distribution  of  offices  to  sustain  him  in 
his  policy  of  "removal." 

There  were  those  who  antagonized  Garfield  in  respect  to  the  distribu 
tion  of  patronage  (indeed,  far  the  greater  number  of  the  faultfinders,) 
who  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  assassin,  but  a  powerful  impres 
sion  that  they  were  called  upon  to  give  command  and  that  disobedience 
was  unfaithfulness.  The  life  of  President  Garfield,  before  he  was  shot 
in  the  back,  to  linger  from  July  to  September,  was  troubled  by  assaults 
contemptible  in  origin  and  purpose.  They  were  meant  to  annoy  and 
threaten.  A  campaign  of  viciousness  was  opened.  There  were  shots  as 
from  an  ambush  spitting  from  newspapers,  because  the  President  did 
not  admit  that  his  high  office  was  held  by  a  personal  servant.  After  he 
had  exerted  himself  to  make  peace  subject  to  the  maintenance  of  his  dig 
nity,  he  was  aroused  to  assert  himself  without  regard  to  antagonisms. 
The  deluded  assassin,  through  his  trial,  sought  to  appear  as  one  who 
could  claim  as  friends  the  critics  of  Garfield.  He  assumed  they  had  been 
with  him  in  feeling;  that  they  sympathized  with  his  selfishness  and 
with  the  infamous  origin  of  the  invented  grief  that  made  him  a  murderer. 

Booth  strode  across  the  stage  after  entering  Lincoln's  box,  and 
attitudinized  crying  "Sic  semper  tyrannis"  There  was  a  great  army, 
but  no  sentinel,  policemen  or  detective  to  guard  Lincoln — it  was  held 
impossible  that  the  President  should  be  assassinated.  Booth  was  hunted 
down  and  shot  in  a  burning  barn.  He  died  deserted  and  in  torture. 

Guiteau  was  displayed  as  the  most  deplorable  and  desperate  wretch 
who, historically  strikingdown a  great  man,  was  hanged  by  the  neck  with 
the  utmost  ignominy.  He  was  the  most  loathsome  reptile  that  ever  ended 
a  noble  life,  and  made  the  word  "removal"  a  synonym  for  murder. 

President  McKinley,  the  kindliest  of  men,  a  hero  equipped  with  all 
the  generosities  of  manliness,  whose  titles  to  public  respect  and  high 
regard  were  the  most  excellent  of  his  era — a  man  who  as  a  boy  carried  a 
musket  in  the  ranks  of  tjie  army  of  his  country,  and  was  fearless  as  he  was 
gentle,  for  "the  bravest  are  the  tenderest,  the  loving  are  the  daring" — is 
the  third  President  assailed  by  an  assassin!  One  of  the  foremost  men  of 
all  this  world,  winning  not  alone  the  applause  of  our  own  people,  but 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AND  HIS  CABINET  AT  TIME  OF  HIS   ASSASSINATION. 

H°N-  Lsl^f  «£W,    H°N-    CHARLE«£LSa.     ]  «*  ^/||-  -at, 

H°N-  JS0e?yNoV-«hLe°NN?vy.  PRESIDENT  McK^LEY.  H°N    ETH^S 

H°N-    s1?y  SofWAgrSure.       ATTORNEY-GBNERAL   KNOX.  Sec'y  of  Interior. 


MURAT   HALSTEAD 

Mr.  Murat  Halstead,  author  of  this  book,  was  a  personal  friend  of  William 
McKinley  from  his  first  term  in  Congress;  a  war  correspondent  in  the  war  of 
our  States,  and  in  the  Franco-German  war.  He  has  been  an  industrious  writer  for 
newspapers  and  of  books  for  fifty-two  years. 


INTRODUCTION.  23 

from  all  the  enlightened  nations — one  whose  rare,  high  fortune  it  was 
to  see  the  principles  of  public  policy  he  had  advocated  as  a  young  mem 
ber  of  Congress  made  the  law  of  the  land  under  his  leadership — vindi 
cated  by  the  unparalleled  prosperity  of  the  people,  was  the  shining 
mark  of  organized-  murder.  His  steadfast  sagacity,  armed  with  the 
constitutional  authority  of  the  presidency  of  expanding  America,  includ 
ing  positions  to  command  the  greatest  of  the  oceans  of  the  globe — vic 
torious  in  a  wonderful  war  which  was  hastened  to  an  early  close  by  an 
unbroken  succession  of  the  triumphs  of  arms  and  of  diplomacy — made 
the  peace  splendid  as  it  was  speedy — the  humane  war  was  crowded  with 
conquest  and  covered  with  glory,  but  he  incurred  the  hatefulness  of  the 
petty  and  the  morose. 

This  man,  re-elected  President  of  the  United  States  honorably,  with 
great  majorities  in  the  electoral  college  and  the  votes  of  the  people — the 
event  significant  of  peacefulness  and  of  plenty  in  the  land  and  the 
victories  of  peace  not  less  renowned  than  those  of  war  beyond  the  seas — 
this  man  who  made  the  workingmen  of  America  conquerors  in  their  own 
right  in  the  markets  of  the  world — this  man  of  the  people,  armed  with 
all  the  graces  of  candor,  confiding  in  the  people  as  they  in  him,  improved 
the  first  chance  of  leisure  in  an  Administration  as  strenuous  as  success 
ful.  He  crossed  the  continent  from  our  ocean  boundary  on  the  east  to 
the  one  on  the  west,  going  from  Washington  through  the  Southern  cities 
to  San  Francisco,  his  movement  a  triumphal  procession  that  will  be 
memorable  for  the  reciprocity  of  good  wishes  and  the  happiness  of  better 
acquaintance.  This  was  an  obvious  and  admirable  demonstration  of 
peace  and  prosperity  and  power  in  its  plenitude.  Though  half  of  the 
programme  was  omitted  because  the  President's  wife  became  ill,  yet  the 
journey  was  strikingly  successful,  for  the  pageantry  so  simple  was  yet 
effective  in  its  simplicity.  It  was  through  the  heart  of  the  South  and 
touched  the  shore  of  the  Pacific,  the  ocean  of  our  archipelagoes  in  the 
greatest  body  of  water  the  earth  affords — including  as  our  possessions 
groups  of  islands  from  Siberia  to  the  tropics  and  the  Hawaiian  paradise 
and  citadel  of  the  South  Sea.  Through  this  thoughtful  progress,  one  of 
music  and  waving  banners,  he  was  greeted  by  shouting  millions  from 
Old  Virginia  to  the  Golden  Gate.  There  was  silence  and  restraint  re 
turning,  that  the  President's  wife  might  be  wafted  to  her  home  in  quiet 
and  make  him  happy  by  her  recovery.  This  seemed  to  leave  something 
undone  by  the  President  that  he  had  promised  the  people — and  as  his 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

immense  labors  in  good  works  were  so  far  advanced,  the  country  so 
brimming  with  the  bounties  of  the  American  soil  and  American  skilled 
labor — the  wheatfields  golden,  the  shops  rich  in  orders — even  a  great 
Strike  going  on  in  bitter  earnest  yet  in  peace  and  order,  a  combat  of 
principle  and  enlightenment  as  to  the  rules  and  regulations,  the  lines 
and  precepts  of  the  division  of  the  shares  of  labor  and  capital — the 
President  and  his  wife,  away  from  the  affairs  of  state,  rested  in  their  old 
home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  spending  there  months  in  a  delightful  vacation. 

This  grateful  repose  was  in  the  very  house  in  which  William 
McKinley,  the  young  attorney,  and  his  bride  lived  in  the  days  of  their 
youth,  and  there  in  the  summer  time  they  lived  over  the  days  of  long  ago. 
There  Mrs.  McKinley  almost  realized  the  fondest  dream  of  her  latest 
years,  as  she  often  expressed  it  to  those  near  and  dear  to  her — that  of 
her  husband  living  in  their  own  precious  home  for  her — the  cares  of 
great  office  put  aside;  she  tenderly  would  have  them  put  far  away  forever. 
She  wanted  the  time  to  come  when  her  husband  should  belong  to  her, 
and  not  to  the  world.  The  dream  had  been  of  the  time  when  the  Presi 
dent,  the  Governor  of  Ohio,  the  Congressman,  should  be  a  private  citizen, 
and  she  and  he  be  as  they  were  when  young  and  lived  in  Canton. 

She  did  not  imagine  her  delicate  form,  her  weakness  that  was  so 
strong  in  love,  could  outlast  or  leave  the  strong  man,  ever  so  loyally,  so 
helpfully  by  her  side.  The  house  in  Canton  was  doubly  dear  because,  as 
the  President  took  pleasure  in  saying,  it  was  a  present  from  his  wife's 
father  and  that  endeared  it  to  them.  Not  only  was  there  for  them  no 
place  like  home,  but  no  home  like  that.  It  was  from  this  charmed  spot 
that  at  what  seemed  a  call  of  duty  they  made  the  journey  to  Buffalo, 
which  was  to  prove  so  memorable  and  so  sorrowful. 

It  is  said  that  Abraham  Lincoln  on  the  night  the  assassin  killed  him, 
chatted  w^ith  his  wife  in  the  box  at  the  theater  where  they  sat  together 
hardly  conscious  of  the  passing  play,  and  discussed  plans,  for  the  coun 
try  was  to  have  peace,  and  they  were  interested  with  each  other  for  they 
had  not  been  able  to  think  of  their  own  future.  The  promise  of  peace  to 
them  was  especially  blessed,  and  the  talk  of  Lincoln  then  and  there  was 
of  going  to  Jerusalem.  It  is  pathetic,  that  this  seems  to  have  been  the 
last  thought  in  the  long  burdened  brain  before  the  murderer's  pistol 
was  fired;  his  head  fell  on  his  bosom  and  there  was  for  him  "Jerusalem, 
the  Golden." 

On  the  next  to  the  last  night  that  Garfield  spent  in  the  White  House 


INTRODUCTION.  25 

before  the  murderer  fired  into  his  back  and  he  was  tortured  to  his  death, 
he  was  asked  by  a  friend  how  he  was  in  health,  for  he  had  not  been  well 
for  some  weeks  and  there  were  considerable  anxieties  in  that  respect 
about  him.  He  answered  cheerfully,  with  that  grand  boyish  sense  of  en 
joyment  that  distinguished  him  in  a  pleasing  mood,  that  he  was  much 
better,  indeed  quite  well.  He  had  been  ill,  he  said,  and  the  unpleasant 
controversy  that  had  clung  to  him,  was  fatiguing,  and  he  was  weary, 
when  suddenly  came  Mrs.  Garfield's  illness,  and  his  mind,  instead  of 
being  engaged  with  his  own  affairs  that  were  difficult  enough  to  com 
mand  consideration,  was  absorbed  with  his  wife's  illness,  that  was  grave 
enough  to  give  cause  for  deep  concern,  and  in  doing  so  forgot  himself. 
He  said  that  he  ceased  to  think  of  the  back  of  his  head  or  the  top  of  it 
or  the  action  of  the  heart  and  the  worries  over  the  ceaseless  clamors 
about  the  appointments;  all  this  was  ended,  like  a  storm  blown  over,  and 
when  Mrs.  Garfield  grew  better  and  could  go  to  the  seaside  to  await  his 
leisure  for  a  trip  to  New  England  he  found  that  he  was  quite  well,  and 
said  that  when  ill  it  was  the  best  medicine  to  be  called  away  from  think 
ing  of  one's  self. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  on  the  2nd  of  July  he  was  shot  in  the 
morning  as  he  was  starting  to  go  to  Williams  College,  Western  Massa 
chusetts,  and  the  conversation  we  quote  was  on  the  last  night  of  June, 
and  ended  a  few  minutes  before  midnight. 

At  that  time  President  Garfield  was  buoyant  and  invited  a  friend  to 
go  with  him  to  his  old  college  scenes.  He  said,  "Come,  go;  it  is  the 
sweetest  place  in  the  world." 

When  the  fatal  shot  was  fired  he  was  on  the  way  to  take  the  special 
train  prepared  for  him  and  his  Cabinet  and  was  to  meet  his  wife  in  her 
charm  of  convalescence  at  Elberon  and  go  on  to  dine  that  night  with 
Cyrus  Field  at  his  home  on  the  Hudson;  and  he  was  to  proceed  next  day 
to  the  College.  At  that  hour  Garfield  felt  himself  as  never  before,  truly 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  grandeur  of  his  duty  gave 
him  for  the  first  and  last  time  a  sense  of  elation. 

He  regarded  his  greater  trials  as  over.  He  was  ready  to  meet  oppo 
nents  as  friends.  Having  declared  independence  he  was  solicitous  for 
conciliation.  He  felt  he  had  the  power  to  make  peace  with  honor;  that 
he  was  going  to  see  his  old  friends  at  a  College  Commencement  that 
would  be  to  him  one  of  the  most  enjoyable  reunions  of  his  life.  While 
the  ghastly  little  fiend  about  to  murder  him  was  crouching  behind  the 


26  INTRODUCTION. 

door  at  the  depot  with  bulldog  pistol  ready,  the  President  was  driving 
with  Mr.  Elaine  from  the  White  House,  and  they  spoke  of  the  freshness 
of  the  morning  air. 

The  third  of  our  Presidents  ambushed  for  martyrdom,  went  with 
Mrs.  McKinley  to  face  Fate  under  the  gilded  dome  of  the  Pan-American 
Exposition  where  the  drama  of  assassination  had  been  rehearsed.  The 
couple  were  drawn  from  their  home  retirement  to  an  outing — a  festiv 
ity;  it  was  part  of  the  entertainment  to  see  the  great  Pan-American  dis 
play,  that  indeed  of  a  Congress  of  Nations  so  instructive  as  a  collection 
of  object  lessons;  and  it  was  part  of  the  superb  entertainment  planned 
to  hear  the  ever  solemn  music  of  Niagara. 

It  has  been  said  innumerable  times  in  respect  to  the  vast  majority  of 
the  people  who  come  to  us  from  Europe  that  they  are  not  the  less  Amer 
ican  because  born  abroad,  that  indeed  they  are  more  than  welcome  to 
come  to  our  country  and  find  homes  and  the  happiness  of  laborious  and 
thrifty  lives  on  our  expanding  lands;  that  we  should  not  forget  that 
people  who  come  to  us  express  in  doing  so  a  preference  for  the  country 
that  is  commendable  in  spirit,  while  native  Americans  have  no  choice 
about  it  and  should  be  careful  in  claiming  superior  merits  for  an  invol 
untary  situation.  It  is  time  to  classify  the  anarchist  as  an  outsider,  an 
invader.  He  is  a  man  who  has  no  country  and  redhanded  against  all 
men  not  of  the  school  of  murder. 

He  feeds  on  false  and  foolish  phrases,  and  though  he  may  be  born  on 
this  soil  he  is  not  an  American.  In  the  case  of  the  assailant  of  President 
McKinley,  he  is  the  product  of  the  worst  of  foreignisni,  though  he  was 
born  in  one  of  the  cities  on  the  Lakes;  he  comes  of  the  despotism  of 
Russia  and  the  oppression  of  Poland  and  is  as  alien  in  his  nature  as  in 
his  nomenclature.  It  is  worth  thinking  about  as  a  dispensation  that  no 
American  can  pronounce  his  infamous  name. 

The  hostile  spirit  that  this  damnable  assassin  displayed  against  the 
one  he  called  the  "Great  Ruler,"  as  if  it  were  a  burning  wrong  to  perform 
great  functions,  and  a  wrong  demanding  punishment  of  death  to  be 
inflicted  by  stealth.  This  litany  of  the  Devil  was  taught  by  the  wicked 
demagogy  that  is  formidable  in  this  country  and  seeks  to  classify  people 
and  incite  classes  to  hostilities — that  preaches  anew  the  ancient  imprac 
ticabilities  of  a  so-called  Socialism  that  is  tenacious  because  it  feeds  on 
ignorance  and  the  rankling  poisons  that  envenom  reptiles.  The  latest 
Presidential  assassin  should  not  be  allowed  to  pose  as  a  hero,  or  come 


INTRODUCTION.  27 

in  contact  with  those  of  his  kind  that  they  may  be  sympathetic  and 
hatch  more  snakes'  eggs.  He  is  a  murderer  by  profession  and  confession. 
He  should  be  treated  with  humanity  but  with  severity,  and  the  more  ab 
solute  solitude  he  has  the  better,  with  the  exception  of  the  sentinel's 
guard  who  sees  that  he  does  not  console  himself  with  self-destruction. 
It  may  be  well  to  detain  him  a  while  for  the  use  that  may  be  made  of 
him  as  an  example. 

When  the  circumstances  surrounding  the  Buffalo  horror  are  calmly 
considered,  it  is  obvious  that  the  baffled  assassin  had  accomplices;  that 
his  character  and  intentions  were  well  known  to  a  large  circle.  He  was 
in  funds  to  travel  comfortably,  to  make  the  journey  from  Chicago  to 
Buffalo,  to  put  up  at  a  hotel  and  to  go  to  the  lurking  places  of  his  fellow- 
serpents  where  they  coil  in  infernal  communion,  but  unhappily  do  not 
sting  each  other  to  death.  He  followed  the  President  day  after  day, 
ready  and  resolved  to  slay.  It  is  a  part  of  the  sworn  obligation  and  faith 
and  criminal  pride  of  this  wretch  who  fully  accepts  the  anarchial  doc 
trine  that  he  shall  say  and  adhere  to  the  old,  familiar,  easily  told, 
formal,  prescribed  story  that  he  had  no  accomplices.  His  life  contra 
dicts  it.  He  surely  had  accomplices  and  sympathizers  and  presently 
they  will  be  wanting  to  make  public  expressions  of  their  fellowship  with 
the  murderer  of  the  President. 

He  had  a  choice  in  taking  upon  him  what  his  accomplices  ca^  obliga 
tions,  to  deny  that  he  had  helpers  or  to  affect  insanity.  It  is  the  rule  of 
-  his  order  that  one  thing  or  the  other  is  to  be  done  in  case  a  great  ruler 
is  the  victim,  and  the  vanity  of  this  mad  adder  prevailed  with  him  to 
seek  to  grasp  the  entire  responsibility.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to 
see  that  justice  is  done  ironhanded  for  the  protection  of  Law,  Liberty 
and  Life. 

The  idea  of  government  which  prevailed  for  thousands  of  years  was 
that  the  power  of  the  State  should  be  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  the 
few  and  that  as  to  locality  it  should  be  centralized.  The  most  enlightened 
empires  did  not  differ  much  in  this  respect  from  savage  tribes.  Babylon, 
Palmyra,  Carthage,  Home,  were  cities  that  absorbed  nations,  wielded 
power  from  a  few  palaces;  and  when  the  capital  city  fell  the  govern 
ment  was  disestablished.  Constantinople  became  the  rival  of  Rome  in 
the  decline  of  the  Empire;  and  then  there  were  two  Empires  to  fall. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  fathers  of  the  American  Republic  to  conserve 
the  several  colonies  as  States  and  remove  the  seat  of  Government  from 


28  INTRODUCTION. 

immediate  metropolitan  influences.  Washington  City  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  was  a  Southern  idea — it  was  indeed  Virginian.  President 
Washington's  first  inauguration  was  in  New  York  City,  his  second  in 
Philadelphia,  which  was  the  seat  of  the  general  government  when  the 
Father  of  his  Country  died.  The  Potomac  was  the  River  of  Washington. 
He  was  born  and  died  near  its  waters  and  knew  it  from  its  mountain 
sources  to  the  tidal  bay  through  which  it  vanished  in  the  sea.  Washing 
ton's  preference  largely  contributed  to  the  location  of  the  National 
Capital.  The  place  was  a  compromise.  The  location  was  near  the  cen 
ter  of  population  of  the  United  States.  It  was  thought  to  be  not  far 
from  the  dividing  line  between  the  North  and  the  South.  It  was  almost 
equi-distant  from  New  England  and  the  most  Southern  group  of  States. 
It  was  believed  to  be  far  enough  inland  to  avoid  danger  from  European 
fleets.  The  gigantic  western  growth  of  the  country  was  not  contem 
plated.  The  controlling  motive  for  the  Southern  movement  from  the 
Northern  cities  was  that  the  seat  of  legislation  should  not  be  subjected 
to  molestation  by  the  mobs  of  cities. 

The  representatives  of  the  people  should  retire  from  the  roar  of  the 
busy  world  to  frame  and  command  the  execution  of  laws.  In  Iceland 
the  Parliament  of  the  Icelandic  Republic  for  three  hundred  years  met 
on  the  Hill  of  Laws,  a  space  of  a  few  acres,  approachable  only  in  single 
file  by  a  path  between  volcanic  fissures.  The  object  was  that  the  ser 
vants  of  the  people  should  escape  from  crowds. 

The  example  of  the  French  of  centralization  in  Paris  was  necessary  to 
be  avoided.  Much  inconvenience  was  submitted  to  with  complacency  on 
this  account.  It  has  been  an  element  in  American  pride  and  confidence 
that  there  was  no  one  spot  on  our  widespread  soil  that  if  stricken  by  an 
enemy  would  prove  to  be  a  fatality  to  the  country.  The  capture  and 
burning  of  Washington  City  was  an  illustration  in  point.  It  has  been 
the  vital  force  of  our  government  that  it  was  based  not  upon  the  few  but 
the  many — that  it  was  a  Dynasty  not  of  one  family,  but  of  millions  of 
families  and  that  a  Dynasty  of  millions  was  indestructible  as  the  union 
of  States  was  indissoluble  and  that  we  were  the  strongest  government 
in  the  world  or  that  has  ever  existed  in  it,  because  we  have  more  equal 
citizens  than  ever  existed  in  any  form  of  government.  That  this  faith 
will  be  signally  warranted  by  the  result  of  the  dealing  we  are  bound  to 
make  thorough,  with  a  secret  and  oath  bound  society  of  professional  con 
spirators  against  the  general  welfare — a  society  of  doctrinal  and  actual 


INTRODUCTION.  29 

murderers  alternately  hiding  in  their  dens  and  flaunting  their  banners 
in  the  streets — this  may  be  announced  without  reserve. 

It  is  a  necessity  of  public  life  that  we  shall  find  our  system  equal  to 
the  emergency  when  our  Chief  Magistrates  are  murdered  or  deliberately 
fired  upon  by  the  sportsmen  of  Anarchy  out  of  a  sense  of  "duty"  and 
there  is  sought  to  be  established  by  the  lawless,  the  reckless  and  the 
devilish  a  reign  of  terror.  We  dare  not  doubt  that  the  American  people 
are  equal  to  the  task,  for  to  confess  inadequacy  would  be  to  admit  that 
there  is  a  fatal  flaw  in  the  system  we  have  held  as  a  sure  foundation. 
The  declaration  of  war  upon  our  country  by  the  anarchists  must  be  met 
by  the  exercise  of  the  Power  that  exists  in  the  Constitution  and  in  the 
People  who  have  the  sovereign,  inalienable  right  to  guard  the  Public 
Safety,  even  if  there  should  be  martial  law  proclaimed  and  its  sternest 
decrees  summarily  executed  to  destroy  the  destroyers.  This  is  a  plain 
proposition.  Those  who  praise  the  dogma  of  the  duty  of  doing  deeds  of 
murder  on  their  impulses  according  to  their  sentiments,  and  the  inter 
pretation  of  Liberty  to  mean  freedom  in  the  use  of  the  bomb,  the  torch, 
the  knife  and  the  pistol,  are  lunatics  that  must  be  put  away  that  they 
may  not  harm  themselves  or  others  or  they  are  the  sworn  and  desperate 
enemies  of  mankind  and  the  alternative  in  their  treatment  is  between 
solitary  confinement  and  the  swift  and  terrible  fall  of  the  sword  of 
Justice.  The  anarchist  murderer  is  the  worst  of  all  who  shed  men's 
blood  without  cause.  The  offense  is  most  deadly  and  the  penalty  must 
be  made  Capital  Punishment  and  that, not  hasty,  but  speedy  when  the 
truth  is  definite  and  certain. 


ILLUSTRIOUS    LIFE 

.  o  .  OF  .  .  . 

WILLIAM  McKiNLEY 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    ASSASSINATION    OP    PRESIDENT    McKiNLEY. 

Surroundings  of  McKinley's  Birth — His  Parentage  and  Army  Experiences — The  Murderous 
Assault  at  Buffalo— All  the  World  Aroused— Hope  of  Recovery,  but  the  Wound  was 
Mortal— Ne  Skill  or  Science  Could  Saye— The  Work  the  President  so  Loved  to  do  was 
to  be  Done  no  More — He  Had  Finished  His  Course— The  White  House  He  was  not  Again 
to  See — It  was  as  by  Miracle  He  Had  Been  Saved  for  the  Wonderful  Testimony  of  His 
Death— The  Last  Hours  on  Earth. 

When  William  McKinley  was  born  at  Niles,  Trumbull  County,  Ohio, 
January  29,  1843,  his  father  was  manager  of  an  iron  furnace,  and  the 
location  was.  in  a  part  of  the  country  that  was  deeply  interested  in  the 
iron  industry.  He  got  his  interest  in  the  protection  of  American  in 
dustry  at  home.  One  of  the  many  thrilling  incidents  of  his  military 
life  was  at  Kernstown,  where  his  regiment  lost  150  men.  General  Rus 
sell  Hastings  reports  the  action  when  the  brigade  of  Colonel  R.  B.  Hayes 
was  forced  in  the  direction  of  Winchester,  and  "just  then,"  says  Hast 
ings,  "it  was  discovered  that  one  of  the  regiments  was  still  in  the  orchard 
where  it  had  been  posted  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle.  General  Hayes, 
turning  to  Lieutenant  McKinley,  directed  him  to  go  forward  and  bring 
away  that  regiment,  if  it  had  not  already  fallen.  McKinley  turned  his 
horse  and,  keenly  spurring  it,  pushed  it  at  a  fierce  gallop  obliquely  to 
ward  the  advancing  enemy. 

"A  sad  look  came  over  Hayes'  face  as  he  saw  the  young,  gallant  boy 
pushing  rapidly  forward  to  meet  almost  certain  death.  .  .  .  None 
of  us  expected  to  see  him  again,  as.  we  watched  him  push  his  horse 

31 


32      THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

through  the  open  fields,  over  fences,  through  ditches,  while  a  well- 
directed  fire  from  the  enemy  was  poured  upon  him,  with  shells  explod 
ing  around  about  and  over  him. 

"Once  he  was  completely  enveloped  in  the  smoke  of  an  exploded 
shell,  and  we  thought  he  had  gone  down,  but  no,  he  was  saved  for  better 
work  for  his  country  in  the  future  years.  Out  of  this  smoke  emerged  his 
wiry  little  horse,  with  McKinley  still  firmly  seated,  and  as  erect  as  a 
hussar. 

"McKinley  gave  the  Colonel  the  orders  from  Hayes  to  fall  back, 
saying,  in  addition :  'He  supposed  you  would  have  gone  to  the  rear  with 
out  orders/  The  Colonel's  reply  was:  'I  was  about  concluding  I  would 
retire  without  waiting  any  longer  for  orders.  I  am  now  ready  to  go 
wherever  you  shall  lead,  but,  Lieutenant,  I  'pointedly"  believe  I  ought 
to  give  those  fellows  a  volley  or  two  before  I  go.'  McKinley's  reply  was: 
'Then  up  and  at  them  as  quickly  as  possible.'  And  as  the  regiment  arose 
to  its  feet  the  enemy  came  on  into  full  view.  Colonel  Brown's  boys 
gave  the  enemy  a  crushing  volley,  following  it  up  with  a  rattling  fire, 
and  then  slowly  retreated." 

There  was  a  great  deal  of  hard  fighting  in  that  part  of  the  world  and 
Lieutenant  McKinley  was  in  the  hot  places.  President  Hayes,  giving 
him  his  clear  due,  said  that  "when  he  joined  the  regiment  he  was  then  a 
boy  and  had  just  passed  the  age  of  17.  He  had  before  that  taught 
school,  and  was  coming  from  an  academy  to  the  camp.  He,  with  me,  en 
tered  upon  a  new,  strange  life — a  soldier's  life — in  the  time  of  actual 
war.  We  were  in  a  fortunate  regiment — its  Colonel  was  William  S. 
Rosecrans — a  graduate  of  West  Point,  a  brave,  a  patriotic  and  an  able 
man,  who  afterwards  came  to  command  great  armies  and  fight  many 
famous  battles.  Its  Lieutenant  Colonel  was  Stanley  Matthews — a 
scholar  and  able  lawyer,  who,  after  his  appointment  to  the  Supreme 
bench,  the  whole  bar  of  the  United  States  was  soon  convinced  was  of 
unsurpassed  ability  and  character  for  that  high  place. 

"In  this  regiment  Major  McKinley  came,  the  boy  I  have  described, 
carrying  his  musket  and  his  knapsack." 

The  first  election  of  McKinley  to  Congress  was  in  1876,  and  he  was 
a  member  through  the  four  years  of  President  Hayes;  and  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
McKinley  had  a  second  home  then  in  the  White  House.  He  served  four 
teen  years  in  Congress  and  four  years  as  Governor  of  Ohio. 

His  life  had  been  one  long  schooling  for  the  Presidency — first,  the 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      33 

sturdy  school  boy  and  teacher,  then  the  army,  a  student  of  law,  Con 
gressman  and  Governor.  He  never  ceased  to  grow  and  never  grew  so 
fast  as  when  President,  unless  indeed  it  was  when  he  was  in  the  army. 
It  was  not  the  personal  desire  of  President  McKinley  to  serve  a  second 
term  for  the  Presidency,  but  he  was  overruled  by  public  events  and  a 
public  sentiment  that  could  not  be  denied.  He  saw  his  duty  and  obeyed, 
but  he  put  a  summary  end  to  the  gossip  about  a  third  term  in  this  con 
clusive  letter: 

"I  regret  that  the  suggestion  of  a  third  term  has  been  made.  I  doubt 
whether  I  am  called  upon  to  give  it  notice.  But  there  are  now  questions 
of  the  gravest  importance  before  the  administration  and  the  country, 
and  their  just  consideration  should  not  be  prejudiced  in  the  public  mind 
by  even  the  suspicion  of  the  thought  of  a  third  term.  In  view,  therefore, 
of  the  reiteration  of  the  suggestion  of  it,  I  will  say  now,  once  for  all,  ex 
pressing  a  long-settled  conviction,  that  I  not  only  am  not  and  will  not  be 
a  candidate  for  a  third  term,  but  would  not  accept  a  nomination  for  it  if 
it  were  tendered  me. 

"My  only  ambition  is  to  serve  through  my  second  term  to  the  accept 
ance  of  my  countrymen,  whose  generous  confidence  I  so  deeply  appre 
ciate,  and  then,  with  them,  to  do  my  duty  in  the  ranks  of  private  citizen 
ship.  WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 

"Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  D.  C.,  June  10,  1901." 

In  the  "Independent,"  dated  the  day  before  the  assassination,  ap 
peared  an  article  on  "The  President  at  Work,"  contributed  by  Col. 
Albert  Halstead,  a  Washington  correspondent,  who  was  on  the  staff  of 
Governor  McKinley  in  Ohio  and  writh  him  during  the  campaign  of 
re-election.  This  article  gives  an  authentic  account  of  the  President's 
home  habits  and  methods  of  work  in  the  executive  mansion.  The  Presi 
dent  ate  his  breakfast  at  eight  and  spent  an  hour  in  reading  the  papers, 
going  at  ten  to  the  Cabinet  room,  where  he  had  his  private  office.  There 
he  found  on  his  desk  a  typewritten  paper,  "The  President's  Engage 
ments,"  with  the  date,  with  the  names  of  callers  who  had  engagements, 
and  a  line  stating  the  purpose.  When  the  caller  arrived  the  President 
waited  for  him  to  state  his  business,  and  usually  remained  standing, 
"but  if  he  sits  down  it  is  time  to  retire  when  he  rises."  President 
Arthur's  rule  was  to  keep  on  his  feet  to  expedite  business. 

"It  is  not  always  necessary,  though  better,  to  make  an  engagement 


34      THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   MoKINLEY. 

to  see  the  President.  On  Tuesdays  and  Fridays,  Cabinet  meeting  days, 
he  receives  no  visitors  except  Senators  and  Representatives,  and  these 
only  from  ten  to  eleven.  On  other  week  days  he  is  accessible  from  ten 
to  half  past  one.  Promptly  at  the  latter  hour  Captain  Loeffler,  in 
charge  of  the  door  to  the  Cabinet  room,  who  has  been  there  since  the 
days  of  Lincoln,  enters  and  tells  the  President  the  hour.  That  is  the 
signal  for  luncheon.  Except  in  long  protracted  Cabinet  meetings  he 
never  fails  to  start  promptly  for  the  dining  room,  an  invariable  rule 
to  prevent  irregularity  and  injury  to  health.  Before  his  severe  attack 
of  grip  last  winter  the  President  often  saw  callers  in  the  afternoon  from 
three  to  four.  After  luncheon  he  gees  to  the  'red  bedroom/  now  a 
comfortable  sitting  room  facing  south  and  overlooking  the  Potomac. 
There  he  works,  either  alone  or  with  his  secretary,  transacting  public 
business,  deciding  upon  appointments  and  considering  other  questions. 
When  he  is  thus  engaged  the  President  is  not  interrupted,  even  by 
Cabinet  officers,  unless  they  are  summoned.  When  in  health  Mrs.  Mc- 
Kinley  was  wont  to  be  there  with  him,  busy  with  some  fancy  work. 

"At  four  Mr.  McKinley  goes  out  driving  with  Mrs.  McKinley,  or 
takes  a  walk.  Sometimes  in  the  morning,  when  the  weather  is  favor 
able,  he  goes  walking  with  some  friend  or  his  secretary.  On  returning 
from  his  afternoon  outing  he  sleeps  for  half  an  hour,  having  the  faculty 
of  laying  aside  cares  and  going  to  sleep  easily.  This  nap  is  more 
refreshing  than  rest  at  any  other  time.  It  means  renewed  strength 
and  peace  after  a  troublesome  day,  a  habit  that  is  his  physical  salva 
tion.  The  President  is  not  a  sportsman.  Hunting  or  fishing  have  no 
charms  for  him.  The  Cabinet  officers  and  even  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  have  been  known  to  play  golf  or  tennis,  no  President  has  ever 
done  so.  Mr.  McKinley  is  fortunate  in  requiring  little  exercise.  WTalk- 
ing  is  his  only  recreation  of  this  kind,  and  of  that  he  does  comparatively 
little.  WThile  for  a  time  he  rode  horseback,  it  has  no  present  charm 
for  him. 

"Promptly  at  seven  the  President  has  dinner,  often  with  a  friend 
or  official  who  comes  informally.  After  dinner  he  relaxes.  The  en 
trance  to  the  conservatory  is  his  favorite  place  to  smoke  with  guests 
or  callers,  intimate,  personal  or  political  friends,  who  happen  in.  Pub 
lic  affairs  are  sometimes  discussed,  but  this  is  particularly  a  period  of 
quiet  and  relief  from  care,  when  he  enjoys  the  society  of  those  he  likes 
best  or,  with  Mrs.  McKinley,  listens  to  music.  About  a  quarter  of  ten 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      35 

the  President  goes  upstairs  to  look  over  important  letters  with  his 
secretary,  sign  commissions,  dictate  letters,  write  a  state  paper  or  dis 
pose  of  other  public  business  until  eleven,  when  he  usually  retires. 
During  the  Spanish  war  and  the  critical  days  of  the  Philippine  insur 
rection  he  was  frequently  busy  with  his  military  advisers  until  early 
morning. 

"Seldom  does  a  State  paper  go  out  without  the  President's  personal 
ity  impressed  upon  it.  If  he  does  not  prepare  it  himself  he  generally 
inspires  it.  When  a  Cabinet  officer  prepares  a  paper  for  him  it  is 
invariably  altered  by  the  President  in  some  phrase  or  expression,  bet 
ter  to  express  or  qualify  a  meaning.  When  he  makes  a  change  it  is 
usually  an  improvement,  no  matter  who  happened  to  prepare  the  docu 
ment.  Cabinet  officers  say  in  private  that  they  cannot  write  anything 
that  will  pass  muster  with  the  President  unless  he  makes  some  effec 
tive  correction.  He  is  particularly  careful  with  proclamations.  Now, 
a  Thanksgiving  proclamation  may  seem  to  be  easily  drafted,  but  it  is 
a  difficult  task.  It  ought  to  be  original,  but  so  many  have  been  issued 
that  originality  is  almost  impossible.  Mr.  McKinley  begins  early  on 
such  a  task,  and  he  may  lay  the  first  or  second  draft  aside  for  a  week, 
but  when  it  comes  forth  it  is  a  gem,  emphasizing  that  for  which  the 
Nation  should  be  most  thankful. 

"In  writing  his  messages  President  McKinley  takes  the  greatest 
pains.  His  methods  of  preparation  vary  somewhat  each  year.  He 
may  dictate  almost  an  entire  message,  or  wrrite  most  of  it  himself  with 
pen  or  pencil.  The  first  draft  simply  begins  the  work.  Long  before 
it  is  written  notes  have  been  made,  thoughts  jotted  down  and  a  list  of 
subjects  is  prepared.  That  is  often  changed.  It  is  a  guide  to  the  mes 
sage.  Every  note  is  so  marked  as  to  be  easily  identified.  The  Presi 
dent  may  be  in  his  room,  when  an  idea  strikes  him;  it  is  noted;  he  may 
be  walking  or  driving  and  a  phrase  or  epigram,  exactly  expressing  some 
thought,  occurs  to  him;  he  will  write  it  on  an  envelope  or  whatever 
paper  happens  to  be  handy,  or  if  Mr.  Cortelyou  is  with  him  it  is  dictated 
then  and  there.  Thus,  wherever  he  may  be,  the  President  is  careful 
that  a  thought  or  expression  that  can  be  advantageously  used  is  not 
lost,  but  is  stored  away  for  future  use.  This  is  one  of  his  methods  in 
writing  speeches." 

The  interest  the  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  took  in  the  Pan-Amer 
ican  Exposition  was  very  great.  Both  looked  forward  to  the  cuting  with 


36      THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

cheerful  anticipation  and  proposed  thoroughly  to  enjoy  the  trip,  and 
they  were  received  with  extraordinary  enthusiasm  by  enormous  masses 
of  persons;  and  here  the  anarchists  had  arranged  their  ambuscade  in  a 
human  wilderness. 

Leon  Czolgosz,  the  assassin,  was  a  finished  output  of  the  harangues 
of  Emma  Goldman,  of  whom  this  is  the  best  character  sketch: 

"Suppose  the  President  is  dead,"  said  Emma  Goldman,  "thousands 
die  daily  and  are  unwept.  Why  should  any  fuss  be  made  about  this 
man?" 

These  were  the  words  of  the  queen  of  anarchy  when  the  flag  on  Cus 
tom  Building  fluttered  down  to  half-mast,  announcing  prematurely  the 
death  of  President  McKinley. 

She  was  sitting  in  the  "parlor"  of  the  police  station  annex,  with  Pa 
trolman  John  Weber  assigned  to  guard  her  and  Chief  Matron  Keegan. 
The  latter  glanced  out  of  the  window  by  chance  just  as  tlie  flag  on  the 
Appraiser's  Building  at  Sherman  and  Harrison  streets  was  lowered. 

"The  flag  has  been  lowered!  The  President  must  be  dead!"  said  Mrs. 
Keegan,  rising.  The  woman  across  from  her  sat  unmoved. 

"The  President  is  dead!  President  McKinley  is  dead,"  the  matron 
repeated  to  Miss  Goldman,  half  angered  at  the  woman's  coldness. 

"Well,  I  do  not  care,"  came  the  answer.  "There  are  thousands  of 
men  dying  every  day.  No  fuss  is  made  about  them.  Why  should  any 
fuss  be  made  about  this  man?" 

"Haven't  you  any  heart?"  asked  the  matron.  "Any  sorrow  for  this 
man  who  was  so  widely  beloved?" 

"I  tell  you  I  don't  care." 

"But  as  a  woman  you  should  at  least  show  some  feeling  for  the  wife 
for  whom  he  has  always  cared  so  tenderly." 

"There  are  thousands  of  men  dying  every  day,"  repeated  Miss  Gold 
man.  "I  do  feel  sorry  for  Mrs.  McKinley.  But  there  are  other  wives 
who  receive  no  comfort." 

This  closed  the  incident. 

"That  woman  had  a  smile  of  triumph  on  her  face,"  said  Mrs.  Keegan, 
"the  moment  I  told  her.  Her  face  lighted  up  on  the  instant."  Still  this 
woman  is  a  professor  of  opposition  to  violence. 

The  assassin  made  a  close  study  of  the  Exposition  grounds,  and 
pursued  his  purpose  to  kill  the  President  relentlessly.  He  was  close  at 
hand  when  the  President  made  his  speech.  He  saw  the  President  ar- 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      37 

rive  and  mount  to  the  stand.  He  stood  there  in  the  front  row  of  the 
hurrahing  people,  mute,  with  a  single  thought  in  his  mind. 

He  heard  Mr.  McKinley  speak.  He  reckoned  up  the  chances  in  his 
mind  of  stealing  closer  and  shooting  down  the  President  where  he 
stood.  Once  he  fully  determined  to  make  the  attempt,  but  just  then  a 
stalwart  guard  appeared  in  front  of  him.  He  concluded  to  wait  a 
better  opportunity.  After  the  address  he  was  among  those  who  at 
tempted  to  crowd  up  to  the  President's  carriage.  One  of  the  detectives 
caught  him  by  the  shoulder  and  shoved  him  back  into  the  crowrd. 

He  saw  the  President  drive  away  and  followed.  He  tried  to  pass 
through  the  entrance  after  the  President,  but  the  guards  halted  him 
and  sent  him  away.  He  entered  the  Stadium  by  another  entrance,  but 
was  not  permitted  to  get  within  reach  of  the  President. 

On  Friday  morning  Czolgosz  waited  for  the  President's  return.  In 
the  afternoon  he  went  to  the  Temple  of  Music  and  was  one  of  the  first 
of  the  throng  to  enter.  He  crowded  well  forward,  as  close  to  the  stage 
as  possible.  He  was  there  when  the  President  entered  through  the  side 
door.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  hurry  forward  when  the  President 
took  his  position  and  prepared  to  shake  hands  witii  the  people. 

Czolgosz  had  his  revolver  gripped  in  his  right  hard,  and  about  both 
the  hand  and  the  revolver  was  wrapped  a  handkerchief.  He  held  the 
weapon  to  his  breast,  so  that  any  one  who  noticed  him  might  suppose 
that  the  hand  was  injured. 

He  reached  the  President  finally.  He  did  not  look  into  the  Presi 
dent's  face.  He  extended  his  left  hand,  pressed  the  revolver  against  the 
President's  breast  with  his  right  hand  and  fired.  He  fired  twice,  and 
would  have  fired  again  and  again  but  for  the  terrific  blow  that  dro\? 
him  back. 

"Did  you  mean  to  kill  the  President?"  asked  the  District  Attorney. 

"I  did,"  was  the  reply. 

"What  was  the  motive  that  induced  you  to  commit  this  crime?" 

"I  am  a  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman,"  he  replied. 

The  most  realistic  account  of  the  shooting  of  the  President  is  this: 

A  little  girl  was  led  up  by  her  father  and  the  President  shook  hands 
with  her.  As  she  passed  along  to  the  right  the  President  looked  after 
her  smilingly  and  waved  his  hand  in  a  pleasant  adieu. 

Next  in  line  came  a  boyish-featured  man  about  26  years  old,  pre 
ceded  by  a  short  Italian,  who  leaned  backward  against  the  bandaged 


38      THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

hand  of  his  follower.  The  officers  who  attended  the  President  noted 
this  man,  their  attention  being  first  attracted  by  the  Italian,  whose 
dark,  shaggy  brows  and  black  mustache  caused  the  professional  pro 
tectors  to  regard  him  with  suspicion. 

The  man  with  the  bandaged  hand  and  innocent  face  received  no  at 
tention  from  the  detective  beyond  the  mental  observation  that  his  right 
hand  was  apparently  injured,  and  that  he  would  present  his  left  hand 
to  the  President. 

The  Italian  stood  before  the  palm  bower.  He  held  the  President's 
hand  so  long  that  the  officers  stepped  forward  to  break  the  clasp  and 
make  room  for  the  man  with  the  bandaged  hand,  who  extended  the  left 
member  toward  the  President's  right. 

The  President  smiled  and  presented  his  right  hand  in  a  position  to 
meet  the  left  of  the  approaching  man.  Hardly  a  foot  of  space  inter 
vened  between  the  bodies  of  the  two  men.  Before  their  hands  met  two 
pistol  shots  were  fired,  and  the  President  turned  slightly  to  the  left  and 
reeled. 

The  tall,  innocent-looking  young  man  had  fired  through  the  bandage 
without  removing  any  portion  of  the  handkerchief. 

The  first  bullet  entered  too  high  for  the  purpose  of  the  assassin,  who 
had  fired  again  as  soon  as  his  finger  could  move  the  trigger. 

On  receiving  the  first  shot  President  McKinley  lifted  himself  on  his 
toes  with  something  of  a  gasp.  His  movement  caused  the  second  shot 
to  enter  just  below  the  navel.  With  the  second  shot  the  President 
doubled  slightly  forward  and  then  sank  back.  Detective  Geary  caught 
the  President  in  his  arms  and  President  Milburn  helped  to  support  him. 

When  the  President  fell  into  the  arms  of  Detective  Geary  he  coolly 
asked:  "Am  I  shot?" 

Geary  unbuttoned  the  President's  vest,  and,  seeing  blood,  replied: 
"I  fear  you  are,  Mr.  President." 

It  had  all  happened  in  an  instant.  Almost  before  the  noise  of  the 
second  shot  sounded  Czolgosz  was  seized  by  S.  B.  Ireland,  United  States 
Secret  Service  man,  who  stood  directly  opposite  the  President.  Ireland 
hurled  him  to  the  floor,  and  as  he  fell  a  negro  waiter,  James  B.  Parker, 
who  once  worked  in  Chicago,  leaped  upon  him.  Soldiers  of  the  United 
States  artillery  detailed  at  the  reception  sprang  upon  them  and  he  wras 
surrounded  by  a  squad  of  exposition  police  and  Secret  Service  detect- 


ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 


PRESIDENT    McKINLEY'S    FAREWELL    TO    HIS    WIFE. 

hP  rtistinzuished  sufferer  looked  into  the  face  of  his  good  wife  and [said  m  low 


THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   MoKINLEY.      41 

ives.  Detective  Gallagher  of  Chicago  seized  Czolgosz's  hand,  tore  away 
the  handkerchief  and  took  the  revolver. 

The  artillerymen,  seeing  the  revolver  in  Gallagher's  hand,  rushed  at 
him  and  handled  him  rather  roughly.  Meanwhile  Ireland  and  the  negro 
held  the  assassin,  endeavoring  to  shield  him  from  the  attacks  of  the  in 
furiated  artillerymen  and  the  blows  of  the  policemen's  clubs. 

Supported  by  Detective  Geary  and  President  Milburn,  and  sur 
rounded  by  Secretary  George  B.  Cortelyou  and  a  half  a  dozen  exposition 
officials,  the  President  was  assisted  to  a  chair.  His  face  was  white,  but 
he  made  no  outcry. 

He  had  been  under  fire  before — in  his  youth  when  he  was  fighting 
for  his  country.  He  was  brave  as  a  young  man  and  he  had  lost  none  of 
his  courage. 

The  President  sank  back  with  one  hand  holding  his  abdomen,  the 
other  fumbling  at  his  breast.  His  eyes  were  open  and  he  was  clearly 
conscious  of  all  that  had  transpired.  He  was  suffering  the  most  intense 
pain,  but  true  to  his  noble  nature  his  first  thought  was  of  others — one 
other  in  particular,  his  wife. 

He  looked  up  into  President  Milburn's  face  and  gasped:  "Cortelyou." 
The  President's  secretary  bent  over  him.  "Cortelyou,"  said  the  Presi 
dent,  "my  wife,  be  careful  about  her.  Don't  let  her  know." 

His  next  thought  was  of  the  cruel  assassin  who  had  struck  him 
down.  Moved  by  a  paroxysm  he  writhed  to  the  left,  and  then  his  eyes 
,fell  on  the  prostrate  form  of  Czolgosz,  lying  on  the  floor  bloody  and 
helpless  beneath  the  blows  of  the  police,  soldiers,  and  detectives. 

The  President  raised  his  right  hand,  red  with  his  own  blood,  and 
placed  it  on  the  shoulder  of  his  secretary.  "Let  no  one  hurt  him,"  he 
gasped,  and  sank  back  in  his  chair,  while  the  guards  carried  Czolgosz 
out  of  his  sight. 

The  ambulance  from  the  exposition  hospital  was  summoned  immedi 
ately,  and  the  President,  still  conscious,  sank  upon  the  stretcher. 
Secretary  Cortelyou  and  President  Milburn  rode  with  him  in  the  ambu 
lance,  and  in  nine  minutes  after  the  shooting  the  President  was  waiting 
the  arrival  of  surgeons,  who  had  been  summoned  from  all  sections  of  the 
city  and  by  special  train  from  Niagara  Falls. 

One  bullet  struck  the  Chief  Magistrate  on  the  breast,  was  deflected 
by  a  bone  and  was  soon  after  extracted  without  having  done  much 
damage,  and  the  other  inflicted  a  wound  that  appeared  to  be  mortal. 


42      THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

It  penetrated  the  abdomen  and  could  not  be  found.  The  would-be  as 
sassin  had  evidently  aimed  for  the  heart. 

As  the  first  bullet  struck  Mr.  McKinley  he  lifted  himself  slightly 
on  his  toes,  with  something  like  a  gasp.  This  movement  caused  the  sec 
ond  bullet  to  enter  the  abdomen.  With  the  second  shot  the  President 
doubled  slightly  forward  and  then  sank  back.  Detective  Geary  caught 
him  in  his  arms  and  with  the  aid  of  John  G.  Milburn,  president  of  the 
exposition,  supported  him  as  he  was  assisted  to  a  chair,  surrounded  by 
Secretary  George  B.  Cortelyou  and  numerous  exposition  officers. 

Whenever  the  President  was  moved  his  agony  was  extreme.  The  as 
sassin  had  hardly  fired  the  second  shot  when  he  was  seized  and  borne  to 
the  floor  by  members  of  the  Seventy-third  Company,  U.  S.  A.,  who  had 
been  detailed  to  the  spot.  It  was  only  by  the  hardest  kind  of  work  that 
the  man  was  brought  out  alive  from  the  seething  mass  of  enraged  men, 
who  sought  to  end  his  miserable  life  on  the  spot.  The  soldiers  and  po 
lice  finally  forced  back  the  crowd  and  got  the  prisoner  into  a  side  room. 
The  throng  outside  the  Temple  soon  swelled  to  50,000.  Cries  of  "Lynch 
him!"  started  several  rushes  to  the  doors,  but  these  the  guards  were 
able  to  break  up.  In  a  few  moments  detectives  slipped  the  prisoner  out 
and  into  a  carriage  and  got  him  to  police  headquarters,  but  troops  were 
obliged  to  clear  a  path  for  the  vehicle  through  the  crowd,  which  sought 
to  get  the  prisoner  away  from  his  guards. 

The  wounded  President  was  swiftly  conveyed  to  the  emergency  hos 
pital  of  the  exposition,  and  was  on  the  surgeon's  table  in  eighteen  min 
utes.  The  President  consulted  his  secretary,  Cortelyou,  as  to  the  com 
petency  of  the  surgeons,  and  being  assured  they  were  of  high  standing, 
took  ether,  saying:  "I  am  in  your  hands."  The  New  York  Medical 
Journal,  after  the  termination  of  the  case  said: 

"At  the  time  of  his  assassination  President  McKinley  was  probably 
in  better  physical  condition  than  most  men  of  his  age  who  lead  a  sed 
entary  life.  So  far  as  is  known  he  was  free  from  all  organic  disease, 
though  his  vitality  may  have  been  somewhat  impaired  by  the  fearful 
mental  strain  to  which  the  duties  of  his  office  and  its  responsibilities 
and  anxieties  had  long  subjected  him. 

"He  was  suddenly  cut  down  by  a  cruel  wound,  but  he  bore  it  bravely, 
and  there  was  little  of  the  condition  known  as  shock.  This  freedom  from 
shock  was  correctly  interpreted  as  showing  that  no  considerable  inter 
nal  hemorrhage  was  going  on.  Without  delay  he  was  taken  to  a  well- 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   MvKINLEY.      43 

equipped  hospital  and  attended  by  surgeons  of  world-wide  reputation 
and  vast  experience.  The  operation  itself  was  performed  by  an  exceed 
ingly  capable  surgeon,  who  was  assisted  by  others  equally  capable.  It 
is  certain  that  there  was  no  technical  fault  in  the  operation,  and  it  may 
be  said  with  equal  positiveness  that  it  would  have  verged  on  madness 
to  prolong  the  search  for  the  bullet  after  it  had  been  ascertained  that  it 
had  not  inflicted  any  very  grave  injury  beyond  that  of  the  stomach — 
ascertained,  that  is  to  say,  within  the  limitations  of  warrantable  efforts. 

"The  operation  having  been  finished  without  seriously  taxing  the 
distinguished  patient's  vital  powers,  there  followed  at  least  five  days  of 
freedom  from  serious  symptoms.  This  we  say  with  full  appreciation  of 
the  fact  that  the  record  of  the  pulse  and  respiration  seemed  ominous, 
for  the  high  rate  might  have  been  due  to  any  one  of  a  number  of  condi 
tions  not  in  themselves  of  grave  import.  The  hopeful  view  was  taken, 
and  quite  naturally,  that  it  could  be  so  explained.  It  is  easy  to  be  so 
wise  after  the  event  and  to  say  that  in  this  respect  the  surgeons  were  in 
error;  err  they  certainly  did,  as  the  result  shows,  but  to  err  in  such  a 
way  argues  no  incapacity  or  avoidable  lack  of  judgment — it  simply,  we 
repeat,  illustrates  the  fact  that  the  medical  man  is  not  a  perfect  being. 

"Gangrene  was  probably  established  two  or  three  days  before  the 
fatal  issue  followed,  but  it  could  hardly  have  occurred  very  early  with 
out  giving  rise  to  more  disquieting  phenomena  than  augmentation  of 
the  pulse  and  respiration  rates,  which,  as  we  have  said  before,  might 
well  have  been  due  to  some  comparatively  unimportant  disturbance.  To 
the  wound  of  the  kidney  we  attribute  little  importance  further  than 
arises  from  the  fact  that  it  made  one  more  traumatic  surface  to  become 
gangrenous." 

Nearly  the  whole  nation  partook  of  the  error  of  the  surgeons  in  being 
too  hopeful.  It  seemed  almost  incredible  for  several  days,  though  the 
wound  was  manifestly  serious,  that  the  President  would  not  recover. 

He  partook  of  the  general  feeling,  asked  for  the  news,  asked  for  a 
newspaper  and  a  cigar,  and  insisted  upon  asking  his  secretary  for  news 
of  the  world's  affairs.  The  following  official  bulletins  show  the  charac 
ter  of  them  without  exception  up  to  the  relapse  in  the  night,  and  that 
meant  death  was  close  at  hand : 

Buffalo,  September  8. — The  public  will  be  kept  fully  advised  of  the 
actual  condition  of  the  President.  Each  bulletin  is  carefully  and  con 
servatively  prepared  and  is  an  authoritative  statement  of  the  most 


44      THE    ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKlNLEY. 

important  features  of  the  case  at  the  hour  it  is  issued.    The  people  are 

entitled  to  the  facts  and  shall  have  them. 

George  B.  Cortelyou, 
Secretary  to  the  President. 

3:20  a.  m. — The  President  has  passed  a  fairly  good  night;  pulse,  122; 
temperature,  102.4°;  respiration,  24.  P.  M.  Rixey, 

Geo.  B.  Cortelyou,  H.  Mynter. 

Secretary  to  the  President. 


9  a.  m. — The  President  passed  a  good  night  and  his  condition  this 
morning  is  quite  encouraging.  His  mind  is  clear  and  he  is  resting  well; 
wound  dressed  at  8:30  and  found  in  a  very  satisfactory  condition.  There 
is  no  indication  of  peritonitis.  Pulse,  132;  temperature,  102.8° ;  respira 
tion,  24.  P.  M.  Rixey, 

M.  D.  Mann, 
Roswell  Park, 

Geo.  B.  Cortelyou,  Herman  Mynter, 

Secretary  to  the  President.  Eugene  Wasdin. 


12  m. — The  improvement  in  the  President's  condition  has  continued 
since  last  bulletin;  pulse,  128;  temperature,  101° ;  respiration,  27. 
George  B.  Cortelyou,  P.  M.  Rixey. 

Secretary  to  the  President. 


4  p.  m. — The  President  since  the  last  bulletin  has  slept  quietly,  four 
hours  altogether  since  9  o'clock.  His  condition  is  satisfactory  to  all  the 
physicians  present.  Pulse  128;  temperature  101;  respiration  28. 

P.  M.  Rixey. 
M.  D.  Mann. 
Roswell  Park. 
Herman  Mynter. 
George  B.  Cortelyou,  Eugene  Wasdin. 

Secretary  to  the  President.  Charles  McBurney. 


9  p.  m. — The  President  is  resting  comfortably  and  there  is  no  special 
change  since  last  bulletin.  Pulse,  130;  temperature,  101.6;  respira 
tion,  30.  P.  M.  Rixey. 

M.  D.  Mann. 
Roswell  Park. 
Herman  Mynter. 
George  B.  Cortelyou,  Eugene  Wasdin. 

Secretary  to  the  President.  Charles  McBurney. 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      45 

The  President's  clothes,  worn  when  he  was  shot,  were  removed  at 
the  Exposition  Hospital,  and  sent  to  the  Milburn  residence,  where  the 
pockets  were  emptied.  In  his  right-hand  trousers  pocket  was  some  $1.80 
in  currency.  With  these  coins  was  a  small  silver  nugget,  well  worn,  as 
if  the  President  had  carried  it  as  a  pocket  piece  for  a  long  time.  Three 
small  penknives,  pearl-handled,  were  in  the  pockets  of  his  trousers. 
Evidently  they  were  gifts  that  he  prized  and  was  in  the  habit  of  carrying 
all  of  them.  Another  battered  coin,  presumably  a  pocket  piece,  was  in 
the  left-hand  pocket. 

The  President's  wallet  was  well  worn  and  of  black  leather,  about 
four  inches  by  five.  It  was  not  marked  with  his  name.  In  it  was  $45  in 
bills.  A  number  of  cards,  which  evidently  had  rested  in  the  wallet  for 
some  time,  were  in  one  of  the  compartments. 

In  a  vest  pocket  was  a  silver-shell  lead  pencil.  Three  cigars  were 
found.  They  were  not  the  black  perfectos  which  the  President  liked, 
but  were  short  ones  that  had  been  given  to  him  at  Niagara  Falls  that 
day.  On  two  of  them  he  had  chewed,  much  as  General  Grant  used  to 
bite  a  cigar.  The  President's  watch  was  an  open-faced  gold  case  Ameri 
can-made  timekeeper.  Attached  to  it  was  the  gold  chain  which  the 
President  always  wore.  No  letters,  telegrams  or  papers  were  found. 
There  was  not  on  the  President's  person  a  single  clue  to  his  identity, 
unless  it  was  to  be  found  in  the  cards  in  his  wallet,  which  were  not 
examined. 

The  President's  shirt  was  cut  where  the  surgeons  had  ripped  it  from 
him  in  hastily  preparing  for  the  operating  table. 

The  following  is  the  official  report  of  the  autopsy: 

"The  bullet  which  struck  over  the  breastbone  did  not  pass  through 
the  skin,  and  did  little  harm.  The  other  bullet  passed  through  both 
walls  of  the  stomach  near  its  lower  border.  Both  holes  were  found  to 
be  perfectly  closed  by  the  stitches,  but  tissue  around  each  hole  had 
become  gangrenous.  After  passing  through  the  stomach  the  bullet 
passed  into  the  back  walls  of  the  abdomen,  hitting  and  tearing  the 
upper  end  of  the  kidney.  This  portion  of  the  bullet's  track  was  also 
gangrenous,  the  gangrene  involving  the  pancreas.  The  bullet  never  was 
found. 

"There  was  no  sign  of  peritonitis  or  disease  of  other  organs.  The 
heart  walls  were  very  thin.  There  was  no  evidence  of  any  attempt  at 
repair  on  the  part  of  nature,  and  death  resulted  from  the  gangrene, 


46      THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

which  affected  the  stomach  around  the  bullet  wounds,  as  wrell  as  the 
tissues  around  the  further  course  of  the  bullet. 

"Death  was  unavoidable  by  any  surgical  or  medical  treatment  and 
was  the  direct  result  of  the  bullet  wound." 

The  report  was  signed  by: 

Harvey  D.  Gaylord,  M.  D.  Roswell  Park,  M.  D. 

Herman  G.  Matzinger,  M.  D.  Eugene  Wasdin,  M.  D. 

P.  M.  Kixey,  M.  D.  Charles  G.  Stockton,  M.  D. 

Matthew  D.  Mann,  M.  D.  Edward  G.  Janeway,  M.  D. 

Herman  Mynter,  M.  D.  W.  W.  Johnston,  M.  D. 

Charles  Gary,  M.  D.  W.    P.    Kendall,    Surgeon    United 

Edward   L.   Munson,   Assistant  States  Army. 

Surgeon  United  States  Army.  Hermanus  L.  Baer,  M.  D. 

Dr.  E.  W.  Lee  of  St.  Louis,  who  assisted  in  the  operation  performed 
on  President  McKinley  in  the  emergency  hospital  immediately  after 
the  fatal  shooting,  was  in  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  at  the  time  there 
was  so  much  confidence  the  President  would  recover,  and  said  that, 
notwithstanding  the  favorable  reports  which  had  come  from  Buffalo, 
he  felt  that  the  President's  condition  was  far  more  serious  than  was 
generally  believed.  When  pressed  for  a  direct  answer  as  to  whether 
he  thought  the  President  would  recover  Dr.  Lee  said: 

"I  consider  that  President  McKinley's  condition  is  serious,  very 
serious.  It  does  not  matter  where  that  second  bullet  lodged.  We  did 
not  ascertain  where  it  was.  It  may  be  in  the  President's  back,  or  it  may 
be  loose  in  the  abdominal  cavity.  That  is  not  important  at  present.  It 
has  done  its  work." 

Dr.  Lee,  who  was  medical  director  of  the  Trans-Mississippi  exposi 
tion  in  Omaha,  was  visiting  the  Pan-American  exposition  on  Friday, 
and  was  talking  to  Colonel  William  F.  Cody  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  exposition  grounds  from  the  Temple  of  Music,  where  the  President 
was  shot.  A  friend  who  knew  that  he  was  visiting  Colonel  Cody  rushed 
over  to  Dr.  Lee  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  an  attempt  had  been  made 
on  the  President's  life,  and  told  him  that  he  was  wanted  at  the  emer 
gency  hospital. 

"The  President  had  been  taken  to  the  hospital  when  I  reached  there. 

"The  President  had  been  undressed  and  was  lying  on  the  operating 


THE   ASSASSINATION   OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY.      47 

table  when  I  entered  the  operating  room.  There  were  no  outsiders 
there. 

"The  operation  was  performed  calmly  and  deliberately.  While  we 
never  forgot  for  an  instant  that  the  patient  was  a  magnificent  man  and 
our  President,  our  emotions  did  not  in  the  least  hamper  our  work. 

"The  bullet  hole  in  the  abdomen  was  about  five  inches  below  the 
left  nipple  and  an  inch  and  a  half  to  the  left  of  the  median  line.  Dr. 
Mann  made  a  five-inch  incision  along  the  line  of  the  wound,  through 
which  the  line  of  the  bullet  was  followed  until  it  was  ascertained  that 
it  had  penetrated  the  anterior  wall  of  the  stomach.  It  wras  found  neces 
sary  to  turn  the  stomach  out  through  the  incision  to  ascertain  whether 
the  bullet  had  gone  completely  through  that  organ.  We  then  found 
that  the  posterior  wall  of  the  stomach  had  also  been  penetrated.  An 
examination  disclosed  that  the  hole  made  by  the  bullet  in  leaving  the 
stomach  was  much  more  ragged  and  torn  than  when  it  entered  through 
the  anterior  wall.  Both  openings  wrere  then  closed  with  an  ordinary 
antiseptic  silk  suture. 

"The  stomach  and  abdominal  cavity  were  washed  with  a  normal 
salt  solution,  and  a  careful  effort  made  to  find  the  bullet  in  the  abdom 
inal  cavity.  No  probing  was  done.  From  the  probable  location  of  the 
bullet  and  the  condition  of  the  President,  probing  was  not  advisable. 
We  did  not  find  the  bullet,  but  determined  that  it  was  probably  either 
in  the  walls  of  the  back  or  lying,  perhaps  lost,  in  the  abdominal  cavity. 
The  salt  w^ater  was  again  used  and  the  stomach  replaced.  The  incision 
wTas  closed  with  a  silkworm  gut  suture,  and  the  entire  abdomen  ban 
daged. 

"It  is  plain,  even  to  the  uninitiated,  that  the  wound  is  very  serious 
indeed,  and  it  will  be  a  remarkable  recovery  if  the  President  gets  well." 

And  he  assented  to  the  remark  of  Dr.  Lane  of  New  York:  "A  wound 
like  the  President  has  received  is  always  dangerous.  From  what  I  have 
been  informed  I  would  not  be  surprised  if  the  President  died  within 
three  days." 

Dr.  Lee  bowed  in  silent  assent. 

Evidently  the  anarchists  associated  with  the  idea  of  assassinating  the 
President  did  not  count  upon  the  public  feeling  the  event  they  anticipated 
would  arouse,  and  there  was  a  feeling  of  exultation  among  them  and  a 
desire  to  celebrate,  during  the  days  of  suspense.  The  talk  of  Miss  Gold 
man  reflects  this  condition.  She  had  no  idea  the  matter  would  seem  so 


48      THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

serious.  They  had  an  idea  that  the  gangrene  of  their  propaganda  had 
spread  more  widely  than  the  result  showed,  shocking  as  that  was.  The 
period  of  the  ostentatious  impertinence  of  the  anarchists  coincides  with 
that  of  the  unwarranted  hopefulness  that  the  President  would  recover. 

Before  6  o'clock  Friday,  September  13,  it  was  clear  to  those  at  the 
President's  bedside  that  he  was  dying,  and  preparations  were  made  for 
the  last  sad  offices  of  farewell  from  those  who  were  nearest  and  dearest 
to  him.  Oxygen  had  been  administered  steadily,  but  with  little  effect  in 
keeping  back  the  approach  of  death.  The  President  came  out  of  one 
period  of  unconsciousness  only  to  relapse  into  another. 

But  in  this  period,  when  his  mind  was  partially  clear,  occurred  a 
series  of  events  of  profoundly  touching  character.  Downstairs,  with 
strained  and  tear-stained  faces,  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  grouped 
in  anxious  waiting.  They  knew  the  end  was  near,  and  that  the  time  had 
come  when  they  must  see  him  for  the  last  time  on  earth.  This  was  about 
6  o'clock.  It  was  an  awful  moment  for  them.  One  by  one  they  ascended 
the  stairway — Secretary  Root,  Secretary  Hitchcock  and  Attorney-Gen 
eral  Knox.  Secretary  Wilson  also  was  there,  but  he  held  back,  not  wish 
ing  to  see  the  President  in  his  last  agony.  There  was.  only  a  momentary 
stay  of  the  Cabinet  officers  at  the  threshold  of  the  death  chamber.  Then 
they  withdrew,  the  tears  streaming  down  their  fa,ces  and  the  words  of 
intense  grief  choking  in  their  throats. 

After  they  left  the  sick  room,  the  physicians  rallied  him  to  conscious 
ness,  and  the  President  asked  almost  immediately  that  his  wife  be 
brought  to  him.  The  doctors  fell  back  into  the  shadows  of  the  room  as 
Mrs.  McKinley  came  through  the  doorway.  The  strong  face  of  the  dying 
man  lighted  up  with  a  faint  smile  as  their  hands  were  clasped.  She  sat 
beside  him  and  held  his  hand.  Despite  her  physical  weakness  she  bore 
up  bravely  under  the  ordeal. 

The  President  in  his  last  period  of  consciousness,  which  ended  about 
7 :40  o'clock,  chanted  the  words  of  the  beautiful  hymn,  "Nearer,  My  God, 
to  Thee,"  and  his  last  audible  conscious  words  as  taken  down  by  Dr. 
Mann  at  the  bedside  were : 

"Good-bye,  all ;  good-bye.    It  is  God's  way.    His  will  be  done." 

Then  his  mind  began  to  wander,  and  soon  afterward  he  completely 
lost  consciousness.  His  life  was  prolonged  for  hours  by  the  administra 
tion  of  oxygen,  and  the  President  finally  expressed  a  desire  to  be  allowed 
to  die.  About  8:30  the  administration  of  oxygen  ceased,  and  the  pulse 


THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      49 

grew  fainter  and  fainter.  He  was  sinking  gradually,  like  a  child,  into 
the  eternal  slumber.  By  10  o'clock  the  pulse  could  no  longer  be  felt  in 
his  extremities,  and  they  grew  cold.  Downstairs  the  griefstricken  gath 
ering  waited  sadly  for  the  end. 

All  the  evening  those  who  had  hastened  there  as  fast  as  steel  and 
steam  could  carry  them  continued  to  arrive.  They  drove  up  in  carriages, 
at  a  gallop,  or  were  whirled  up  in  automobiles,  all  intent  upon  getting 
to  the  house  before  death  came.  One  of  the  last  to  arrive  was  Attorney- 
General  Knox,  who  reached  the  house  at  9 :30.  He  was  permitted  to  go 
upstairs  to  look  for  the  last  time  upon  the  face  of  his  chief.  Those  in  the 
house  at  this  time  were  Secretaries  Hitchcock,  Wilson  and  Root,  Senators 
Fairbanks,  Hanna  and  Burrows,  Judge  Day,  Colonel  Herrick,  Abner  Mc- 
Kinley,  the  President's  brother,  and  his  wife;  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Baer,  the  Presi 
dent's  niece ;  Mrs.  Barber  and  Mrs.  Duncan,  the  President's  sisters ;  Mrs. 
Mary  Barber,  Mrs.  McWilliams,  Mrs.  McKinley's  cousin ;  the  physicians, 
including  Dr.  McBurney,  who  arrived  after  8  o'clock;  John  G.  Milburn, 
John  N.  Scatcherd,  Harry  Hamlin,  all  of  Buffalo;  Secretary  Cortelyou, 
who,  with  haggard  face,  but  always  firm  and  imperturbable,  gave  the 
first  portentous  warning  of  the  blow  which  was  to  fall  in  the  early  morn 
ing,  when,  at  9  o'clock,  he  handed  out  the  8 :15  bulletin,  which  said  that 
the  President  was  not  so  well.  "But,"  said  he,  "we  all  expect  that  the 
President  will  be  better  in  the  morning."  Then  came  the  anxious  hours 
for  the  doctors,  who  watched  for  the  first  signs  of  surrender  by  their 
patient's  refractory  stomach.  The  rain  fell  intermittently.  Returning 
visitors  from  the  exposition  shrank  from  the  pelting  drops,  and  said : 
"No  matter;  the  President  is  better." 

That  was  the  consolation  everywhere.  It  was  heard  in  the  hotels  in 
the  afternoon,  and  it  was  the  answer  vouchsafed  to  travelers  alighting 
from  railroad  trains.  "The  President  is  better."  It  was  a  tonic  to  tired 
nerves  and  hearts,  a  soothing  lotion  for  weary  eyes.  Not  even  the  sadden 
ing  8 :15  bulletin  was  sufficient  to  destroy  the  conviction  that  the  physi 
cians  must  certainly  be  right  in  their  previous  opinions. 

As  midnight  approached  there  was  a  feeling  of  unrest  in  the  Milburn 
house.  Dr.  Charles  G.  Stockton,  the  bowel  specialist,  was  in  attendance. 
He  had  the  advantage  of  coming  into  the  consultation  with  no  favorable 
first  impression.  He  and  his  medical  brethren  prescribed  calomel  and  oil 
to  flush  the  bowels.  It  was  given.  The  incidents  of  the  day  were  gone 
over  with. 


50      THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

Recurring  calls  to  the  sickroom  increased  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 
The  pulse  was  high  and  fluttering,  126  beats  to  the  minute.  With  a  tem 
perature  of  100.2,  it  should  have  been  very  much  less.  The  heart  began  to 
grow  weak.  Just  before  midnight  the  bowels  responded  to  treatment,  and 
then  begun  two  hours  of  nerve-wrenching  solicitude.  Would  he  rally 
from  his  exhaustion?  The  pulse  dropped  to  120,  and  this  inspired  some 
degree  of  hope  that  the  worst  was  over. 

Then  came  a  noteworthy  test  of  faith  keeping.  Should  the  bold  truth 
be  sent  across  the  continent.  It  was  Secretary  Cortelyou  who  broke  the 
stillness. 

"Gentlemen,"  said  he,  "we  have  kept  faith  with  the  people  hitherto. 
We  must  continue  to  do  so." 

A  faint  flash  of  lightning  was  followed  by  the  distant  roll  of  thunder. 
It  almost  seemed  as  if  nature  was  cognizant  of  the  engrossing  topic  of 
the  new  century.  The  heavens  opened,  and  the  rain,  which  had  been  fall 
ing  in  driblets,  gushed  from  the  pitchy  sky,  flooding  the  gutters  and 
soaking  to  the  skin  the  policemen  and  soldiers  and  newspaper  men  who, 
with  growing  alarm,  noted  the  lights  being  turned  up  in  the  Milburn 
house. 

There  was  one  room  where  no  extra,  lights  were  used.  Mrs.  McKinley 
was  left  undisturbed.  She  was  sleeping  sweetly. 

"The  worst  has  not  yet  come/'  said  Dr.  Eixey,  "and  there  is  no  neces 
sity  for  disturbing  her." 

It  was  a.  few  minutes  after  2  o'clock  that  Drs.  Rixey  and  Stockton, 
after  looking  at  the  President  and  trying  the  heart  action,  shook  their 
heads  decisively  and  told  Secretary  Cortelyou  that  the  President  was 
sinking.  The  end  appeared  to  be  at  hand.  The  pulse  fluttered  and  weak 
ened,  and  the  President's  face  looked  like  that  of  a  dead  man. 

There  was  no  time  to  be  lost.  Decisive  action  had  bridged  over  one 
dangerous  crisis  on  Friday  at  the  Emergency  Hospital,  on  the  exposition 
grounds,  arid  the  doctors  met  the  second  one  with  equal  promptness. 
Digitalis  and  a  solution  containing  strychnine  were  administered. 

The  history-making  incidents  inside  the  Milburn  house  soon  reached 
the  telegraphers  and  reporters  across  the  street.  All  vapid  talk  ceased. 
Weariness  was  forgotten.  Scores  of  bulletins  were  thrust  upon  the  over 
wrought  operators. 

"Rush  this  to  Roosevelt,"  was  what  Secret  Service  Detective  Foster 
said  to  the  swiftest  sender,  who  was  disputing  over  a  point  of  precedence 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY.      51 

with  two  reporters.  The  government  levied  upon  one  of  the  three  work- 
ing  wires  at  2  o'clock,  while  rush  messages  were  sent  to  the  Western 
Union  and  Postal  headquarters  down  town  for  extra  men.  Every  messen 
ger  who  slipped  away  from  the  dark  portals  of  the  Milburn  house  was 
told  to  hurry. 

During  the  time  from  September  6th,  when  he  was  shot,  to  the  14th, 
when  he  died,  the  chart  of  his  temperature  was  from  102.6  on  the  8th 
in  the  evening  to  99.2  when  death  occurred — 94.6  being  normal. 


The  pulse  was  130  on  the  6th  when  shot,  fell  to  110,  rose  to  146,  and 
declined  to  120  on  the  7th,  and  was  100  the  night  of  9-10th,  and  was 
115  at  death. 


Respiration  was  32  when  shooting  occurred — 24  at  lowest  point,  and 
was  26  at  death. 


The  chart  was  prepared  by  Dr.  S.  C.  Stanton  of  the  editorial  staff  of 
the  Journal  of  the  American  Medical  Association  from  the  bulletins 


52      THE   ASSASSINATION   OF  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY. 

as  they  appeared  in  the  Record-Herald.  Dr.  Stanton  prepared  a  similar 
diagram  at  the  time  of  Garfield's  death.  Bulletins  were  issued  by  sur 
geons  and  attendants  several  times  a  day,  so  a  continuous  line  and 
one  fairly  even  was  possible.  Although  the  chart  is  of  especial  interest 
to  medical  men,  it  is  also  worthy  of  consideration  by  the  layman. 

The  Coroner  of  Erie  County,  N.  Y.,  issued,  September  15th,  the  fol 
lowing  certificate  of  death  of  the  late  President: 

"City  of  Buffalo,  Bureau  of  Vital  Statistics,  County  of  Erie,  State  of 
New  York.  Certificate  and  record  of  death  of  William  McKinley. 

"I  hereby  certify  that  he  died  on  the  14th  day  of  September,  1901, 
about  2:15  o'clock  a.  m.,  and  that  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  and  belief 
the  cause  of  the  death  was  as  here  underwritten : 

"Cause — Gangrene  of  both  walls  of  stomach  and  pancreas  following 
gunshot  wound. 

"Witness  my  hand  this  14th  day  of  September,  1901. 

"H.  R.  Gaylord,  M.  D., 
"H.  Z.  Matzinger,  M.  D., 
"James  F.  Wilson,  Coroner. 

"Date  of  death— Sept.  14,  1901. 

"Age — 58  years  7  months  15  days. 

"Color— White. 

"Single,  married,  etc. — Married. 

"Occupation — President  of  the  United  States. 

"Birthplace — Mies,  O. 

"Father's  name — William  McKinley. 

"Father's  birthplace — Pennsylvania,  United  States. 

"Mother's  name — Nancy  McKinley. 

"Mother's  birthplace— Ohio,  United  States. 

"Place  of  death — 1168  Delaware  avenue. 

"Last  previous  residence — Washington,  D.  C. 

"Direct  cause  of  death — Gangrene  of  both  walls  of  stomach  and 
pancreas  following  gunshot  wound." 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    SHADOW    OF   DEATH. 

The  Parting  of  the  Dying  President  and  His  Wife— The  Scene  of  the  Death  of  the  President— 
The  Emotion  of  Senator  Hanna — The  President's  Last  Words — The  Historical  House 
Where  He  Died— The  Shadows  That  Fell  When  Lincoln  Fell. 

During  the  days  of  confidence  that  the  President  would  recover, 
he  was  so  brave  and  patient  and  kindly  that  his  very  calmness  and 
courage — the  fortitude  of  his  composure — seemed  to  deceive  the  physi 
cians  themselves  and  they  misinformed  the  country.  In  this  period  of 
suspense,  apprehension  and  hope,  there  were  many  troubled  minds, 
that  the  recovery  of  the  President  would  result  in  setting  free  the 
bloody  scoundrel,  but  the  President's  death  changed  the  scene  for  the 
murderer  and  his  accomplices,  and  there  will  be  a:  law  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  Presidents  rather  than  to  avenge  their  death  when  victims  of 
the  groups  of  demons  whose  rising  impudence  has  been  long  enough  a 
menace  and  scandal. 

The  tenderest  scene  of  the  terrible  drama  at  Buffalo  was  the  parting 
of  the  dying  President  and  his  wife.  At  the  same  time,  the  assassin 
was  informed  he  had  killed  the  President  and  said  it  was  what  he 
"tried  to  do,"  and  he  was  hurried  away  from  the  station  house  and 
placed  behind  the  strong  walls  of  the  penitentiary. 

It  was  early  in  the  evening,  September  13th,  that  the  administra.- 
tion  of  oxygen  aroused  the  President  from  a  comatose  condition,  when 
he  opened  his  eyes  and  looked  about  with  that  kindly,  gentle  expression 
which  has  made  all  who  have  been  in  the  sick  room  love  him.  They 
saw  that  he  was  trying  to  say  something.  They  bent  over  him.  "Mrs. 
McKinley,"  he  almost  whispered  and  then  he  closed  his  eyes  wearily. 
It  was  evident  that  he  knew  that  the  end  was  at  hand,  that  the  time  for 
leave-taking,  for  everlasting  farewells,  had  come. 

She  was  helped  into  her  husband's  room  by  Mrs.  McWilliams,  but 
Mr.  McKinley  had  again  fallen  into  unconsciousness.  After  waiting 
a  few  moments  she  obeyed  the  suggestion  of  those  about  and  went 
back  to  her  room. 

About  8  o'clock  Mr.  McKinley  recovered  consciousness  again  and 
again  he  whispered  Mrs.  McKinley's  name.  Once  more  they  brought  her 

53 


54  THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH. 

and  put  her  in  a  chair  beside  his  bed.  They  saw  that  he  was  conscious 
and  then  turned  away — all  except  the  nurse  and  one  doctor. 

When  Mrs.  McKinley  had  seated  herself  she  took  his  hand.  His 
eyes  opened.  He  whispered  several  sentences.  Those  near  caught  only 
one,  "Not  our  will,  but  God's  will,  be  done." 

It  was  a  long  leave-taking  and  the  news  that  it  was  happening  went 
downstairs  and  out  into  the  street.  It  was  received  everywhere  with 
tears.  It  was  for  the  moment  not  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  head  of  the  mightiest  nation  on  earth.  It  was  a  husband  and  lover 
standing  in  the  dark  river  and  receiving  the  last  look  of  love  from  that 
sad,  lonely  woman  to  whom  his  touch  and  his  smile  and  his  cheerful 
words  were  literally  the  breath  of  life. 

The  first  time  she  had  borne  up  well,  but  now  they  carried  her,  half 
fainting,  wholly  overcome. 

There  is  another  account: 

The  physicians  rallied  him  to  consciousness  and  the  President  asked 
almost  immediately  that  his  wife  be  brought  to  him.  The  doctors  fell 
back  into  the  shadows  of  the  room  as  Mrs.  McKinley  came  through  the 
doorway. 

The  strong  face  of  the  dying  man  lighted  up  with  a  faint  smile  as 
their  hands  were  clasped.  She  sat  beside  him  and  held  his  hand.  Despite 
her  physical  weakness  she  bore  up  bravely  under  the  ordeal. 

The  President  in  his  last  period  of  consciousness,  which  ended  about 
7:40,  chanted  the  words  of  the  hymn,  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee/'  and 
his  last  audible  conscious  words,  as  taken  down  by  Dr.  Mann  at  the 
bedside,  were: 

"Good-bye,  all ;  good-bye.     It  is  God's  way.     His  will  be  done." 

And  this  should  not  be  lost. 

As  Mrs.  McKinley  entered  the  room  the  President  emerged  from 
the  stupor  and  smiled  at  her,  the  tense  lines  in  his  face  softening  as 
he  did  so.  He  slipped  his  wasted  hand  into  hers  and  with  his  last 
strength  drew  her  to  him.  Then  there  were  said  words  too  sacred  for 
human  lips  to  repeat — too  holy  for  human  ears-  to  hear  again.  The 
white-robed  nurses  stepped  back  into  the  shadows,  the  faithful  physi 
cians  turned  away  and  bowed  their  heads.  The  President  was  saying 
farewell  to  the  woman  he  loved  best. 

For  several  minutes  the  scene  continued.  Mrs.  McKinley,  despite 
tier  weakened  condition,  passed  through  the  ordeal  in  a  way  befitting 


THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH.  55 

the  first  woman  of  the  land.  Her  white  face  was  set  with  despair  as  she 
was  led  out  of  the  chamber,  but  she  stifled  the  sobs. 

"For  his  sake.    For  his  sake,"  she  whispered  as  they  took  her  away. 

She  never  saw  him  in  life  again. 

After  Mrs.  McKinley  disappeared  into  her  own  apartment  the  shadow 
overspread  the  President's  features  again.  It  was  the  time  of  supreme 
anguish,  the  acme  of  human  pain.  His  lips  moved  feebly. 

"Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee,"  he  said,  and  the  watchers  listened, 
breathless : 

Though  like  the  wanderer, 

The  sun  gone  down. 
Darkness  be  over  me, 

My  rest  a  stone; 
Yet  in  my  dreams  Fd  be 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee. 

The  passing  of  the  life  of  the  President  was  almost  imperceptible. 
He  had  been  unconscious  for  hours  when  he  sunk  into  his  last  sleep. 
Gradually  his  pulse  became  fainter  and  fainter.  Relatives  who  had 
been  dear  to  him  in  life  stood  by  the  bedside  watching  and  waiting. 

At  2  o'clock  the  end  was  near.  Dr.  Rixey,  a  life-long  friend,  stood 
with  his  finger  on  his  pulse.  His  head  was  bowed. 

At  2:16  a.  m.  he  raised  his  face.  The  tears  were  streaming  from 
his  eyes, 

"It  is  over,"  he  said.    "The  President  is  no  more." 

In  this  trying  period,  when  the  President's  mind  was  partially  clear, 
occurred  a  series  of  events  of  a  profoundly  touching  character.  Down 
stairs,  with  strained  and  tear-stained  faces,  members  of  the  Cabinet 
were  grouped  in  anxious  waiting.  They  knew  the  end  was  near  and 
that  the  time  had  come  when  they  must  see  him  for  the  last  time  on 
earth.  This  was  about  6  o'clock. 

One  by  one  they  ascended  the  stairway — Secretary  Root,  Secretary 
Hitchcock  and  Attorney-General  Knox.  Secretary  Wilson  also  was 
there,  but  he  held  back,  not  wishing  to  see  the  President  in  his  last 
agony. 

There  was  only  a  momentary  stay  of  the  Cabinet  officers  at  the 
threshold  of  the  death  chamber.  Then  they  withdrew,  the  tears  stream- 


56  THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH. 

ing  down  their  faces  and  the  words  of  intense  grief  choking  in  their 
throats. 

Dr.  Mann,  the  surgeon  who  performed  the  operation  of  opening  the 
President's  body,  said  as  to  the  end : 

"We  are  in  the  dark.  The  President's  pulse  had  been  rapid  from 
the  start.  It  had  never  behaved  right  It  had  steadily  and  progres 
sively  grown  weaker. 

"For  the  last  twenty-four  hours  he  had  been  having  sinking  spells 
off  and  on,  each  one  worse  and  each  one  harder  to  bring  him  back  from. 

"The  President  did  not  believe  until  late  to-day  that  he  would  die. 
He  told  me  this  morning  he  had  not  lost  heart.  We  were  laughing 
and  joking  while  I  was  dressing  the  wound.  He  said  to  me:  'I  feel 
that  I  will  get  well.' 

"This  evening  he  spoke  to  Dr.  Kixey  about  dying.  He  said  he  felt 
it  was  almost  over.  He  then  asked  for  his  wife.  Mrs.  McKinley  was 
with  him  for  an  hour  and  a  half." 

Senator  Hanna  left  Cleveland  on  a  special  train  that  morning  at 
5 :24,  and  with  a  party  of  the  President's  relatives  and  friends  reached 
Buffalo  in  3  hours  and  11  minutes.  The  schedule  time  for  the  crack 
train  over  the  Lake  Shore  road  between  Cleveland  and  Buffalo  is  4 
hours  and  30  minutes.  Senator  Hanna's  train  was  made  ready  in  less 
than  two  hours  from  the  time  the  news  of  the  President's  relapse  reached 
Cleveland. 

The  first  word  received  in  Cleveland  came  to  Colonel  Myron  T.  Her- 
rick  from  Secretary  Cortelyou,  who  called  Herrick  on  the  long  distance 
telephone  at  about  half  past  4  o'clock,  Cleveland  time.  The  Presi 
dent's  secretary  said  he  had  been  trying  to  reach  Senator  Hanna  and 
could  not;  that  the  President's  condition  had  suddenly  changed  for 
the  worse,  and  the  physicians  thought  it  best  that  the  friends  and  rela 
tives  of  the  stricken  man  should  come  to  Buffalo  at  once. 

With  Colonel  Herrick  was  Webb  C.  Hayes.  The  two  made  every 
effort  to  reach  Senator  Hanna's  house  by  telephone,  but  were  no  more 
successful  than  Secretary  Cortelyou  had  been.  Then  they  called  a  neigh 
bor  of  the  Senator,  named  Perkins,  and  succeeded  in  rousing  Mr.  Perkins, 
who  sent  a  message  over  the  way  to  Mr.  Hanna's  home. 

Senator  Fairbanks  of  Indiana  and  Justice  Day  were  the  guests  of 
Senator  Hanna  during  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  encampment 
at  Cleveland.  They  heard  the  bad  news  almost  as  soon  as  it  reached 
their  host,  and  were  invited  to  go  to  Buffalo  with  him. 


LEON    CZOLGOSZ,    WHO    SHOT    PRESIDENT    McKINLEY. 

The  above  pictures  are  snap-shots  of  the  assassin  taken  Just  after  his  arrest. 


DIAGRAM  SHOWING  POINTS  WHERE  THE  BULLETS  ENTERED 
BODY   OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 


ASSASSIN  CZOLGOSZ'   DERRINGER. 


THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH.  59 

Dr.  Kixey,  knowing  Senator  Hanna's  longing  to  see  the  President 
alive,  told  the  four  men  that  they  might  go  into  the  sick  room  for  a  few 
minutes. 

Senator  Hanna  no  sooner  looked  at  the  pain-marked  face  of  his 
friend  than  he  burst  into  tears  and  would  have  fallen  to  the  floor  but 
for  Secretary  Wilson  and  Colonel  Herrick.  He  was  led  from  the  room, 
soothed,  and  soon  regained  control  of  himself.  Then  he  said: 

"I'm  all  right  now.  I'm  all  right  again.  I  must  go  in  and  see  him 
again." 

His  request  for  another  look  was  granted.  He  stood  a  few  feet  from 
the  bedside  and  looked  again  at  the  unconscious  President, 

The  President  himself  before  losing  consciousness  expressed  a  desire 
to  be  allowed  to  die.  The  doctors  had  prolonged  life  only  by  the  admin 
istration  of  oxygen  and  he  appeared  to  realize  that  the  battle  with  death 
was  hopeless-. 

As  to  the  cause  of  the  sudden  collapse  of  the  President  there  was  an 
irritation  of  the  rectum  that  forced  the  giving  of  food  the  natural  \vay. 
Trouble  began  on  the  preceding  afternoon  through  the  failure  of  the 
digestive  organs  to  perform  their  functions.  The  necessity  for  nourish 
ment  had  been  pressing  for  several  days  and  the  partial  failure  of  arti 
ficial  means  had  led  to  the  adoption  of  natural  means.  The  rectum, 
through  which  nourishment  had  been  injected  previously  to  Wednesday, 
became  irritated  and  rejected  the  enemas.  This  forced  the  physiciaus 
to  try  to  feed  him  through  the  mouth,  probably  before  the  stomach 
was  prepared.  The  first  administration  of  beef  juice  through  the  mouth, 
however,  seemed  to  agree  with  the  patient  and  the  physicians  were  highly 
gratified  at  the  way  the  stomach  seemed  to  receive  the  food. 

Dr.  McBurney  was  especially  jubilant  over  the  action  of  the  stomach 
and  the  morning  before  his  departure  for  New  York  dwelt  upon  the 
fact  that  the  stomach  seemed  to  have  resumed  its  normal  functions.  The 
breakfast  of  chicken  broth,  toast  and  coffee  given  in  the  morning  before 
was  spoken  of  by  all  the  physicians  as  strong  evidence  of  the  Presi 
dent's  marked  improvement.  It  was  only  when  it  became  apparent  late 
in  the  morning  that  this  food  had  not  agreed  with  the  President  that  the 
first  genuine  anxiety  appeared.  The  first  note  of  alarm  was  sounded 
in  the  official  bulletin,  which  spoke  of  the  President's  fatigue. 

President  McKinley,  already  weak  from  the  ordeal  of  the  tragedy 
and  suffering,  complained  of  an  increasing  feeling  of  fatigue.  He  had, 


60  TEE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH. 

theretofore,  been  so  buoyant  and  cheerful  that  his  complaints  were 
regarded  seriously.  The  pulse  was  then  also  abnormally  high,  126 
beats  to  the  minute.  With  a  temperature  of  100.2  it  should  have  been 
thirty  beats  lower.  The  weakness  of  the  heart  began  to  arouse  serious 
concern.  Instead  of  growing  better  the  President's  condition  after  that 
grew  steadily  worse. 

The  staff  of  physicians,  augmented  by  Dr.  Stockton,  who  had  tem 
porarily  taken  the  place  of  Dr.  McBurney,  was  summoned  early  in  the 
evening  and  there  was  a  conference. 

It  was  believed,  while  the  swift  surgery  in  the  case  of  President 
McKinley  was  held  to  be  a  success,  that  it  had  been  a  wonderful  opera 
tion.  The  famous  doctor,  McBurney,  told  the  Buffalo  surgeons,  when 
he  first  inspected  their  work,  "this  is  the  climax  of  human  skill.  You 
have  reached  the  supreme  limit  of  science.  No  greater  victory  has  ever 
been  won.  If  this  wound  had  been  inflicted  upon  a  European  sovereign 
he  would  surely  have  died.  I  congratulate  you." 

It  is  wonderful  that  the  faith  in  the  recovery  of  the  President  was 
so  general,  when  the  evidence  that  the  heart  was  weak  could  not  be 
mistaken  from  first  to  last.  The  surgeons,  however,  were  in  the  habit 
of  referring  to  a  possible  "sinking  spell,"  giving  no  intimation  that  they 
feared  it  would  be  uncontrollable. 

The  President's  prayer  when  lifted  on  the  operating  table  is  thus 
described : 

The  doctors  were  ready  to  administer  ether.  The  President  opened 
his  eyes  and  saw  that  he  was  about  to  enter  a  sleep  from  which  he 
might  never  wake.  He  turned  his  great  hazel  eyes  sorrowfully  upon 
the  little  group.  Then  he  closed  the  lips.  His  white  face  was  suddenly 
lit  by  a  tender  smile.  His  soul  came  into  his  countenance.  The  wan 
lips  moved.  A  singular  and  almost  supernatural  beauty  possessed  him, 
mild,  childlike  and  serene.  The  surgeons  paused  to  listen. 

"Thy  kingdom  come,  Thy  will  be  done." 

The  voice  was  soft  and  clear.  The  tears  rolled  down  Dr.  Mynter's 
face.  The  President  raised  his  chest  and  sighed.  His  lips  moved  once 
more. 

"Thy  will  be  done"-— 

Dr.  Mann  paused  with  the  keen  knife  in  his  hand.  There  was  a 
lump  in  his  throat. 

"For  Thine  is  the  kingdom  and  the  power  and  the  glory." 


THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH.  61 

The  eyelids  fluttered  faintly,  beads  of  cold  sweat  stood  on  the  blood 
less  brow — there  was  silence. 

Two  of  our  martyred  Presidents  were  shot  on  Friday  and  one  on 
Saturday.  The  dates  are  as  follows : 

President  Lincoln,  shot  on  Friday,  April  14,  1865. 

President  Garfield,  shot  on  Saturday,  July  2,  1881. 

President  McKinley,  shot  on  Friday,  September  6,  1901, 

The  lessons  taught  by  the  tragedies  of  the  murderous  martyrdoms 
of  Presidents,  are  that  public  opinion  must  be  formed — active,  organ 
ized  and  aggressive — for  effective  war  upon  anarchy,  or  the  glory  of  our 
government  of  ourselves  will  decline.  There  is  more  than  the  assassina 
tion  of  our  first  citizens  and  officers,  more  than  the  murders  and  attempts 
at  murder  of  Presidents,  that  is  involved.  It  is  the  liberty  of  the  land 
that  the  anarchist  strikes  with  his  assassin's  hand.  Liberty  and  order 
must  be  inseparable.  It  is  anarchy  that  is  the  foe  of  freedom,  that  is 
the  everlasting  enemy  of  free  government. 

The  motives  of  the  murderers  who  succeeded  in  shooting  Lincoln 
in  the  back  of  the  head,  and  Garfield  in  the  small  of  the  back,  and  the 
assassin  of  McKinley,  firing  in  front  while  holding  his  hand,  were  widely 
different,  but  had  one  thing  in  common — a  grand  passion  and  frantic- 
zeal  for  distinction — a  rabid  appetite  to  be  talked  about — a  fanatical 
vanity,  that  would  lead  them  to  give  life  itself  to  obtain  the  attraction 
of  the  world. 

Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  early  days  of  assured  victory  in  war  for 
the  Union,  at  the  close  of  that  dire  conflict,  was  shot  through  the  brain 
by  a  tragical  actor,  maddened  by  one  of  the  fanaticisms  of  malignant 
growth  in  the  strife  of  the  Nation  and  the  Confederacy;  and  this  vain 
artificial  lunatic  killed  the  President  as  he  would  have  slain  the  per 
sonification  of  a  hero  on  the  stage  with  the  mouthings  of  a  melodrama. 

This  is  a  characteristic  of  Anarchists.  It  is  a  ferocity  for  bloody 
advertising.  The  anarchist  proposes  to  imprint  himself  upon  civiliza 
tion  with  dynamite.  He  says  he  is  poor  and  claims  that  his  poverty 
is  another's  crime,  yet  is  one  who  loafs  but  asserts  his  partnership  with 
Labor.  His  doctrine  is  that  he  must  destroy.  It  is  Labor's  mission  to 
create. 

There  followed  the  death  of  the  President  the  gloomy  pageants  of 
the  funeral  in  three  cities,  and  there  was  in  and  upon  our  land  and  all 
the  nations  of  the  earth  the  Shadow  of  Death.  It  was  no  phantom,  but 


62  THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH. 

an  awful  reality.  The  darkness  was  felt.  It  was  overwhelming  and  op 
pressive.  One  of  the  foremost  men  in  the  world's  affairs,  the  well-loved 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States,  had  fallen.  He  was  a  man  of 
peace,  not  a  war  President,  for  it  was  his  duty  to  accept  war.  He  had 
been  reviled  for  his  good  works  and  slaughtered  because  he  kept  his 
oath  to  preserve  the  Constitution.  So  deep  was  the  Shadow  on  the  day 
of  the  final  funeral  ceremonies  that  it  was  agreed  upon  by  all — a  spon 
taneous  suggestion — that  all  wheels  should  cease  to  roll,  all  wires 
be  silent,  and  ten  minutes  given  to  meditation  by  millions.  It  was  done 
and  even  the  mighty  cities  were  silent.  The  children  wept  in  the  streets. 
Bells  tolled  for  McKinley  around  the  world.  And  here  is  a  scene  in  the 
time  when  the  Shadow  of  Death  was  upon  the  city  of  Chicago : 

The  crowd  was  something  grand  and  terrible.  Women  shrieked  and 
grew  faint  in  the  maelstrom  and  men  seemed  to  be  fighting  for 
place  of  escape.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  bedlam  that  a  tall  horseman 
in  the  parade  suddenly  reined  his  horse. 

He  doffed  his  helmet,  and,  waving  it  above  the  turbulent  crowd, 
shouted:  "Hats  off !"  . 

At  once  the  sea  of  struggling  men  and  women  became  calm.  They 
stood  transfixed  and  silent  in  their  places.  Hats,  withdrawn,  were  held 
across  hearts,  and  women  bowed  their  heads  in  silent  prayer.  The  mur 
murs  died  away.  The  cannon  that  was  booming  a  President's  salute 
spoke  no  more.  The  trumpets  hushed  the  funeral  fanfare,  the  muffled 
drums  were  still.  The  men  with  arms  stood  at  salute  like  statues.  The 
long  column  halted.  And  the  wordless  panegyric  which  then  became 
eloquent  for  five  full  minutes  seemed  to  have  more  meaning  in  it  than 
all  the  rhetoric,  and  all  the  music,  and  all  the  black  and  purple  mourn 
ing  trappings  that  the  world  had  lavished  upon  the  memory  of  the  great 
dead.  As  by  some  incomparable  sympathy  the  multitude  seemed  to 
know  that  at  that  moment  the  grave  at  Canton  was  closing  forever  upon 
the  murdered  President,  that  the  ultimate  time  had  come  for  memory 
and  tears  and  prayers. 

When  the  clock  showed  that  the  half  hour  was  five  minutes  old,  the 
sound  of  singing  voices  coming  from  the  balcony  of  the  Chicago  Club 
intoned  the  first  line  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee."  Quavering  at  first 
and  thin,  the  chant  arose.  One  by  one  the  men  and  women  in  the  streets 
took  up  the  chorus  till  the  volume  of  song,  piercing  and  strong  by  very 
contrast  with  the  late  silence,  rose  into  a  mighty  diapason  of  melody 


THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH.  63 

that  was  vocal  with  sorrow,  worship  and  hope.  Along  the  marching 
column  the  bands  caught  the  spirit  of  the  stately  hymn,  and  the  wave 
of  music  that  swelled  in  unison  then  was  like  the  sound  of  a  great 
"Amen." 

The  whole  character  of  the  day's  ceremonial  in  Chicago  was  marked 
by  the  most  extraordinary  decorum.  It  spoke  in  the  subdued  voices  of 
the  people,  and  shone  in  the  grave  little  faces  of  the  children.  The 
lowering  skies  added  to  the  somber  aspect  of  the  city,  and  the  sad  or 
spiritual  motive  of  the  music  enhanced  the  meaning  of  the  demonstra 
tion  with  a  rare  and  exquisite  tenderness. 

An  hour  before  the  funeral  pageant  had  passed  away  a  gentle  rain 
began  to  fall  in  fitful  showers.  The  wind  sprang  up  again  and  whistled 
dismally  among  the  wires.  But  the  crowds,  steadfast  in  their  quiet  sor 
row,  remained  in  their  places  till  the  last  rank  had  passed. 

The  center  of  the  Shadow  was  in  a  house  known  to  be  one  of  gracious 
and  generous  hospitality  in  Buffalo — the  Milburn  house — henceforth 
forever  to  be  a  landmark  in  history — and  as  it  was  in  this  house  the 
sorely  wounded  President  found  shelter,  the  country  should  know  the 
host  of  the  house. 

George  Milburn,  in  whose  beautiful  home  the  wounded  President 
lay  dying,  recently  became  known  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe  where 
there  is  sympathy  or  anxiety  for  William  McKinley.  It  is  something 
that  Mr.  Milburn  would  not  have  sought  or  desired  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  for  he  has  always  disliked  everything  that  approached 
parade  and  notoriety,  and  has  never  put  himself  in  the  way  of  public 
applause. 

For  twenty  years  or  more  John  G.  Milburn  has  been  known  as  one 
of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  In  Buffalo  he  has 
belonged  to  that  class  of  men  who  do  not  intrude  themselves  into  public 
matters,  but  whose  opinions,  when  given,  count  for  much — the  sort 
of  man  whom  the  newspaper  reporters  fly  to  when  the  soundest  judg 
ment  upon  the  gravest  affairs  is  to  be  had.  When  the  business  men  of 
Buffalo  decided  to  build  the  Pan-American  Exposition  it  was  this  sort 
of  man  they  wanted  at  the  head  of  the  great  undertaking,  and  they  se 
lected  John  G.  Milburn  because  he  was  a  giant  intellectually,  a  gentle 
man  always  and  honest  beyond  the  suspicion  of  any  man's  doubt. 

By  birth  he  is  an  Englishman.  He  was  born  in  the  North  of  England 
fifty  years  ago  and  started  in  life  as  a  mechanical  engineer,  a  profession 


64  THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH. 

in  which  his  father  gained  considerable  prominence  as  the  builder 
of  the  high  level  bridge  at  Berwick-on-Tweed,  the  Tyne  docks  at  New 
castle,  and  other  works.  But  young  Milburn  had  made  up  his  mind 
early  in  life  that  he  wanted  to  be  a  lawyer,  and,  taking  hasty  and  un 
expected  leave  of  the  draughting  room,  he  sailed  for  America  in  1869, 
and  soon  found  an  opportunity  to  study  law  in  the  office  of  Wakeman 
&  Watson,  at  Batavia,  N.  Y.  In  1873,  after  four  years  of  the  most  labor 
ious  preparation,  he  passed  the  bar  examination,  but  was  not  permitted 
to  practice  because  it  was  discovered  that  he  had  not  been  in  the  coun 
try  long  enough  to  gain  citizenship.  His  case  was  taken  up  by  a  number 
of  influential  men  in  the  State,  and  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  legisla 
ture  to  waive  his  alienage  and  give  him  the  privilege  of  full  citizenship. 
The  introduction  of  the  bill  aroused  intense  opposition,  and,  after  a  pro 
tracted  storm  of  anti-British  oratory  in  the  Senate,  the  measure  was 
passed  and  became  Chapter  VII  of  the  Laws  of  1874.  Thus  it  is  that  this 
alien  is  to-day  repaying  the  efforts  of  those  who  aided  in  making  him  a 
citizen  by  the  tenderest  care  of  the  nation's  chief  ruler  that  human 
hands  could  bestow. 

In  appearance  he  is  a  type  of  the  sturdiest  manhood,  both  physically 
and  intellectually.  He  is  six  feet  tall,  well-proportioned,  with  broad, 
regular  features  and  the  impress  of  character  and  determination  upon 
every  line.  His  manner  is  pleasant  and  cordial  always,  with  a  style  of 
candor  and  deliberation  that  adds  much  to  his  force  as  a  speaker, 
whether  in  serious  argument  or  in  lighter  vein.  As  a  public  speaker  he 
has  enjoyed  great  popularity  for  years,  and  is  usually  chosen  for  the 
most  conspicuous  duties  of  this  character  at  all  important  affairs  in 
Buffalo. 

As  a  lawyer  he  has  for  the  last  fifteen  years  been  a  member  of  the 
firm  of  Rogers,  Locke  &  Milburn,  the  leading  law  firm  in  Buffalo,  and 
has  been  retained  in  most  of  the  important  civil  cases  in  the  local  courts 
in  the  last  decade.  He.  was  within  the  last  year  retained  by  the  defense 
to  argue  the  appeal  in  the  Molineux  case,  and  he  made  a  powerful  argu 
ment  for  his  client  against  David  B.  Hill,  who  appeared  in  the  case 
for  the  District  Attorney  of  New  York. 

Although  a  man  capable  of  great  achievement  and  a  hard  worker 
always,  yet  he  has  the  sublime  faculty  of  taking  life  easy,  and  no  matter 
how  many  the  burdens  upon  his  shoulders,  or  how  great  the  mountains 
of  work  before  him,  he  never  fails  to  find  time  for  a  pleasant,  deliberate 


THE  SHADOW  OF  DEATH.  65 

word  with  the  man  who  drops  in  upon  him.  His  beautiful  home  at  No, 
1168  Delaware  avenue,  is  a  palace  wherein  there  is  ever  good  fellowship 
and  a  hearty  welcome  for  him  who  enters.  Often  it  is  a  workshop  of  the 
busiest  sort,  but  always  it  is  John  G.  Milburn's  home,  and  that  means 
it  is  a  place  where  whole-souled  hospitality  belongs  with  the  atmos 
phere. 

Nor  is  he  alone  the  maker  of  the  atmosphere  of  hospitality  in  the 
Delaware  avenue  home.  Mrs.  Milburn  is  a  woman  of  the  kindliest  dis 
position,  and  has  much  of  her  husband's  sturdiness  of  character.  They 
have  three  sons,  John  George,  Jr.,  and  Devereux,  who  are  in  Oxford 
University,  England,  and  Ralph,  who  is  much  younger.  The  Milburn 
home  is  situated  in  one  of  the  most  delightful  sections  of  Buffalo,  on  a 
broad  avenue,  where  the  morning  sun  and  the  fresh  air  from  the  park 
reach  it  unobstructed,  and  in  all  the  land  the  unfortunate  President 
could  not  have  fallen  in  a  spot  where  his  every  need  would  have  been 
more  carefully  supplied. 

Never  but  once  since  his  coming  to  America  has  Mr.  Milburn  had  his 
residence  outside  of  Western  New  York.  Shortly  after  being  admitted 
to  the  bar  he  went  to  Denver,  Col.,  where  he  formed  a  law  partnership 
with  United  States  Senator  Edward  Wolcott,  but  he  did  not  like  the 
West,  and  after  a  year's  residence  in  Denver  returned  to  Buffalo,  where 
he  has  since  lived. 

John  G.  Milburn  came  to  America  a  poor  boy,  and  the  success  he  has 
achieved  has  been  due  wholly  to  his  own  industry  and  strength  of  char 
acter.  After  he  had  begun  to  make  some  headway  as  a  lawyer  in  Buf 
falo  he  sent  for  his  younger  brother,  Joseph,  in  England,  and  started 
him  on  the  road  to  the  legal  profession.  But  Joseph  did  not  take  easily 
to  the  law,  and,  turning  his  mind  to  more  serious  things,  studied  for  the 
ministry,  and  is  now  a  successful  pastor  of  a  church  in  Chicago. 

The  people  have  had  in  mind  through  the  days  of  the  Shadow  the 
dark  days  after  Lincoln  fell  at  the  hour  when  his  great  heart  and  head 
were  most  needed  by  his  country — when  the  North  lost  the  leader  and 
the  South  the  best  friend.  And  now,  when  we  think  of  Lincoln  we 
think  of  Washington,  and  go  back  from  the  Valley  of  the  Shadow  of 
these  September  days  to  the  gloomy  December  of  1799,  and  turn  over 
old  leaves  to  see  how  the  people  mourned  for  the  Father  of  the  Country. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY,   INFLUENCES  AND  DANGERS. 

Leon  Czolgosz,  the  Assassin  of  the  President— The  StorJ  He  Told  of  His  Moyements 
Previous  to  the  Assassination — The  Creed  of  Assassination — The  Cunning  Displayed  by 
These  Red- Handed  Assassins— How  the  Anarchists  Select  and  Slay  Their  Yictims 
with  Ferocity. 

First  of  all  it  is  to  be  said  the  anarchist  faction  in  this  country  has 
no  warrant  in  the  form  or  administration  of  our  Government.  The  effort 
to  incite  hostility  culminating  in  assassination  against  those  responsi 
ble  through  office  for  public  affairs  is  a  most  lamentable  perversity. 

Three  Presidents  of  the  United  States  have  perished  by  violence,  but 
McKinley  is  the  first  killed  according  to  the  decrees  of  the  anarchical 
order.  Lincoln  fell  by  the  hand  of  a  theatrical  egotist.  Garfield's 
slayer  was  a  disappointed  office  seeker.  Leon  Czolgosz,  who  assas 
sinated  McKinley,  is  of  the  rankest  type  of  anarchy.  He  represents 
the  history,  influence  and  danger  of  the  anarchical  organization  and  his 
crime  is  according  to  his  doctrines,  and  the  culmination  of  the  teaching 
of  false  and  fatal  dogmas. 

President  McKinley  has  been  thoughtlessly  blamed  for  exposing 
himself  to  hidden  dangers.  Of  course,  he  did  not  avoid  the  people,  but 
enjoyed  being  in  touch  with  them.  Monarchs  who  command  immense 
armies,  and  can  and  do  often  hedge  themselves  with  bayonets,  do  not 
escape  the  assassins.  Alexander,  the  emancipator  of  Russian  serfs,  had 
his  legs  blown  off  with  a  bomb  because  he  was  brave  and  benevolent. 
The  ruler  of  the  greatest  Empire  and  the  Chief  Executive  of  the  greatest 
Republic,  the  emancipator  of  American  slaves,  were  the  shining  marks 
for  the  anarchist  and  were  slaughtered.  The  graceful  Empress  of  Aus 
tria  was  stabbed  to  death  when  walking  in  Switzerland,  for  no  better 
reason  than  that  she  was  the  wife  of  an  Emperor  who  has  been  the 
most  beloved  and  competent  of  the  European  monarchs  for  half  a  cen 
tury.  A  President  of  France  was  stabbed  to  death  in  his  carriage  be 
cause  he  was  a  gentleman  representing  the  best  tradition  of  his  coun 
try,  and  was  seriously  a  patriot.  Edward  VII.  of  England  was  before  his 
accession  shot  at  in  the  railroad  station  at  Brussels,  and  saved  by  the 
nervousness  of  the  would-be  assassin.  The  Emperor  William  I.  of  Ger- 

66 


ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS.  67 

many  was  fired  upon  as  lie  was  riding  in  a  carriage  along  the  principal 
street  in  Berlin,  and  showered  with  pellets  of  lead,  suffering  severely 
from  wounds,  saved  from  fatal  mutilation  by  holding  his  left  hand  in  the 
position  of  military  salute,  so  that  the  hand  saved  the  features.  William 
II.  was  assailed  by  a  man  conveniently  disposed  of  as  insane,  who  hurled 
a  fragment  of  iron  with  such  aim  as  to  bruise  the  Emperor's  face.  This 
monarch  was  not  the  man  to  take  this  insolence  as  a  simple  case  of  in 
sanity,  but  referred  to  it  as  an  expression  of  the  existence  of  despera 
does,  and  threatened  his  own  Capital  in  an  address  to  his  Guards,  with 
the  swift  vengeance  of  the  troops  if  the  issue  came  between  Anarchy 
and  Empire.  There  is  no  safety  in  shrinking  from  the  most  public 
places  and  avoiding  the  massed  people  wrhen  they  are  so  multitudinous 
they  can  not  be  controlled  by  any  common-places  of  the  preservation  of 
order  and  mere  decorum. 

The  history  of  the  movements  of  the  assassin  of  President  McKinley 
before  the  murder  will  be  studied  wherever  there  is  a  community  of  civil 
ized  people.  It  is  an  element  that  must  be  considered  that  so  great  are 
the  capacities  of  the  railroad  system  that  the  size  of  audiences  has  been 
enormously  increased  of  late  years.  Where  there  were  thousands  a  gen 
eration  ago,  there  are  tens  of  thousands.  The  trolleys  pour  into  the 
great  steam  roads  like  rivulets  into  rivers,  and  it  may  happen  whenever 
there  are  remarkable  attractions  that  there  may  be  collected  people  in 
such  numbers  that  they  must  manage  themselves,  or  they  will  not  be 
manageable.  Everybody  has  the  news  nowadays.  A  cent  will  buy  a  paper 
that  tells  all  that  is  going  on  of  chief  concern.  The  assassin  who  took  the 
President's  life  had  been  taught  by  a  woman  to  meditate  on  the  murder 
of  rulers — especially  "Great  Rulers" — and  he  saw  in  a  paper  that  the 
President  was  going  to  Buffalo,  and  began  to  stalk  him  to  kill  him  as  if 
he  were  some  monster,  and  the  pursuit  continued  for  several  days.  The 
chance  of  effective  shooting  in  the  midst  of  the  shifting  scenes  was  coolly 
calculated  and  rejected  by  the  infernal  expert  in  killing.  A  hungry, 
fiendish  watch  was  kept  for  an  eligible  opportunity  to  commit  murder 
and  it  was  found.  The  assassin  stood  near  while  the  President  was 
speaking  at  Buffalo — the  last  speech  then  and  there — glaring  at  him, 
and  was  afraid  of  failing  to  murder  the  "Great  Ruler."  Still  the  man 
hunt  continued,  and  the  tragedy  was  not  only  planned  but  rehearsed  in 
the  President's  presence,  an  accomplice  being  ahead  of  the  anarchist  as 
sassin  in  the  cue.  The  murderer  was  anxious  to  be  picturesque. 


68  ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS. 

There  was  a  bloodhound  keenness  in  keeping  on  the  track  of  the  Pres 
ident,  knowing  from  time  to  time  where  he  would  be  at  certain  hours 
and  minutes — the  places  where  the  hunted  game  would  ride  and  where 
he  would  walk — and  the  ways  were  examined,  close  calculations  made. 
The  multitudes,  careless  or  enthusiastic,  swept  by  like  the  assassin,  de 
siring  to  see  close  at  hand  the  man  who  had  so  eminently  worked  for  the 
people,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country  was  the  harvest.  At  last  there 
was  the  reception  under  the  Gilded  Dome,  the  spot  selected  by  the  anar 
chists  to  make  murder  an  impressive,  educational  ceremony,  as  this 
monstrous  infatuation  would  have  it,  and  there  it  was  announced  the 
President  would  shake  hands  with  the  people.  The  President  was 
placed  face  to  face  with  the  assassin,  a  well  dressed  person,  disguised 
by  his  accomplices  to  be  accounted  a  citizen  of  respectability.  His  van 
ity  had  been  excited,  and  he  had  been  pampered  for  what  the  anarchists 
regard  the  reform  role  of  murder.  He  had  been  helped  to  good  clothes 
to  do  a  deed  of  treachery  and  savagery,  horrible  as  any  traitor's  crime 
in  the  long  annals  of  stealthy,  murderous  crime.  The  assassin  was  slen 
der  of  build,  an  inconsiderable  person,  not  bulky  or  slow,  but  alert,  ur 
gent,  crowding.  He  knew  where  the  hand-shaking  would  take  place, 
and  he  was  early  in  the  line  as  he  cared  to  be,  and  he  was  preceded  by  a 
dummy  to  clear  the  way  for  bloody  murder  and  the  President  was  in  a 
trap  to  be  slaughtered. 

The  huntsman  had  the  victim  he  had  followed  like  a  lean  wolf.  There 
was  one  chance  for  the  President  to  avoid  the  appointed  assassin.  There- 
were  detectives  present — men,  educated  in  suspicion,  with  trained  eyes 
for  criminals,  with  schooled  suspicion,  glancing  at  all  comers — and 
there  were  others,  masters  of  ceremony.  How  was  it  that  no  one  noted 
the  Hidden  Hand?  If  a  man  had  pressed  forward  with  his  right  hand  in 
his  pocket,  it  would  have  been  the  duty  of  a  detective  to  see  that  hand  or 
crowd  away  the  man,  and  detain  him  if  he  resisted.  If  the  murderer 
drawing  near  had  in  either  hand  a  parcel,  it  was  the  detectives'  duty  to 
know  what  that  parcel  meant.  Parcels  in  such  places  are  suspected 
property.  There  might  be  hidden  in  a  sheet  of  paper  a  bomb  to  be  hurled 
on  the  floor  with  fatal  results.  It  is  one  of  the  terrors  of  the  anarchistic 
murderers  that  they  are  usually  ready  to  die  if  they  can  take  the  "Great 
Ruler"  with  them,  and  they  will  throw  the  dynamite  where  their  own 
legs  will  be  shattered,  if  the  great  ruler  can  be  destroyed.  This  pupil  in 
the  school  of  assassins  seems  not  to  have  quite  reached  this  point.  He 


ANARCHY—ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS.  69 

had  been  taught  by  anarchist  lectures,  by  inflammatory  sheets,  smeared 
with  foul  doctrine,  that  he  had  a  "duty"  to  perform,  that  to  commit  a 
murder  of  a  ruler  was  a  matter  of  heroism,  that  this  country  was  the 
greatest  of  frauds  and  the  worst  of  despotisms,  the  most  wretched,  false 
and  horrible  of  lies,  that  he  would  at  one  stroke  lift  himself  to  immortal 
fame.  He  was  a  man  with  his  hand  within  the  breast  of  his  coat — his 
right  hand.  It  was  a  shrewd  trick.  Some  scoundrel  is  gloating  over 
that  as  his  idea,  but  it  will  never  work  again.  That  handkerchief  was 
an  appeal  to  sympathy.  It  was  a  false  pretense  of  being  a  crippled  per 
son,  and  there  was  evidently  an  easy  way  for  the  man  with  a  wounded 
hand.  What  a  chance  that  was  for  the  men  on  the  watch,  and  thought 
to  be  able  to  outwit  the  criminal  class,  who  have  been  so  highly  culti 
vated  in  modern  lines.  The  President's  Private  Secretary  was  at  hand, 
but  not  so  expressly  to  be  a  guard  as  a  helper  in  communication  with  the 
people.  He  has  been  of  uncommon  usefulness.  His  remembering  the 
right  thing  at  the  right  time  has  been  remarkable,  and  the  country  owes 
him  a  great  debt  for  his  masterly  management  after  the  President  was 
stricken.  His  information  as  to  surgeons,  his  intuition  as  to  the  correct 
thing  to  say  and  do,  the  personal  aid  and  comfort  he  has  been  to  the 
President — these  are  things  not  to  be  forgotten. 

It  seems  that  it  might  have  been  the  duty  of  the  detective  nearest, 
when  he  saw  a  man  with  a  concealed  hand,  to  make  inquiry.  The  art  of 
the  scoundrels  engaged  in  the  plot  was  displayed  in  the  conspicuity  of 
the  hand  that  was  bandaged,  but  the  accepted  explanation  was  that  the 
man's  hand  was  wounded.  It  contained  a  powerful  weapon  meant  for 
face  to  face  encounters,  one  sufficient  for  rapid  and  conclusive  firing. 
The  instrument  of  death  was  self-cocking,  and,  therefore,  it  was  neces 
sary  to  be  coolly  attentive  to  keep  the  hammer  free  from  the  folds  of  the 
handkerchief.  The  President  shook  hands  in  a  manly,  hearty  way,  put 
ting  out  his  right  hand,  with  his  left  on  his  breast.  It  was  his  habit  and 
pleasure  to  give  each  person  who  clasped  his  hand  a  look,  and  often  his 
eyes  found  those  he  knew,  and  all  hand  shakers  were  agreeably  touched  if 
the  President  remembered  and  recalled  a  pleasant  memory  with  a  glance 
or  word.  He  saw  a  slender,  whitey  faced  young  man  he  did  not  recognize, 
who  seemed  disabled,  possibly  some  young  mechanic  who  had  been 
nipped  in  the  right  hand  by  machinery!  That  was  the  make-up.  The 
President's  kindness  was  in  all  his  acts,  and,  extending  his  right  hand, 
xnet  the  left  hand  of  a  man  who  confronted  him  with  fixed  eyes.  The 


70  ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS. 

President  felt  his  hand  given  to  the  stranger  firmly  gripped;  and  that 
hurtful  impoliteness  is  not  rare.  All  public  men  who  have  withstood  re 
ceptions  know  the  fellow  with  "the  glad  hand,"  who  makes  a  display  of 
his  muscular  force.  This  to  the  President  was  a  case  of  that  sort,  and  in 
an  instant  there  was  the  crackle  of  two  pistol  shots.  The  President,  from 
whose  breast  one  bullet  glanced,  received  the  other  eight  inches  below 
the  left  nipple,  and  the  conical  missile  passed  through  the  stomach.  The 
President  felt  he  was  shot,  and  asked  in  three  words  whether  it  was  so 
and  was  told  the  truth,  and  after  an  effort  to  maintain  his  footing,  sank 
into  a  chair,  asked  that  the  assassin  should  not  be  harmed,  having  the 
presence  of  mind  to  know  it  was  important  he  should  be  saved  that  the 
truth  about  him  and  his  associates  might  be  ascertained.  Then  the  Presi 
dent  desired  that  the  incident  should  not  be  rashly  told  to  his  wife  in  an 
exaggerated  way,  and  regretted  that  his  presence  had  been  unfortunate 
for  those  whose  guest  he  was.  This  was  calm,  considerate,  most  thought 
ful  and  manly,  and  he  continued  in  this  temper  to  the  end. 

Czolgosz,  the  name  of  the  man  who  shot  President  McKinley,  offers 
a  lingual  problem  to  nine-tenths  of  those  who  attempt  to  pronounce  it. 
It  is  one  of  those  names  which  the  English  alphabet  cannot  spell  phonet 
ically,  and  which  the  average  English-speaking  person  stumbles  over  in 
trying  to  express  after  hearing  it  spoken  by  a  Russian.  Written  accord 
ing  to  its  sound,  the  name  Czolgosz,  or  its  nearest  equivalent,  is  "Tcholl- 
gosch,"  or  more  broadly  speaking,  "Shollgosch." 

The  former  pronunciation  is  the  one  given  by  Sergeant  Ter-Isaian  of 
the  Detective  bureau,  who  is  a  Russian  and  who  is  familiar  with  the 
varied  dialects  in  Polish  Russia,  from  whence  the  parents  of  Leon  Czol 
gosz  came  to  this  country. 

"Cz"  is  represented  in  the  Russian  alphabet  by  a  character  which  is 
pronounced  much  the  same  as  though  one  were  suppressing  a  sneeze— 
"tsch."  The  next  two  letters — "ol" — are  pronounced  in  combination  as 
though  written  "oil,"  and  the  remaining  letters  of  the  name— "gosz"— 
may  be  given  the  sound  of  "gosch." 

\        The  story  of  the  assassin  in  brief  is  that  he  was  born  in  Detroit,  of 
parents  of  Polish  blood,  twenty-six  years  ago.    He  received  some  educa- 
ion  in  the  common  schools  of  that  city,  but  left  school  and  went  to  work 
!f%hen  a  boy  as  a  blacksmith's  apprentice.     Later  he  went  to  work  at 
|K  Cleveland  and  then  went  to  Chicago, 

While  in  Chicago  he  became  interested  in  the  Socialist  movement. 


ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS. 

When  he  went  back  to  Cleveland  his  interest  in  the  movement  increased. 
He  read  all  the  Socialist  literature  he  could  lay  his  hands  on,  and  finally 
began  to  take  part  in  Socialistic  matters.  In  time  he  became  fairly  well 
known  in  Chicago,  Cleveland  and  Detroit,  not  only  as  a  Socialist,  but 
as  an  Anarchist  of  the  most  bitter  type. 

After  returning  to  Cleveland  from  Chicago  he  went  to  work  in  the 
wire  mills  in  Newburg,  a  suburb  of  Cleveland.  He  says  he  was  working 
-there  up  to  the  day  he  started  for  Buffalo  to  kill  the  President,  thus 
contradicting  letters  written  by  him  from  points  in  New  York. 

A  few  weeks  ago  Czolgosz  attended  a  meeting  of  Socialists  in  Cleve 
land,  at  which  a  lecture  was  given  by  Emma  Goldman, the  woman  whose 
anarchistic  doctrines  have  made  her  notorious  all  over  the  countrjfo 

The  King  of  Italy  was  murdered  by  a  man  sent  for  the  express  pur 
pose  by  a  society  of  anarchists  in  Paterson,  New  Jersey,  who  have  been 
at  pains  to  make  known  their  identity,  and  have  been  reported  as  cele 
brating  the  assassination  of  the  King,  the  charges  against  him  being 
fanciful  and  malignant.  The  vagabond  who  slew  the  King  was  not 
treated  to  dainty  food  and  social  distinction,  made  to  believe  himself  a 
heroic  personage,  or  even  sent  to  execution,  so  as  to  give  him  a  chance  to 
pose  as  a  King  Killer.  He  was  not  executed  at  all,  but  placed  in  solitary 
confinement,  and  the  anarchists  have  not  been  pleased  with  his  treat 
ment,  and  have  claimed  loudly,  as  though  some  good  man  had  been  ill 
treated,  that  he  was  forced  to  take  his  own  life  to  escape  the  horrors  of 
solitude  in  a  dungeon.  In  fact,  the  fate  of  this  murderer  does  not  encour 
age  anarchical  aspirations,  and  there  have  been  threats  that  all  the 
crowned  heads  of  Europe  shall  soon  be  slaughtered  because  the  prison 
was  not  made  to  the  slayer  of  the  King  of  Italy  a  pleasant  and  dignified 
abode.  In  the  place  where  he  died  he  did  not  receive  applause,  not  even 
bouquets.  Still,  he  has  had  his  sympathizers  in  this  country. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  President  McKinley  had  been  too  much  in 
the  habit  of  answering  the  calls  of  the  people  to  shake  hands  with  them 
and  speak  to  them — to  go  about  in  crowds  unguarded.  It  is  true  that  he 
had  not  had  so  much  interest  in  the  possibility  of  being  a  mark  for  an 
assassin,  as  many  have  insisted  upon  having  for  him.  The  taking  of  offi 
cial  precautions  for  the  safety  of  a  man  high  in  office  is  almost  certain  to 
be  distasteful  to  him,  and  it  is  often  a  question  not  easily  decided  what 
can  be  done  or  attempted. 

When  Abraham  Lincoln,  owing  to  the  pressure  of  war  business, 


72  ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS. 

could  not  leave  Washington  in  summer-time,  he  found  pleasant  quarters 
in  a  cottage  near  the  soldiers'  home,  and  the  military  authorities  would 
have  him  guarded  to  and  from  the  White  House  to  the  cottage  by  a 
squad  of  cavalry;  and  it  was  said  of  him  he  thought  the  ceremony  ab 
surd,  and  laughed  about  his  body-guard.  It  is  now  known  that  there 
was  then  a  plot  to  capture  him,  secrete  him  in  a  cellar,  and  run  him  to 
Richmond  along  a  lineof  contraband  and  medical  supply  transportation. 
President  Harrison  was  opposed  to  the  efforts  made  to  shield  him  from 
dangers  in  the  dark,  but  he  persisted  in  his  habit  of  walking  about  the 
city,  and  going  without  giving  notice,  when,  where  and  how  he  pleased. 

The  last  time  President  Garfield  dined  out  was  with  Secretary  Hunt, 
of  Louisiana;  he  drove  to  the  White  House  between  ten  and  eleven 
o'clock,  with  Postmaster-General  Thomas  L.  James,  who,  returning  to 
the  Arlington  Hotel,  met  a  friend  and  asked  him  whether  he  had  seen 
the  President.  The  friend  answered  no — he  had  been  over  to  the  White 
House  to  make  a  call,  but  the  President  was  out  driving.  James  replied 
that  the  President  had  just  returned  and  would  be  pleased  to  have  a  late 
call,  as  he  meant  to  drop  public  cares  to  go  to  the  commencement  at 
William's  College.  Upon  this,  the  call  at  the  Executive  Mansion  was 
repeated  and  the  President  was  most  agreeable  and  exceedingly  inter 
esting.  As  the  visitor  left,  it  was  nearly  the  middle  of  the  night,  and 
passing  out  he  saw  there  on  guard  a  familiar  face,  and  asked  the  ques 
tion,  "Were  you  not  on  watch  here  in  Lincoln's  time?"  "Yes,"  was  the  re 
ply.  "Many  a  night  before  he  went  to  bed,  he  would  walk  over  to  the 
War  Department  to  see  if  anything  had  come  in  the  way  of  news  from 
the  armies."  "And,"  said  the  watchman,  "I  often  took  pains  to  walk  be 
tween  the  old  man  and  the  trees — the  same  trees  you  see  here  now — be 
cause  I  had  a  fear  there  might  be  an  ambuscade,  and  some  devil  would 
shoot  him.  The  old  man  never  seemed  to  think  anything  about  possible 
murderers  being  about,  but  walked  right  along.  Sometimes  it  was  quite 
dark,  and  I  felt  sort  of  responsible  for  the  old  man,  and  I  was  glad  when 
I  got  him  back  and  had  the  door  shut  on  him." 

The  caller  on  President  Garfield,  who  had  just  seen  him  for  the  last 
time,  said  to  the  watchman,  as  the  trees  were  dark  and  the  walks  silent, 
"I  think  it  would  be  well  for  you  to  keep  a  sharp  lookout  now,  for  there 
are  queer  people  about  and  strange  things  said — excitements  about 
what  the  President  has  done  and  will  or  won't  do.  It  would  not  be  a  bad 
idea  to  watch  carefully  now." 


ANARCHY— ITS  HISTORY  AND  DANGERS.  73 

The  reply  was  simple  and  sensible — "These  are  not  war  times.  No 
body  would  hurt  the  President  now."  Three  days  later  the  shot  of  the 
assassin  gave  the  President  a  mortal  wound.  Of  course,  that  which  sug 
gested  to  the  visitor  to  warn  the  watchman  to  be  vigilant,  was  the  face 
of  the  man  who  had  guarded  the  footsteps  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the 
story  of  the  walks  at  night,  under  the  history  haunted  trees.  It  turned 
out  in  the  testimony  in  the  case  of  Guiteau,  that  at  that  hour  the  mur 
derer  was  prowling  in  the  shrubbery  in  Jackson  Square,  between  the 
White  House  and  the  Arlington  House,  seeking  a  chance  to  shoot  the 
.President,  having  possibly  dogged  his  footsteps  and  knowing  he  had 
gone  out. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  THE  ASSASSINATION. 

American  Anarchists  Assume  to  be  Defiant— Astounding  Development  of  a  Political  Policy 
of  Assassination — Is  a  Penal  Colony  for  Cranks  Needed? — A  Shocking  Array  of  Incidents 
—The  Canker  of  Anarchy  Displayed. 

Whatever  anarchists  may  say,  or  in  whatever  form  they  may  deny, 
that  their  doctrines  promote  and  demand  murder,  and  that  their  heroes 
are  assassins,  they  have  not,  as  they  profess  in  their  cant  sayings,  killed 
tyrants,  but  they  have  slaughtered  the  best  men  of  those  they  call 
"great  rulers."  They  are  not  enlightened  persons,  but  basely  ignorant 
of  human  affairs  and  perverse  as  to  history.  They  have  not  been  known 
to  kill  the  vicious;  they  have  slain  the  amiable.  The  cases  of  Lincoln 
and  Alexandria  are  in  point. 

The  students  of  the  news  of  the  day,  since  an  assassin  sneaked  upon 
McKinley  and  shot  him,  have  had  occasion  for  surprise  that  there  have 
been  so  many  expressions  of  sympathy  with  the  miscreant  murderer, 
and  it  is  not  difficult,  many  times,  to  point  out  that  the  sympathizers 
have  been  perverted  by  the  political  harangues  that  incite  hatreds  be 
tween  "classes,"  and  then  seek  to  show  that  we  are  classified  in  a  way 
that  is  an  indurated  injustice.  Children  are  being  brought  up  to  believe 
that  some  are  born  to  privation  through  wrongs  that  have  no  remedy  in 
law  and  others  to  an  opulent  inheritance  of  privilege.  But  one  ought  to 
be  able  to  go  a  long  way  with  error  without  coming  to  the  conclusion 
that  our  Republic  is  the  worst  of  despotisms.  We  have  a  good  many 
people  in  our  midst  of  anarchical  propensities,  but  they  are  not  the 
majority.  We  are  ruled  by  majorities.  Some  of  our  statesmen  have 
urged  the  passage  of  a  law  in  this  country  to  restrict  the  immigration  of 
anarchists.  But  the  anarchists  are  at  our  doors.  What  they  need  is 
expulsion,  and  we  have  a  few  Asiatic  islands  to  which  they  might  be 
deported.  Let  there  be  no  mistake  about  it — there  are  many  of  these 
people.  It  is  not  worth  while  to  bother  about  importation  unless  we  can 
devise  an  effective  system  of  exportation. 

There  is  a  colony  of  anarchists  in  Sprinj^3^illey,  111.,  and  a  letter, 
dated  September  15th,  1901,  says: 

74 


FOSTER  AND  IRELAND. 

Secret  service  men  who  captured  President  McKinley's  assassin. 


A      ^ 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 


<£> 


"There  are  from  300  to  500  anarchists  in  this  place,  the  colony  being 
only  second  in  the  United  States  to  those  at 


cagQ.    These  anarchists  publish  a  paper,  L'  Aurora,  and  from  time  to 
time  have  public  parades. 

"During  the  week  just  passed  approval  expressed  for  the  assassina 
tion  of  President  McKinley  has  been  open  and  insolent.  An  editorial 
published  in  L'Aurora  last  Friday  was  unusually  arrogant.  The  indig 
nation  of  Spring  Valley  citizens  came  to  a  climax  to-day,  when  a  union 
service  of  the  churches  was  held  at  the  Congregational  Church,  at  which 
the  Rev.  R.  W.  Purdue,  the  pastor,  preached  on  anarchy,  and  in  the 
most  scathing  manner  excoriated  the  methods  and  doctrines  of  anar 
chism  and  called  upon  all  loyal  citizens  to  join  in  a  movement  to  drive 
the  anarchists  from  the  town. 

"The  sermon  was  interrupted  frequently  by  applause.  Anarchist  rep 
resentatives  who  were  in  attendance  left  the  church. 

"A  movement  is  on  foot  to  canvass  every  male  citizen  with  petitions 
to  the  State  Legislature  and  to  Congress  for  the  suppression  of  anarchy. 
Every  man  refusing  to  sign  is  to  be  classed  as  an  anarchist,  and  thus  a 
basis  for  ridding  the  town  of  its  dangerous  citizens  is  to  be  obtained." 

That  which  is  the  greatest  surprise  about  these  people  is  their  inso 
lence.  ..Antonio  Maggio  is  an  anarchist  prophet  and  he  some  months  ago 
predicted  the  death  of  McKinley.  He  got  his  anarchist  education  in 
New  Orleans,  and  when  it  comes  to  a  vote  the  anarchists  do  not  prevail. 
They  are  at  least  as  scarce  as  monarchists. 

There  is  evidence  of  the  existence  of  an  anarchical  organization,  and 
the  head  of  it  is  believed  to  be  in  the  city  of  Paterson,  N.  J.  A  corre 
spondent  of  the  Chicago  News  writes  at  Paterson,  N.  J.,  September 
20th:  "No  sooner  had  the  anarchist,  Czolgosz,  shot  the  President  of  the 
United  States  than  the  anarchists  of  Paterson  called  a  mass-meeting. 
Assembling,  400  strong,  in  the  dance  hall  back  of  a  saloon  kept  by  one 
of  the  'fraternity,'  they  congratulated  one  another  upon  the  activity  of 
the  order  at  Buffalo. 

"Here  was  a  public  meeting  held  in  approbation  of  the  murder  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  to  arrange  for  more  murders.  The 
murder  of  the  King  of  Italy  was  by  a  man  sent  from  Paterson.  The 
Goldman  woman  is  a  frequent  visitor  in  Paterson,  and  the  'writings' 
which  inspired  the  assassin  were  contributions  over  her  name  which  ap- 


78  /  ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

peared  in  the  principal  organ  of  anarchy  in  this  country,  La  Questione 
,  pufaliahod-te-Paterson*. 


"Paterson,  indeed,  is  to  the  anarchists  of  this  country  what  New  Or 
leans  is  to  the  Society  of  the  Mafia,  what  Havana  is  to  the  Naningoes, 
what  Paris  is  to  the  Comprachicos.  The  'silk'  city  of  New  Jersey  is  the 
capital  of  all  the  'reds'  in  the  United  States-.  It  is  the  seat  of  a  kind  of 
university  for  the  training  of  regicides.  Here  Bresci,  the  killer  of  Hum 
bert,  was  trained.  When  the  assassin's  knife  sunk  into  the  breast  of 
Elizabeth  of  Austria,  in  Geneva,  the  secret  service  bureaus  of  the  world 
sent  extra  men  to  Paterson.  Kecently,  the  life  of  Maria  Pia,  the  Queen 
of  Portugal,  was  threatened.  It  was  a  sign  from  Paterson.  At  the 
funeral  of  the  Empress  Frederick  at  Cronberg  a  stronger  guard  than 
usual  surrounded  the  Kaiser.  The  German  police  were  thinking  of  a 
city  in  New  Jersey. 

"At  355  Market  street,  on  the  top  floor  back,  you  will  run  down  the 
king  creature,  the  leader  of  the  3,500  Italians  comprising  the  society 
called  Dritto  All'  Esitensa  (Right  to  Existence).  This  chief  of  Italians 
is  a  Spaniard  named  Pedro  Esteve.  In  his  rooms  on  the  top  floor  back 
is  published  La  Questione  Sociale.  Editing  this  weekly  paper  is  Es- 
teve's  ostensible  occupation.  His  real  life  work  is  sharpening  the  knives 
of  regicides  and  fattening  the  purses  of  royal  undertakers.  Here  are 
some  of  the  tools  of  his  trade:  'Killing  a  king  makes  people  think.  We 
want  to  exterminate  evils  by  force.  We  never  consider  consequences. 
We  are  opposed  to  government,  which  means  political  tyranny.  We  do 
not  believe  in  religion,  laws  or  individual  ownership  of  property.'  Esteve 
exhibits  these  tools  in  the  columns  of  La  Questione  Sociale  and  gives 
\  lessons  in  their  use. 

"The  day  the  news  was  received  of  the  attempt  upon  the  life  of  Maria 
Pia  of  Portugal  Pedro  Esteve  was  found  in  his  office  on  the  top  floor 
back,  type  cases  to  the  right  of  him,  portraits  of  Herr  Most  to  the  left 
of  him,  anarchist  typesetters  and  printers  before  and  behind  him.  In 
dignation  gave  a  parboiled  expression  to  all  of  his  face  not  covered  by 
his  black  beard,  fanaticism  clouded  his  very  evident  intelligence. 

"  'You  say  we  of  Paterson  sent  over  a  man  to  remove  that  queen. 
You  say  that  at  the  time  Bresci  sailed  to  remove  the  King  of  Italy 
thirty-nine  others  sailed  with  him,  all  with  orders  to  do  or  die.  Now, 
these  things  are  not  so.'  He  banged  the  table  with  his  knuckles.  'It_js 
the  newspapers  that  make  alljthgJlQjible.  We  did  not  draw  lots  to  kill 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      79 

Humbert.  We  work  each  man  for  himself.  And  none  knows  what 
plans  his  neighbor  may  be  making.  Bresci  did  not  kill  the  man  Hum 
bert;  he  removed  a  king,  a  tyrant.  He  rendered  a  service  to  30,000,000 
Italians.  But  another  king  has  killed  Bresci,  and  a  life  for  a  life — it  is 
what  we  expect.  We  strike,  but  we  never  run  away/ 

"They  say  in  Scotland  Yard,  England,  that  there  has  been  a  steady 
stream  of  European  anarchists  flowing  toward  the  United  States  for 
the  last  six  or  eight  months.  These  are  mainly  theorists — not  active 
anarchists — although  they  are  equally  dangerous  in  influencing  suscep 
tible  persons. 

"A  majority  of  them  carefully  avoid  touching  England  when  they 
are  bound  for  the  United  States,  knowing  that  descriptions  of  them 
would  be  sent  to  their  destinations.  On  the  other  hand,  there  has  been 
a  considerable  increase  in  the  anarchist  population  of  England  recently 
owing  to  the  activity  of  the  French  police,  who  are  taking  measures  of 
precaution  in  view  of  the  Czar's  visit." 

This  iB  an  indication  that  they  have  some  detectives  in  England  and 
France  wbo  detect — which  is  encouraging,  for  the  anarchists  are  so 
scattered  they  demand  international  action. 

Here  is  a  strange  and  sinister  bit  of  information  from  Kansas: 

Wichita,  Kan.,  September  8. — Anarchists  at  both  Chicopee  and 
Frontenac,  small  towns  100  miles  east  of  here,  held  jubilation  meetings 
to-da;y  and  gave  thanks  over  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  Presi 
dent.  The  meeting  at  Chicopee  was  held  in  a  coal  mine  beneath  the 
gro.und  and  could  not  be  broken  up  by  officers. 

The  fact  that  these  people  get  under  the  ground  to  rejoice  shows  that 
they  are  not  quite  easy  in  their  minds. 

The  famous  hatchet  woman  of  Kansas,  Mrs.  Nation,  was  moobed  at 
Rochester,  N.  Y.,  because  she  sympathized  with  the  murderer  of  McKin- 
ley.  She  had  to  wait  three  hours  at  Rochester,  and  when  she  appeared 
on  the  platform  someone  happened  to  remember  that  Mrs.  Nation  had 
been  reported  as  having  rejoiced  at  Coney  Island  last  week  over  the 
shooting  of  President  McKinley.  A  cry  that  "the  old  wretch"  should  be 
1'ynched  threw  the  mob  into  a  frenzy.  She  was  hustled  into  a  hotel  for 
}  rotection  and  the  crowd  surged  behind  her  and  filled  the  air  with  cries 
(  f  "Lynch  her!"  "Get  out  of  town,  you  old  hag!"  and  "She  was  glad 
<  IcKinley  was  killed;  let's  kill  her."  She  was  shoved  by  policemen  into 
a  i  barroom. 


80      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

At  this  instant  a  loud  crash  was  heard  as  the  crowd,  surging  for 
ward,  broke  through  the  line  of  police  at  one  point  and  wrecked  the  big 
glass  window  in  the  front  of  the  saloon.  Mrs.  Nation  was  taken  to  a 
room  on  the  second  floor  and  locked  in,  two  policemen  standing  guard 
outside.  Ten  minutes  before  the  train  was  due  to  start  she  was  escorted 
back  to  the  station  by  the  police,  who  were  forced  to  draw  their  clubs 
to  protect  her  from  bodily  injury. 

She  had  lectured  at  Coney  Island  and  she  said  the  President  was  a 
friend  of  the  rumsellers  and  the  brewers  and  therefore  did  not  deserve 
to  live. 

The  audience,  which  was  a  large  one,  hissed  her,  whereupon  she  re 
viled  them  as  "hell  hounds"  and  "sots."  Then,  in  disgust,  the  entire 
audience  left  the  hall  and  when  they  got  outside  gave  three  oheers  for 
McKinley. 

Another  account  says :  "After  a  characteristic  harague  denouncing 
police,  saloons  and  dance  halls,  she  unexpectedly  switched  off  o/nto  an 
attack  against  the  President. 

"I  have  no  cares  for  this  McKinley,"  she  said.  "I  have  no  sympathy 
for  the  friend  of  the  brewers.  I  have  no — : 

The  rest  was  drowned  out  by  hisses  and  hooting  from  her  audience. 
She  started  on  the  same  subject  three  times  more,  but  each  time  was 
interrupted  by  the  crowd. 

This  seems  to  show  that  Mrs.  Nation  is  a  victim  of  the  anarchist's 
weakness — that  of  a  mania  of  vanity.  Senator  Wellington  of  MarylanVl 
has  also  the  same  style  of  regarding  his  personalities  as  providential, 
because  they  are  little  things  of  his  own.  He  was  quoted  as  saying: 

"McKinley  and  I  are  enemies.  I  have  nothing  good  to  say  about  him, 
and  under  the  circumstances  do  not  care  to  say  anything  bad.  I  am  in 
different  to  the  whole  matter." 

The  attention  of  the  Senator  was  directed  to  the  interview,  with  a 
request  of  a  denial  or  affirmation  of  the  words  attributed  to  him.  He 
flatly  declined  to  give  either. 

There  was,  on  the  8th  of  September,  a  celebration  by  anarchists  of 
the  shooting  of  McKinley — this  at  McKeesport,  Pa.  A  dispatch  dated 
the  8th  said: 

"While  all  the  world  is  waiting  with  bowed  head  and  heaving  breast 
for  the  latest  news  from  the  bedside  of  the  beloved  President  of  the 
United  States,  the  Guffey's  Hollow  group  of  anarchists  was  celebrating 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      81 

and  lauding  the  act  of  'Comrade  Czolgosz'  and  was  elated  at  the  apparent 
success  of  his  crime." 

Guffey's  Hollow  is  a  narrow  ravine  leading  back  from  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Eailroad  into  the  Westmoreland  County  hills.  It  is  about 
ten  miles  east  of  McKeesport,  and  is  the  home  of  one  of  the  largest,  if 
not  the  largest,  regularly  organized  groups  of  anarchists  in  the  United 
States.  More  than  200  Italian  coal  miners  are  drinking  in  the  doctrines 
of  anarchy  here.  Until  recently  the  leader  of  the  Guffey's  Hollow  group 
was  Ciancavilla.  He  edited  an  Italian  paper  which  was  locally  known 
among  the  English-speaking  residents  as  "The  Firebrand." 

Ciancavilla  found  there  was  no  fortune  in  editing  an  anarchist  paper 
in  Guffey's  Hollow  and  removed  to  Chicago,  where  he  continued  the 
publication  of  his  paper  until  a  short  time  ago,  when  it  was  compelled 
to  suspend  for  want  of  patronage.  Ciancavilla  is  now  in  Spring  Val 
ley,  111. 

Canova,  an  Italian  merchant  of  this  city,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  Ciancavilla,  said  this  afternoon: 

"It  would  be  well  for  the  police  to  look  this  man  up.  When  Bresci 
murdered  King  Humbert  this  man  knew  all  about  it  in  advance,  and  he 
exulted  over  the  act.  He  talked  to  me  about  it  at  the  time,  and  to  a 
number  of  Italians  who  were  in  my  store.  He  wanted  us  to  cheer  for 
Bresci  (the  writer  is  a  correspondent  at  McKeesport  of  the  Chicago 
Inter-Ocean)  and  I  ordered  him  to  quit  talking  that  way  in  my  place  of 
business.  He  said  Humbert  was  only  one;  that  the  President  would  get 
his  turn,  and  that  it  would  be  well  for  all  the  leaders  and  rulers  of  men 
to  have  a  care,  for  'we  have  them  marked/  as  he  put  it.  After  that  I  or 
dered  him  out,  and  he  wanted  me  to  go  take  a  drink  to  Bresci's  health, 
and  the  hope  that  it  would  be  but  a  short  time  until  others  would  follow 
him.  Ciancavilla  had  a  big  following  at  Guffey's,  and  his  paper  was 
read  there  by  all  the  Italian  miners. 

"How  many  of  them  agreed  with  him  I  do  not  know,  but  certainly 
a  large  number,  as  there  are  several  hundred  Italians  there,  and  they  all 
took  his  paper.  I  do  not  know  if  Czolgosz  was  ever  at  Guffey's  Hollow 
or  not.  He  may  have  been.  They  are  always  holding  meetings  and 
making  plans,  and  constantly  talking  about  killing  some  king  or  presi 
dent,  and  they  are  in  touch  with  other  anarchists  in  the  country.  They 
always  seem  to  know  everything  that  is  going  on  in  that  respect." 

At  the  time  of  King  Humbert's  assassination  Ciancavilla  and  his  fol- 


82      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

lowers  called  a  meeting  in  the  old  school-house,  where  they  met  ar 
passed  a  series  of  resolutions  lauding  "  Comrade  Bresci"  for  his  "nob 
act"  for  the  cause  of  humanity  and  indorsing  the  annihilation  of  kin| 
and  rulers.  The  resolutions  were  carried  to  Pittsburg  and  published 
the  papers  of  that  city.  Ciancavilla  said  at  that  time  that  it  would  n 
be  long  before  America  would  have  equal  cause  to  rejoice  with  Ita 
in  the  removal  of  a  "tyrant,"  as  he  called  President  McKinley. 

As  showing  the  renewed  activity  of  the  anarchists  all  over  the  count 
immediately  following  the  assassination  of  President  McKinley,  the  f( 
lowing  newspaper  dispatches  from  various  points,  both  east  and  we* 
are  here  reproduced : 

MCKINLEY'S  NAME  ON  LIST  OF  DOOMED. 

Indianapolis,  Ind.,  September  15. — Government  Secret  Service  ol 
cers  have  been  mingling  for  several  days  among  the  Italians  employi 
in  elevating  the  tracks  of  the  Panhandle  road  in  the  neighborhood 
Hartford  City,  and  are  engaged  in  running  down  a  sensational  repo 
regarding  threats  against  the  life  of  President  McKinley. 

Since  his  assassination  it  was  learned  that  one  of  the  Italians  exhi 
ited  a  letter  in  which  was  a  list  of  persons  in  Europe  and  America  wl 
had  been  doomed  to  death  by  the  anarchists,  and  McKinley's  name  w 
on  the  list. 

The  man  who  had  the  list  was  an  anarchist,  and  the  reason  given  1 
him  for  the  presence  of  President  McKinley's  name  in  the  list  was  t 
fact  that  the  government  had  lent  all  possible  aid  in  ferreting  the  ass 
ciations  and  antecedents  of  the  man  who  assassinated  King  Humbe: 


ANARCHIST  PREACHER   TARRED   AND   FEATHERED. 

Huntington,  Ind.,  September  17. — Joseph  A.  Wildman,  a  Unit 
Brethren  minister,  was  tarred  and  feathered  by  a  crowd  of  100  la 
night  and  turned  loose  to  wander  back  home.  Sunday  night  he  rose  ir 
prayer  meeting  in  one  of  the  city  churches  and  said: 

"I  suppose  there  have  been  more  lies  told  from  the  pulpit  and  j 
cred  desk  to-day  than  was  ever  known  before.  While  I  want  to  give  i 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      83 

honor  that  is  due  Mr.  McKinley,  still  when  he  was  living  he  was  nothing 
but  a  political  demagogue." 

At  this  juncture  a  number  of  people  became  so  indignant  that  they 
arose  and  left  the  church.  Yesterday  the  citizens  decided  on  the  above 
summary  action  and  carried  out  their  plans.  Wildman  has  no  regular 
charge. 


ANARCHISTS   FORCED   TO    MOVE. 

Pittsburg,  September  17. — Thirty  armed  men,  imitating  the  move 
ments  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  raided  the  anarchists  of  Guffey  Hollow, 
Westmoreland  County,  Sunday  night  and  forced  twenty-five  families 
to  take  their  departure  from  the  town  before  daylight.  The  raiders 
surrounded  the  houses  and  terrorized  the  anarchists  by  firing  Winches 
ters  and  revolvers  and  yelling  like  Indians. 

During  a  lull  in  the  fusillade  one  of  the  anarchists,  who  could  speak 
English,  ventured  from  his  house  under  a  flag  of  truce  and  held  a  parley 
\vith  the  invaders.  The  result  of  the  conference  was  that  the  anarchist 
agreed  to  be  responsible  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  whole  colony. 

By  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  the  foreigners  were  to  leave  the  vi 
cinity  with  their  wives,  children  and  all  their  belongings  before  day- 
brea  «.  They  kept  their  contract,  and  before  the  sun  rose  every  house  in 
the  settlement  was  deserted.  The  only  favor  they  asked  in  return  for 
their  exodus  was  that  their  lives  should  be  spared. 


TWO   ANARCHISTS   CLUBBED. 

Newark,  N.  J.,  September  15. — Two  anarchists  received  a  sound 
clubbing  from  the  police  and  came  near  receiving  worse  treatment  at 
the  hands  of  an  angry  crowd  to-night. 

Mrs.  John  Soslosky  of  4  Charlton  street  went  to  the  saloon  of  John 
Drozdowsky  at  No.  20  in  the  same  street  to  look  for  her  husband.  Victor 
Gasscoe,  38  years  old,  of  231  West  Kinney  street,  was  delivering  a  fiery 
anarchistic  harangue  to  a  crowd  of  men.  He  wound  up  by  drinking 
to  Czolgosz's  health,  and  August  Britton,  17  years  old,  of  13  Clayton 
street,  joined  in  the  toast.  Mrs.  Soslosky  cried  "Shame,"  whereupon 
Gasscoe  struck  her  in  the  face. 


84      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

She  hurried  to  the  Fourth  Precinct  Station,  and  when  Captain  Ed 
wards  heard  her  story,  with  Patrolman  Romseicks  he  went  to  the  sa 
loon,  and  as  Gasscoe  was  still  haranguing  the  crowd,  he  seized  him  by 
the  scruff  of  the  neck,  and  with  a  couple  of  violent  swings  had  him  on 
the  street.  Romseicks  did  likewise  with  Britton.  When  the  prisoners 
showed  fight  they  were  handled  without  gloves.  All  the  way  to  the  po 
lice  station,  which  was  only  a  hundred  yards,  they  continued  to  shout 
that  they  were  anarchists.  A  great  crowd  gathered  in  a  few  minutes 
and  tried  to  get  at  the  prisoners,  but  the  reserves  held  them  at  bay, 
while  those  inside  the  station  house  closed  and  locked  the  doors  and 
windows  on  the  ground  floor.  The  prisoners  were  placed  in  separate 
cells  and  nobody  has  been  allowed  to  see  them. 


REJECTS  FLAG;  MOB  TRIES  TO  LYNCH  HIM. 

Guthrie,  O.  T.,  September  19. — Because  George  Bradshaw,  a  carpen 
ter,  declared  he  would  not  march  under  an  American  flag,  an  Oklahoma 
City  mob  of  500  formed  this  morning  and  started  to  lynch  him.  They 
were  prevented  only  by  the  local  militia.  Excitement  is  still  high  and 
the  mob  is  hunting  for  Bradshaw,  who  is  concealed.  If  found  he  will  be 
lynched. 

James  G.  Dorsey  pleaded  to  the  police  in  Bradshaw's  behalf  and  be 
came  an  object  of  the  mob's  wrath.  Sheriff  O'Brien  spirited  Dorsey 
away  and  locked  him  in  the  County  Jail  for  protection. 


ANARCHISTS   IN   WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  September  16. — The  Secret  Service  men  of  the  United 
States  believe  that  there  are  anarchists  in  Washington.  The  police  of 
the  city  have  been  considering  ever  since  the  assault  on  President  Mc- 
Kinley  the  chances  of  anarchists  being  here,  and  have  so  laid  their  lines 
that  if  any  are  here  they  will  not  be  able  to  escape.  Least  of  all  will  they 
have  a  chance  to  show  their  heads  during  the  approaching  funeral  cere 
monies  in  this  city. 

A  Chicago  newspaper  has  secured  photographs  of  half  a  dozen  or 
more  anarchists  from  the  police  here,  wrhich  are  being  used  in  the  inves 
tigations.  Copies  of  these  important  photographs  are  also  in  the  hands 


ANARCHISTS7  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      85 

of  the  Secret  Service  agents.  The  two  departments  have  also  complete 
records  of  every  known  or  avowed  anarchist  who  has  been  in  this  coun 
try  during  the  last  fifteen  years.  Some  of  these  were  conspicuous  dur 
ing  the  CleVeland  administration. 


MRS.    BRESCI    IS   DEFIANT. 

New  York,  September  18. — Mrs.  Bresci,  widow  of  the  anarchist  who 
killed  the  King  of  Italy,  and  who  was  yesterday  ordered  by  the  police 
to  move  from  her  home  at  Cliffsides,  N.  J.,  says  she  proposes  to  defy  the 
authorities. 

"If  President  McKinley  was  alive  he  would  repudiate  this  persecu 
tion  of  a  lone  woman  and  her  children,"  said  Mrs.  Bresci  to-day. 

"My  husband  suffered  enough  for  his  crime.  Why  should  I  be  treated 
as  an  outcast,  hounded  wherever  I  go  and  my  children  made  to  suffer? 

"I  am  not  an  anarchist.  I  don't  advocate  anarchism  and  don't  be 
lieve  in  it.  I  am  an  American  woman  trying  to  bring  up  my  children 
in  an  honorable  manner  and  to  enjoy  all  the  benefits  of  this  country. 
The  men  who  were  to  have  come  here  Sunday  to  hold  a  meeting  were 
not  anarchists.  They  desired  only  to  raise  funds  to  assist  me  and  my 
little  ones  to  make  life  more  comfortable  for  me.  I  intend  to  stay  here, 
and  any  attempt  to  remove  me  will  be  met  with  severe  treatment." 


DENOUNCE  OLNEY'S  COACHMAN. 

Falmouth,  Mass.,  September  18. — According  to  the  affidavit  of  a 
citizen  of  this  village  Michael  Conway,  a  coachman  for  Richard  Olney, 
former  Secretary  of  State,  in  commenting  upon  the  shooting  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley,  said:  "It  is  a  good  thing  President  McKinley  was  shot; 
he  should  have  been  killed  long  ago." 

The  affidavit  was  made  by  George  H.  Godfrey  in  connection  with  an 
indignation  movement  of  the  citizens,  started  when  the  remark  became 
known.  Mr.  Olney  was  advised  of  the  matter  and  he  discharged  the 
coachman.  Not  being  able  to  verify  a  report  of  such  action  100  citizens, 
representing  about  one-third  of  the  voting  population  of  the  village,  de 
termined  to  give  Conway  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers  last  night.  Not 


86      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

finding  Conway,  the  men  marched  to  Mr.  Olney's  home  to  find  out 
whether  the  coachman  was  still  there. 

The  former  Secretary  of  State  refused  to  appear  at  their  demand. 
The  crowd  sang  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee,"  and  "America"  and  made 
repeated  but  fruitless  efforts  to  bring  a  response  from  Mr.  Olney. 

At  length  the  citizens  started  for  the  town  hall,  where  they  organ 
ized  by  electing  Andrew  W.  Davis  as  chairman  and  selected  Edwin  S. 
Lawrence  secretary. 

A  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  saying  that  the  course  pur 
sued  by  Mr.  Olney  "at  a  time  when  the  nation  is  in  mourning  is  an  in 
sult  to  American  citizenship." 

After  the  meeting  the  citizens  prepared  an  effigy  of  Conway, 
which  they  hung  on  a  telegraph  pole. 

Falmouth,  Mass.,  September  18. — Richard  Olney,  who  was  Secretary 
of  State  under  Grover  Cleveland,  has  become  unpopular  with  his  neigh 
bors  in  this  town  by  his  failure  to  aid  a  mob  seeking  a  man  charged 
with  approving  of  the  assassination  of  President  McKinley. 

So  serious  is  the  feeling  against  Mr.  Olney  that  at  a  mass-meeting 
attended  by  200  residents  of  this  city  last  night  the  following  resolu 
tion  was  adopted: 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  the  citizens  of  the  town  of  Falmouth 
that  the  course  pursued  by  the  Hon.  Richard  Olney  at  a  time  when  the 
nation  is  in  mourning  is  an  insult  to  American  citizenship." 

Michael  Conway,  coachman  for  Mr.  Olney,  is  the  man  responsible  for 
all  the  trouble.  A  vigilance  committee  of  200  members  searched  the 
country  about  here  last  night  prepared  to  treat  the  coachman  to  a  coat 
of  tar  and  feathers.  He  was  hanged  in  effigy  when  the  mob  failed  to 
find  him.  Conway  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  on  hearing  of  the  shooting 
of  President  McKinley:  "It's  a  good  thing  President  McKinley  was 
shot;  he  should  have  been  killed  long  ago." 

It  is  claimed  that  a  week  ago,  when  several  persons  were  discussing 
the  shooting  of  President  McKinley,  Conway,  who  had  been  in  Mr.  Ol- 
ney's  employ  for  many  years,  joined  the  group  in  the  grocery  store  and 
uttered  the  words  quoted. 

The  following  affidavit  was  made  in  this  connection: 

"Falmouth,  September  16,  1901. — We  hereby  certify  that  we,  Ze- 
brina  B.  Godfrey  and  George  H.  Godfrey,  did,  on  Wednesday,  Septen> 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      87 

ber  llth,  hear  one  Michael  Conway  of  Falmouth  publicly  say:  'It's  a 
good  thing  President  McKinley  was  shot;  he  should  have  been  killed 
long  ago.'  "Zebrina  B.  Godfrey, 

"George  H.   Godfrey. 
"Sworn  to  before  me  this  16th  day  of  September,  1901. 

"Russell  S.  Nye,  Justice  of  the  Peace." 

Charles  S.  Baker  of  Teaticket,  being  among  those  who  most  strongly 
resented  the  coachman's  remark,  interviewed  former  Secretary  Olney, 
explaining  the  matter  to  him.  Mr.  Baker  declares  that  Mr.  Olney  prom 
ised  to  have  the  affair  investigated.  As  nothing  had  been  heard  from 
Mr.  Olney  up  to  last  night,  the  citizens  determined  to  take  the  matter 
into  their  own  hands. 

It  was  decided  that  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers  should  be  the  punish- 

»••  ment  of  Conway,  and  at  7  o'clock  a  large  number  of  men  gathered  in 

front  of  the  post-office,  waiting  for  Conway  to  appear  as  usual.  He  didn't 

come;  Patrick  J.  Flannery,  another  servant  of  Mr.  Olney,  appearing  to 

get  the  mail. 

John  H.  Crocker  drove  up  and  said  he  had  come  from  Mr.  Olney,  who 
had  told  him  he  had  discharged  Conway.  This  did  not  satisfy  those  in 
the  crowd,  and  they  immediately  formed  in  line  and  marched  to  Mr.  Ol- 
ney's  summer  home  on  Surf  Drive,  a  mile  from  the  post-office.  Having 
arrived  there  they  sang  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee."  Then  they  knocked 
on  the  door,  but  nobody  appeared. 

After  several  futile  attempts  Mr.  Baker  addressed  the  gathering, 
defying  Mr.  Olney  to  appear. 

The  men  proceeded  to  sing:  "My  Country,  'Tis  of  Thee,"  and  resumed 
their  efforts  to  see  Mr.  Olney,  but  met  with  no  success.  The  party  re 
turned  to  the  hall  and  held  an  indignation  meeting.  Andrew  W.  Davis 
was  elected  chairman  and  Selectman  Edward  F.  Lawrence  secretary  of 
the  meeting. 

On  motion  of  Charles  F.  Baker  a  committee  of  three  was  appointed 
by  the  chairman  to  draw  up  resolutions  to  express  the  sentiment  of  the 
citizens.  The  chair  appointed  Charles  F.  Baker,  Dr.  Asa  L.  Pattee  and 
Leon  L.  Rogers,  and  they  presented  the  above  resolution,  which  was 
adopted. 

The  meeting  adjourned,  and  as  soon  as  possible  a  stuffed  figure  rep 
resenting  Conway  was  prepared  and  the  effigy  was  hanged  to  a  tele 
phone  pole.  The  crowd  then  dispersed. 


88      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 


MENACE   DR.    MARY   WALKER. 

Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  September  18.— "The  State  of  New  York  if  it  elec 
trocutes  the  assassin  of  McKinley  is  just  as  great  a  murderer  as  he  is. 
President  McKinley  was  a  murderer  because  he  killed  the  poor  Fili 
pinos." 

Dr.  Mary  Walker,  the  exponent  of  woman's  rights,  made  this  remark 
in  a  railroad  station  at  Oswego  this  morning  and  narrowly  escaped  be 
ing  lynched.  Only  the  fact  that  she  was  a  woman  prevented  her  from 
being  roughly  handled  by  a  crowrd  of  angry  workmen.  A  brawny  la 
borer  stood  near  the  doctor  at  the  ticket  window  in  the  station  when  she 
made  the  remark.  The  doctor  was  dressed  in  male  attire  as  usual.  The 
laborer  was  angered  in  an  instant  and  was  about  to  grab  her  by  the 
throat  when  he  recognized  her  and  drew  back  his  arm. 

"If  you  were  not  a  woman,"  he  exclaimed,  "I  would  knock  you  down. 
What  right  have  you  got  to  go  about  the  country  making  such  remarks? 
You  ought  to  be  lynched." 

"Lynch  her!"  cried  one. 

"Yes,  let  us  string  her  up!"  added  another.  The  doctor  by  this  time 
was  in  a  state  of  great  terror.  But  the  threats  were  not  carried  out, 
owing  to  the  intervention  of  cooler  heads.  One  of  the  men  who  had  in 
tervened  for  her  turned  to  her  and  said: 

"You  are  in  the  same  class  as  Emma  Goldman  and  Carrie  Nation. 
You  all  ought  to  be  put  out  of  the  way." 

"Oh,  she's  crazy;  let  her  go,"  interjected  one  man.  This  sentiment 
met  with  approval  and  the  doctor  was  allowed  to  board  her  train  with 
out  being  molested. 


CHURCH  PEOPLE  PUNISH  A  MAN  WHO  SPEAKS  AGAINST  MCKINLEY. 

Omaha,  Neb.,  September  8. — Church  service  was  deferred  in  the  lit 
tle  town  of  Fairmont,  Neb.,  to-day  while  the  younger  members  of  the 
congregation  chastised  H.  D.  Gosser,  a  detractor  of  President  McKinley. 
Gosser  stood  in  the  center  of  a  group  on  the  steps  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  and  took  part  in  the  conversation  on  the  common  theme.  He 
remarked  that  the  parishioners  were  simply  kissing  the  hand  of  their  op- 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      89 

pressor  in  expressing  regret  at  his  overthrow.  It  afforded  him  pleasure, 
he  said,  to  see  a  promoter  of  trusts  come  to  a  violent  end. 

A  party  of  young  men  interrupted  Gosser  rudely  at  this  juncture  and 
carried  him  to  a  small  pond  a  short  distance  away.  The  victim  was  re 
peatedly  doused  until  he  was  nearly  drowned.  He  was  then  set  astride 
a  rail  and  headed  a  procession  along  the  road.  His  captors  dumped 
him  into  a  thicket  and  returned  to  the  church. 

The  congregation  awaited  the  outcome  outside  the  building  and 
upon  the  return  of  the  party  entered  the  church  and  began  the  service 
an  hour  behind  the  usual  hour. 


BURN    THE   DOG. 

Czolgosz,  the  assassin,  was  burned  in  effigy  at  State  and  Madison 
streets  at  10  o'clock,  September  20.  The  crowd  which  gathered  around 
the  burning  figure  became  noisy  and  the  police  dispersed  the  people  and 
cut  the  dummy  figure  of  the  anarchist  down. 

It  was  shortly  before  10  o'clock  when  several  men  dragged  a  figure 
fully  dressed  to  the  electric  light  pole,  threw  the  rope  to  the  top,  and 
hoisted  the  effigy.  A  sign  was  suspended  across  the  breast  which  read: 

o o 

CZOLGOSZ. 

We  don't  want  anarchists  in  this  country, 
o o 

One  of  the  spectators  lighted  a  match  and  set  fire  to  the  image.  It 
had  been  soaked  with  kerosene  and  it  burned  fiercely. 

"That's  right,  burn  the  dog,"  cried  an  excited  man. 

"Every  one  of  them  should  be  lynched  or  driven  out  of  the  United 
States,"  yelled  another. 

Policeman  John  Moriarity  climoed  the  pole  and  cut  the  figure  down. 
The  crowd  jeered  his  efforts,  but  he  dragged  what  was  left  of  the  effigy 
to  the  alley  back  of  McVicker's  Theater  and  then  dispersed  the  gath 
ering. 


90      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

SAYS   HE   KNEW   IT   BEFOREHAND. 

John  Bitting,  43  years  old,  was  arraigned  before  Magistrate  Connor- 
ton  in  the  Flushing  Police  Court  on  September  14  on  the  technical 
charge  of  being  a  suspicious  person.  He  was  arrested  at  Bay  Side,  L.  L, 
where  he  had  worked  as  a  barber  for  Leo  Rosaline  for  less  than  a  week. 
It  is  said  that  Bitting  had  declared  to  several  people  in  the  town  that  he 
had  known  four  weeks  before  the  assassination  that  President  McKin- 
ley  would  be  shot.  Frederic  A.  Storm,  a  son  of  Congressman  Frederic 
Storm  of  Bay  Side,  notified  the  police. 

Bitting  was  represented  in  court  by  Counsellor  James  A.  Gray  of 
Flushing.  The  examination  was  adjourned  until  Wednesday.  The  Se 
cret  Service  men  were  notified  of  the  arrest  and  Bitting's  record  is  being- 
looked  up.  It  was  found  that  he  came  to  Bay  Side  from  the  employment 
agency  of  Louis  Geyer  of  East  Thirty-fourth  street,  and  that  he  was 
formerly  head  barber  at  the  insane  asylum  at  South  Norwich,  Conn.  He 
appears  to  be  perfectly  rational. 


GLAD   MCKINLEY    WAS   SHOT. 

Burlington,  Vt,  Sept.  15 — Private  Devine  of  Troop  H,  Eleventh 
United  States  Cavalry,  stationed  at  Fort  Ethan  Allen,  is  to-night  the 
most  despised  man  in  his  regiment.  At  retreat,  one  week  ago  last 
night,  when  the  men  were  informed  of  the  attempt  to  assassinate  Presi 
dent  McKinley,  Devine  expressed  great  satisfaction  over  the  event,  and 
applied  an  uncomplimentary  epithet  to  the  President. 

Devine's  comrades  were  furious,  and  he  was  roughly  handled  and 
placed  in  the  guard  house.  There,  in  a  darkened  room,  he  has  been 
supplied  with  short  rations,  awaiting  the  outcome  of  the  attack  on  the 
President's  life.  He  was  tried  by  court-martial  to-day  and  sentenced 
to  imprisonment  for  a  long  term — the  officers  at  the  fort  refuse  to  say 
how  long,  but  it  is  generally  understood  that  it  was  for  twenty  years. 
He  will  probably  be  taken  to  Governor's  Island. 


FUNERAL  TRAIN  IN   PERIL. 

Rochester,  N.  Y.,  September  17. — All  agents  on  the  Allegheny  divi 
sion  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  received  this  important  and  highly 
sensational  dispatch  on  Sunday  night: 


ANARCHISTS  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      91 

Men  were  seen  tampering  with  the  track  near  Ischua  late  to-night. 
Instruct  all  track  men  to  remain  on  duty  until  after  the  funeral  train 
has  passed. 

Creighton,  Superintendent  Allegheny  Division. 

It  is  believed  that  anarchists  had  perfected  a  plot  to  wreck  the  Presi 
dential  funeral  train  and  that  they  made  the  attempt  on  Sunday  night, 
acting  upon  incorrect  information  regarding  the  time  of  its  departure 
from  Buffalo  and  probable  hour  of  passing  Ischua.  Ischua  is  a  small 
station  in  this  State,  57  miles  from  Buffalo,  on  the  Allegheny  division 
of  the  Pennsylvania  road.  Sunday  night  a  number  of  men  were  seen 
in  the  vicinity  of  Ischua  placing  obstacles  on  the  track.  The  fact  was  re 
ported  to  the  Pennsylvania  Company  by  two  men  who  witnessed  the 
work  of  the  train  wreckers  in  time  to  warn  the  agent  at  Ischua.  The 
latter  saw  to  it  that  the  obstructions  were  promptly  removed.  The 
Ischua  agent  saw  the  men  at  work  when  he  approached  the  spot  desig 
nated  by  his  informants.  The  train  wreckers  discovered  the  agent  be 
fore  he  was  close  enough  to  get  a  view  of  their  features  and  made  good 
their  escape. 

On  the  stretch  between  Frankville  and  Olean  the  Washington  spe 
cial  makes  a  speed  of  60  miles  an  hour.  The  anarchists  chose  a  point  for 
their  work  which  would  have  made  the  wreck  complete  and  would  inevi 
tably  have  destroyed  a  large  number  of  lives. 


THREATENED   LYNCHING   IN    MINNESOTA. 

St.  Paul,  Minn.,  September  18. — Rev.  Albert  Dahlquist  to-night 
barely  escaped  being  lynched  by  a  howling  mob  of  about  1,000  persons, 
who  demanded  that  he  be  .hanged. 

Dahlquist  is  alleged  to  have  made  a  speech  in  Minneapolis  a  few 
days  ago  in  which  he  .referred  to  the  assassination  of  President  Me- 
Kinley  as  "a  noble  deed."  The  man  is  an  itinerant  preacher  and  has 
been  holding  meetings  on  Payne  avenue  in  a  district  largely  inhabited 
by  Scandinavians.  Many  of  these  persons  had  heard  of  his  Minneapolis 
speech,  and  when  he  appeared  at  the  hall  to  preach  a  crowd  of  over  1,000 
had  assembled. 

As  soon  as  Dahlquist  appeared  a  rush  was  made  for  him  and  threats 
of  hanging  and  other  ill  treatment  were  made  on  all  sides.  He  had 


92      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

anticipated  trouble,  however,  and  a  squad  of  policemen  acted  as  a  body 
guard.  They  had  great  difficulty  in  protecting  the  man,  and  at  last  he 
broke  away,  jumped  out  of  the  window  and  ran  down  the  street  with  the 
mob  at  his  heels.  Dahlquist  outfooted  his  pursuers,  however,  and  es 
caped. 


QUICKLY   SENT   TO   JAIL. 

New  York,  September  18. — At  the  Essex  Market  Police  Court  this 
morning  a  man  in  the  crowd  of  spectators  openly  sneered  at  the  badge  of 
mourning  which  the  police  magistrate  wore  around  his  coat  sleeve  out 
of  respect  for  the  late  President.  Two  minutes  later  the  stranger  was  on 
his  way  to  BlackwelPs  Island  to  do  a  sixty-day  sentence  to  "give  him  time 
to  reflect  over  the  next  insult  he  might  offer  to  the  memory  of  Mr. 
.^IcKinley,"  as  the  magistrate  put  the  case. 

Alfred  Danschaal,  a  Dane  aged  fifty-two  years,  was  sent  to  jail  at 
Plainfield,  N.  J.,  for  sixty  days  in  default  of  a  fine  of  $60  imposed  for 
abusive  language  directed  against  the  late  President  McKinley. 


WAR  AGAINST  THE  ANARCHISTS. 

Newark,  N.  J.,  Sept.  18. — The  war  of  extermination  against  anarch 
ists  in  Newark,  which  has  been  instituted  by  the  police  and  the  grand 
jury,  was  continued  to-night  by  the  executive  board,  which,  on  com 
plaint  of  a  police  captain,  voted  to  reject  the  application  for  a  saloon 
license  made  by  the  men  charged  with  harboring  the  anarchists,  Zol- 
kowsky  and  Cesceo,  who  were  arrested  Saturday  night  in  the  saloon 
while  drinking  a  toast  to  the  health  of  Emma  Goldman  and  Czolgosz 
and  commending  the  assassination  of  the  President. 

The  board  also  adopted  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  any  saloon 
keeper  possessing  a  license  who  shall  be  charged  by  the  police  with 
permitting  anarchists  to  assemble  in  his  place  of  business  and  make 
demonstrations  against  the  government  or  the  good  order  of  the  com 
munity  shall  suffer  the  revocation  of  his  license  and  shall  not  again 
receive  a  license. 

Stanberry,  Mo.,  Sept.  18. — A  mob  to-day  captured  Perry  Marsh, 
who  had  said  that  he  wished  President  McKinley  would  die,  and  taking 


JOHN  G.  MILBURN. 

President  of  the  Pan-American   Exposition   and 
President  McKinley's  host.     He  was  stand 
ing  at  the  right  of  the  President  when 
the    shots    were    fired. 


GEORGE  B.  CORTELYOTT. 

Private  Secretary  to  McKinley— was  the  first  to 
reach  him  after  he   was  shot. 


DR.  P.  M.  RIXEY. 

Family  physician  of  the   McKinley  family. 


MISS  GRACE  MACKENZIE. 

The  Philadelphia  nurse  who  attended  President 


RESIDENCE   OF  PEESIDENT  MILBURN  OF   THE  PAN-AMERICAN 
EXPOSITION,  BUFFALO. 

(Where  President  McKinley  died.) 


MILBURN  MANSION  (REAR). 


The  windows  indicated  by  X  are  those  of  the  room  occupied  by  President  McKinley  after 

the  shooting. 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      95 

him  to  the  city  park  threatened  to  lynch  him.  Marsh  apologized 
humbly,  his  apology  was  accepted  by  vote  and  the  crowd  dispersed. 
Harsh,  who  is  a  laboring  man,  left  town. 

Cleveland,  O.,  Sept.  18. — Frank  Idings,  who  a  few  days  ago  said  that 
he  belonged  to  a  society  that  would  give  $50,000  to  any  man  who  would 
kill  President  Roosevelt,  was  to-day  ordered  turned  over  to  the  board  of 
managers  of  the  Ohio  penitentiary  by  Judge  Kennedy  of  the  central 
police  station.  Idings  was  identified  as  a  paroled  convict.  He  was 
sentenced  to  the  penitentiary  in  March,  1898,  to  serve  five  years  for 
burglary  in  this  city  and  was  paroled  in  December,  1898.  He  will  now 
serve  two  years  more  in  the  state  prison. 

Norman,  Ok.,  Sept.  18. — Citizens  of  Norman  are  demanding  the 
resignation  of  Police  Judge  A.  Overstreet  because  he  is  reported  to 
have  said  that  it  was  a  shame  to  arrest  Emma  Goldman  and  that  it 
would  have  been  better  for  the  poor  people  if  McKinley  had  been  killed 
long  ago. 

Marshfield,  Ore.,  Sept.  18. — John  Peterson,  who  says  he  is  a  Nor 
wegian,  was  run  out  of  Marshfield  to-day  on  account  of  utterances 
derogatory  of  the  late  President  McKinley.  Two  men  living  on  Coos 
river  are  reported  to  have  expressed  satisfaction  at  President 
McKinley's  assassination.  A  party  has  been  formed  to  visit  them  to 
morrow. 


ANARCHIST   IS   SHOT   DOWN. 

Sharon,  Pa.,  Sept.  18. — John  Martina,  a  sympathizer  of  Leon  Czol- 
gosz,  the  assassin  of  President  William  McKinley,  is  lying  in  a  critical 
condition  at  Coaltown,  the  result  of  being  shot  last  night  for  anarchistic 
utterings.  Martina  and  several  of  his  friends  got  into  a  heated  discus 
sion  over  the  shooting  of  President  McKinley,  when  Martina,  exclaimed 
that  Czolgosz  did  right  and  ought  to  be  cleared.  This  unpatriotic 
utterance  started  the  fight,  revolvers  were  drawn  and  Martina  was  shot. 
It  is  feared  that  he  will  not  recover. 

Evansville,  Ind.,  Sept.  18. — Eobert  Walsh  was  taken  before  the 
police  judge  and  sentenced  to  the  county  jail  for  three  months  for 
making  a  remark  to  the  effect  that  he  was  glad  McKinley  had  been 
killed. 

Quenemo,  Kan.,  Sept.  18. — William  Graham,  a  section  hand  who 


96      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

made  remarks  against  the  late  President  McKinley,  was  ordered  by  the 
Mayor  to  leave  town  at  once.  If  he  is  here  to-morrow  the  people  say 
he  will  be  tarred  and  feathered. 


TRY   TO   STRING   UP   MCKINLEY'S   MALIGNER. 

Chicago,  September  19. — But  for  the  timely  interference  of  the 
police  of  the  West  Thirteenth  street  station  Frank  Hemlick,  903  West 
Nineteenth  street,  would  have  been  severely  dealt  with  by  the  employes 
of  the  Heywood  &  Wakefield  Rattan  Company,  Taylor  street  and 
WTestern  avenue. 

Hemlick  was  at  work  Saturday  morning  when  one  of  the  men 
working  with  him  remarked  that  it  was  a  shame  to  kill  so  good  a  man  as 
President  McKinley.  Remlick,  it  is  said,  remarked  that  it  was  a  good 
thing  he  was  out  of  the  way,  as  it  would  give  a  good  man  an  oppor 
tunity.  This  remark  was  overheard  by  a  number  of  employes,  who 
immediately  congregated  about  Hemlick  and  threatened  to  do  him 
violence.  One  said  it  would  be  a  good  thing  to  hang  such  an  unpatri 
otic  fellow  as  Hemlick. 

Three  of  the  men  brought  a  rope  and  were  intent  on  fastening  it 
about  Hemlick's  neck  when  they  were  stopped  by  John  De  Roche,  a 
brother  of  Detective  Sergeant  De  Roche,  who  told  them  they  were 
acting  foolishly. 

"Boys,  you  had  better  report  this  affair  to  the  superintendent,"  said 
De  Roche,  "and  let  him  handle  the  matter.  He  will  use  his  own  judg 
ment,  and  it  will  be  good  judgment  at  that."  This  satisfied  the  men 
and  word  was  sent  to  Superintendent  Colvin  Hill,  who  on  hearing  the 
story  immediately  discharged  Hemlick. 


NEW   JERSEY   GOVERNOR   WARNED. 

Trenton,  N.  J.,  Sept.  18. — Governor  Voorhees  to-day  received  a 
postal  card  postmarked  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  which  read  as  follows:  "You 
want  to  keep  quiet  and  keep  your  detectives  away  from  here  or  you  will 
get  what  McKinley  got.  We  are  looking  for  your  kind."  The  card 
bore  no  signature.  It  is  thought  that  it  came  from  Anarchists  at 
Hoboken. 


ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      97 

ASSAULT  IN   A   MISSOURI   TOWN. 

Springfield,  Mo.,  Sept.  18. — Several  Anarchists  live  here  and  the 
Chicago  police  a  few  days  ago  requested  that  they  be  watched.  To-day 
three  men  went  into  a  trunk  factory,  dragged  the  proprietor,  Fred 
Young,  into  the  street,  and  assaulted  him.  Young  says  he  is  a  Social 
ist  and  not  an  Anarchist.  His  place  is  under  police  protection  and 
further  violence  is  feared.  H.  M.  Tichenor,  editor  of  the  New  Dispensa 
tion,  a  publication  with  Anarchistic  tendencies,  has  left  the  city  on 
advice  of  the  police. 

Delaware,  O.,  Sept.  8. — Former  City  Commissioner  K.  O'Keefe  and 
Farmer  Le  Fevere  engaged  in  a  fierce  battle  yesterday,  one  with  a 
pistol,  the  other  with  a  stone  cutter's  hammer.  O'Keefe  was  working 
fifteen  miles  east  of  here,  when  he  told  Le  Fevere  of  the  President's 
injuries. 

Le  Fevere  said  the  President  should  have  been  shot  four  years  ago, 
whereupon  a  fight  ensued,  the  farmer  being  nearly  beaten  to  death. 
O'Keefe  secured  the  pistol  from  the  farmer  and  brought  it  here  last 
night. 

Squire  Wheeler  refused  Le  Fevere  a  warrant  for  O'Keefe's  arrest. 

Cincinnati,  O.,  Sept.  8. — Quivering  with  emotion  he  tried  in  vain 
to  suppress,  protesting  passionately  that  he  was  innocent,  Mounted 
Patrolman  George  Huessman  was  compelled  to  stand  before  a  crowd  in 
the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Police  Deitsch  while  Inspector  Case}7 
took  from  him  the  insignia  of  a  member  of  the  police  department. 
The  man  failed  to  convince  the  superintendent  that  he  did  not  mean 
what  he  said  when,  on  Saturday  morning,  he  is  reported  to  have 
remarked  to  Patrolman  Bell  that  he  was  glad  McKinley  had  been  shot, 
and  that  McKinley,  Hanna,  and  the  rest  of  the  trust  crowd  ought  to 
have  been  shot  long  ago. 


WAS   ON   HIS   WAY   TO   KILL    ROOSEVELT. 

New  York,  Sept.  14. — Charles  Miller,  who  was  arrested  at  the  Grand 
Central  station  last  night  by  Central  office  detectives,  was  taken  from 
the  insane  pavilion  at  Bellevue  Hospital  to  Yorkville  court  to-day  and 
formally  returned  to  the  institution  for  mental  examination. 

Miller  left  Berlin,  N.  H.,  yesterday  morning,  saying  that  he  was 


98      ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION. 

going  to  Washington  to  kill  Mr.  Eoosevelt.  The  police  of  this  city  were 
notified  and  when  Miller  alighted  from  a  train  last  night  he  was 
arrested.  The  police  believe  the  man  is  insane.  Frequently  Miller 
waved  his  hands  about  him,  and  to  all  appearances  acted  as  one  insane. 

While  the  clerk  was  drawing  up  the  affidavits  Magistrate  Brann 
said  to  the  prisoner: 

"What  objections  have  you  got  to  this  government?" 

"It  would  be  better/'7  shouted  Miller,  "if  we  had  an  emperor.  1 
want  to  know,"  he  continued,  "what  the  police  mean  by  getting  after 
me?  It  costs  me  a  lot  of  money  to  get  away  from  them,  for  they  are 
always  after  me." 

Asked  if  he  believed  in  Anarchists,  Miller  replied: 

"You  people  don't  know  what  you  are  talking  about.  I  am  not  an 
Anarchist.  Can't  I  read  what  the  Most  and  Emma  Goldman  say  with 
out  being  an  Anarchist.  I  am  a  great  reader.  I  don't  know  what  you 
all  want  with  me." 

Detective  Sergeant  Rheaune  undertook  to  quiet  the  man  by  saying 
that  he  should  not  talk  so  much,  and  that  he  had  been  treated  very  nice 
last  night. 

"I  don't  want  to  be  treated  nice  by  your  people,"  was  Miller's  reply. 

By  this  time  the  affidavits  had  been  made  out,  and  Magistrate  Brann 
signed  the  order  of  commitment.  In  Miller's  pockets  the  police  found  a 
newspaper  clipping  telling  of  the  arrest  of  Most. 

Johann  Most,  who  was  arrested  Thursday  on  the  charge  that  he  had 
printed  a  seditious  article  in  his  paper,  the  Freiheit,  was  released  to-day 
on  $1,000  bail.  He  will  be  examined  in  a  police  court  next  Monday. 

When  the  fact  of  the  shooting  of  President  McKinley  became  known, 
there  was  no  Socialist  with  the  taint  of  Anarchism  in  his  or  her  blood 
who  did  not  hasten  to  talk  as  if  an  editor  or  a  seeker  of  notoriety  by 
habit,  to  write  or  shout  that  the  murderous  assault  must  have  been  made 
by  a  lunatic.  One  can  see  in  the  matter  gathered  from  all  quarters  and 
presented  in  this  chapter  that  there  is  an  Anarchist  organization  in  this 
country,  and  that  the  denials  that  the  assassin  of  a  representative  of  gov 
ernment  of  any  kind  anywhere  are  not  the  high  blossoms  of  the  system 
are  falsifications,  an  ambuscade  of  words  that  are  woven  into  a  fiction. 
It  is  a  part  of  the  system  to  hold  fanatical  gatherings,  to  make  them 
selves  frantic  about  public  affairs,  and  that  the  climax  of  it  is  to  intro- 


'ANARCHISTS'  AGITATION  AFTER  ASSASSINATION.      99 

duce  murder  as  a  factor  in  politics.  The  Government  of  the  United 
States  is  threatened  by  the  assassin.  When  an  Anarchist  is  sufficiently 
maddened  to  make  up  his  mind  to  do  murder  for  his  cause,  he  goes 
off  on  his  bloody  errand — is  provided  with  means  to  travel,  to  eat  and 
drink,  and  arm  himself  for  the  slaughter;  and  the  test  above  all  others 
of  a  true  Anarchist  is  to  deny  that  he  has  any  accomplices.  He  always 
makes  that  denial.  It  is  his  highest  duty  as  a  member  of  an  organiza 
tion  to  deny  that  there  is  one,  and  the  greatest  sacrifice  to  membership 
to  say  he  has  no  friends.  The  special  weakness  of  the  Anarchist  when 
he  takes  the  highest  degree  of  Anarchism,  that  of  self  sacrifice  to  the 
"duty,"  assassination,  is  his  vanity.  Of  course  he  is  fundamentally 
foolish,  but  his  grand  possession  is  egotism.  That  was  what  overcame 
the  infatuation  of  the  assassin  of  McKinley.  When  he  had  shot  the 
President  and  was  safe  in  jail,  he  was  in  a  state  of  exaltation  and 
talked.  He  denied  all  stories  and  theories  that  he  had  assistants.  He 
wanted  the  fame  all  to  himself,  but  he  pointed  out  the  woman  who 
indoctrinated  him.  Of  the  theory  of  the  distinguished  Dr.  Talmage 
that  the  thing  to  do  with  the  assassin  of  the  President  was  to  have 
beaten  his  brains  out  on  the  spot,  all  the  Anarchists  would  have  re 
joiced,  and  all  who  have  incited  public  hatred  as  a  political  element 
would  have  insisted  upon  the  insanity  of  the  wretch.  It  is  the  des 
perate  effort  of  a  mob  always  to  disfigure  one  destroyed  by  their  sudden 
violence.  If  the  assassin  of  McKinley  had  been  so  mutilated  and  dis 
figured  as  not  to  be  recognizable,  the  Anarchists  would  never  have 
recognized  the  remains.  It  would  have  suited  them  if  there  had  been 
established  a  mystery  of  murder.  The  people  at  large  of  the  United 
States  will  read  this  chapter  with  surprise,  because  it  shows  a  consider 
able  number  of  persons  and  places  where  the  assassination  of  the  Presi 
dent  was  in  various  ways  approved — when  the  President  was  visited 
in  his  dying  agony,  and  the  assassin  sustained  for  the  horror  that  he 
was  fool  and  blind  enough  to  describe  as  a  "duty." 


CHAPTER  V. 

ANARCHY   AS   A  DOCTRINE. 

Proposed  International  llemedy— The  Inflammatory  State  of  the  Public  Mind— Incidents 
of  a  Warning  Nature — Senator  Depew  on  the  Exposure  of  Our  Presidents  to  Ex 
traordinary  Risks — The  Necessity  of  Safeguards. 

It  is  Washington  news  that  the  necessity  of  international  co-opera 
tion  for  the  suppression  of  anarchists  has  several  times  been  brought 
to  the  attention  of  the  administration. 

Germany  and  Austria  recently  suggested  an  international  agree 
ment  under  which  the  nations  would  jointly  and  separately  proceed  to 
stamp  out  the  pest.  The  time  is  at  hand,  representatives  of  European 
nations  assert,  when  the  governments  must  organize  and  adopt  an 
effective  method  of  preventing  the  spread  of  anarchism. 

The  assassination  of  President  McKinley  may  result  in  the  advances 
of  Germany  and  Austria  being  encouraged,  and  an  international  agree 
ment  may  be  reached  at  an  early  date. 

Mr.  John  W.  Mackay,  who  arrived  on  the  St.  Paul  the  day  after 
President  McKinley's  death,  ordered  the  Commercial  Cable  offices  in 
London,  Paris,  New  York  and  other  cities,  with  the  Postal  Telegraph 
offices,  draped  in  honor  of  the  dead  President.  He  expressed  the  deep 
est  sympathy  for  Mrs.  McKinley  and  said  the  life  of  her  husband  was 
"worth  more  to  the  country  than  all  the  anarchists  that  could  be  piled 
up  between  here  and  perdition."  The  feelings  of  the  passengers  on  the 
ship,  he  said,  were  too  deep  for  adequate  expression.  Every  one  favored 
the  immediate  passage  of  a  law  by  Congress  that  would  hang  the  guilty 
anarchists  and  drive  their  upholders  out  of  the  country  or  put  them  at 
work  on  some  island. 

"They  should  be  dealt  with  severely,"  said  Mr.  Mackay.  "We  never 
had  so  good  a  government  in  San  Francisco  and  Virginia  City  as  during 
those  years  when  the  vigilance  committees  were  in  control.  Every 
offender  was  tried  by  a  jury  of  twelve  good  men,  and,  if  found  guilty, 
executed  on  the  spot.  Bad  characters  left  the  country  instantly  on  re 
ceiving  warning  from  the  committee.  It  did  not  have  to  be  repeated. 

"I  hope  the  newspapers  and  public  officials  will  urge  immediate  ac- 

100 


ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE.  101 

tion.  This  shooting  down  of  good  men  like  President  McKinley  is  a  seri 
ous  matter.  It  makes  no  difference  how  brave  a  man  may  be,  some 
cowardly  assassin,  with  a  noiseless  gun,  may  shoot  him  from  a  roof  at 
some  unexpected  moment.  Guards  amount  to  nothing.  Men  have  been 
assassinated  in  the  midst  of  their  soldiers. 

"Summary  justice  properly  executed  will  do  the  work.  Drive  the  an 
archists  out  of  America.  Hang  every  one  of  them  caught  in  these  crimes 
without  delay.  Let  the  movement  begin  with  vigorous  action  on  the 
part  of  the  community,  and  they  will  disappear  when  they  find  we  mean 
business.  Every  anarchist  arriving  in  this  country  should  be  sent  back 
by  the  next  steamer.  The  European  police  will  attend  to  them.  They 
are  shadowed  everywhere  and  they  should  be  kept  over  there — hunted 
down  and  promptly  exterminated. 

"The  time  has  come  for  business  men  to  take  hold  of  this  matter  and 
settle  it  in  good  shape.  There  should  be  no  half-way  measures.  Let  the 
papers  help  the  movement  along,  force  Congress  to  make  a  proper  law  at 
the  earliest  moment  and  have  officials  see  that  it  is  executed.  Public 
sentiment  will  do  the  rest.  The  country  will  sustain  such  a  movement 
and  make  anarchy  a  thing  of  the  past." 

Regarding  the  financial  outlook,  Mr.  Mackay  said:  "I  believe  that 
Mr.  Roosevelt  will  make  a  good  President.  He  is  a  man  of  experience 
and  sense;  and,  better  than  all,  a  patriot  and  a  thorough  American.  He 
knows  just  what  we  want,  and  he  will  do  his  best  to  shape  things  ac 
cordingly.  He  has  natural  executive  ability,  and  I  believe  his  policy 
will  be  conservative  and  wise — and  always  for  the  best  interests  of  busi 
ness  and  the  country. 

The  way  a  melee  began  in  New  York  on  the  night  after  the  death 
of  President  McKinley  shows  how  likely  there  is  to  be  fire  when  there  is 
so  much  fuel  and  the  sparks  are  flying.  A  crowd  attacked  the  building 
at  No.  185  Henry  street,  where  an  anarchistic  paper,  the  Arbiter 
Stimme,  is  published,  with  threats  to  lynch  the  editor  and  a  band  of  fel 
low-anarchists  who  were  gathered  there.  The  anarchists  fled  up  three 
flights  of  stairs  to  the  roof  and  escaped  to  the  street  through  another 
building.  The  crowd  broke  all  the  windows  and  battered  down  the  door 
with  paving  stones. 

One  of  the  anarchists,  said  to  be  A.  Janowsky,  editor  of  the  paper, 
was  later  found  in  the  neighborhood.  A  crowd  of  young  men  chased 
him  yelling,  "Kill  the  anarchist."  He  ran  through  Clinton  street  to  East 


102  ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE. 

Broadway  and  sought  refuge  in  a  restaurant.  The  proprietor  ordered 
him  out  and  delivered  him  into  the  hands  of  the  crowd.  He  was  knocked 
down,  kicked  and  beaten  until  he  was  nearly  insensible.  The  crowd 
left  him  lying  upon  the  sidewalk.  None  of  the  anarchists  have  since 
ventured  to  return  to  the  Henry  street  place. 

About  200  boys,  headed  by  a  drummer,  paraded  up  and  down  Henry 
street.  Suspended  from  a  tree  at  No.  226  Henry  street  was  a  figure 
labeled  "Czolgosz,"  and  as  often  as  the  boys  passed  beneath  they 
yelled  and  groaned  and  pelted  the  figure  with  stones.  They  visited  the 
office  of  the  Frei  Arbiter  Stimme  to  make  sure  the  anarchists  had  not  re 
turned.  Windows  and  doorways  were  crowded  with  people  who  ex 
pected  there  would  be  trouble. 

A  reporter  asked  one  of  the  boys  how  the  attack  on  the  anarchists 
was  precipitated. 

"We  made  a  man  out  of  straw,"  he  said,  "and  hung  it  to  the  lamp 
post  in  front  of  the  house  because  we  knew  they  wrere  anarchists.  One 
of  the  men  came  out  and  ordered  us  away.  We  asked  him  if  he  was 
an  American,  and  he  said  no,  that  it  was  no  use  to  become  a  citizen  and 
that  he  was  an  anarchist.  Then  the  trouble  began." 

Dr.  M.  Rosenthal,  who  owns  the  house  and  leases  the  basement  to 
the  anarchists,  said: 

"I  never  in  my  life  saw  such  an  angry  mob.  There  were  men  as  well 
as  boys  in  it  and  they  seemed  to  have  lost  all  control  of  themselves.  If 
they  had  caught  those  anarchists  when  they  broke  in  I  believe  they 
would  have  torn  them  to  pieces." 

Victor  Gasscoe,  38,  of  No.  231  West  Kinney  street,  and  August  Bris- 
cow,  17,  of  No.  13  Clayton  street,  Newark,  two  avowed  anarchists,,  are 
prisoners  at  the  Fourth  Precinct  Police  Station  in  that  city.  They  were 
captured  while  having  a  frolic  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  President  Mc- 
Kinley.  They  will  be  arraigned  before  Judge  Lambert  in  the  First 
Criminal  Court,  charged  by  Police  Captain  Edwards  with  utter 
ing  seditious  language  and  with  brutally  assaulting  a  woman  who  dis 
played  courage  enough  among  a  crowd  of  boisterous  men  to  cry 
"Shame!"  at  them. 

Gasscoe  and  Briscow  were  arrested  late  Saturday  night  by  Captain 
Edwards  and  Patrolman  Rommeihs  in  the  saloon  of  John  Drozdowsky, 
No.  20  Charlton  street,  whose  place  has  long  been  suspected  of  being 
a  rendezvous  of  anarchists. 


ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE.  103 

The  captain  was  walking  along  Springfield  avenue,  when  he  came 
upon  Mrs.  John  Soslosky  of  No.  43  Charlton  street,  who  was  weeping 
from  the  pain  of  a  swollen  and  bruised  face.  A  bystander  informed  the 
captain  that  Mrs.  Soslosky  had  been  assaulted  by  a  man  in  Droz- 
dowsky's  saloon  because  she  denounced  him  for  saying  that  the  assas 
sination  of  President  McKinley  was  a  justifiable  act,  and  also  for  drink 
ing  a  toast  to  the  health  of  the  murderer,  Czolgosz. 

Mrs.  Soslosky  said  she  had  entered  Drozdowsky's  saloon  in  search  of 
her  husband.  She  found  the  place  crowded  with  half-drunken  men,  who 
were  listening  with  apparent  approval  to  a  harangue  which  Gasscoe 
was  delivering.  According  to  Mrs.  Soslosky,  Gasscoe  declared  the  Pres 
ident  to  be  the  embodiment  of  tyranny,  and  that  his  death  had  been  'too 
long  deferred.  Briscow  approved  the  sentiments  of  Gasscoe,  and  these 
two  arose  and  drank  beer  to  the  toast  of  "Long  life  to  Czolgosz,  the 
hero." 

Mrs.  Soslosky  bravely  faced  Gasscoe  and  cried: 

"Shame  on  you  for  saying  such  words!" 

Gasscoe's  answer  was  a  blow  which  struck  Mrs.  Soslosky  in  the  face 
and  knocked  her  down.  Nobody  interfered  and  the  woman  left  the  sa 
loon  to  search  for  a  policeman. 

Captain  Edwards,  Patrolman  Kommeihs  and  Mrs.  Soslosky  went  to 
Drozdowsky's  saloon.  Approaching  Gasscoe,  Captain  Edwards  said: 
"So  you  are  an  anarchist?" 

"Yes,  I  am  an  anarchist,  and  I  am  proud  of  it,"  replied  Gasscoe. 

The  captain  seized  him  and  dragged  him  from  his  chair.  Gasscoe 
showed  fight,  but  was  subdued  by  a  blow  in  the  face.  Captain  Edwards 
faced  the  crowd  of  other  anarchists,  who  fell  sullenly  back.  Patrolman 
Rommeihs  arrested  Briscow. 

An  immense  crowd  followed  the  prisoners  to  the  Fourth  Precinct 
Station-house.  Realizing  the  danger  and  hearing  the  cries  of  "Lynch 
them!"  the  policemen  hurried  to  the  station-house  with  their  captives. 

One  thousand  angry  men  and  women  gathered  about  the  station- 
house.  There  was  talk  of  storming  the  building,  and  Captain  Edwards 
was  forced  to  order  out  the  reserves  to  disperse  the  mob. 

Paul  Wurz,  living  at  Haledon,  N.  J.,  got  into  an  argument  at  the 
Bellevue  Hotel  Saturday  after  Mr.  McKinley's  death  over  the  assassina 
tion  of  the  President. 


104  ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE. 

"He  never  was  any  good!"  shouted  Wurz.  "He  ought  to  have  been 
shot  long  ago!" 

In  a  twinkling  the  spectator  was  lying  on  the  floor.  A  minute  later 
he  was  rolling  in  the  gutter  outside.  Wurz  picked  himself  up,  smashed 
a  window  with  a  stone  and  ran  away,  but  he  was  caught  hiding  behind 
an  anarchist  meeting  hall  at  No.  325  Straight  street  by  Policeman 
Fields.  Later  in  the  day  Wurz  was  taken  into  court  and  fined  $25  for  his 
seditious  words  and  $6  for  breaking  the  window. 

Senator  Depew  thus  reported  on  his  visit  to  Buffalo,  where  he  was 
at  the  time  of  President  McKinley's  death: 

"I  went  several  times  to  the  Milburn  house.  At  4  o'clock,  although 
the  report  came  that  the  President  had  rallied,  the  committee  of  rail 
road  men  with  whom  I  had  been  consulting  decided  to  postpone  the  ex 
ercises  for  Railroad  Day.  On  my  visits  to  the  Milburn  house  I  found  no 
especial  alarm.  What  was  apparently  an  extreme  attack  of  indigestion 
was  considered  to  have  been  relieved.  Later  in  the  day  almost  the  old 
hopefulness  had  its  sway.  Upon  an  evening  visit,  however,  I  found  the 
gloom  of  a  death  chamber.  I  met  Senator  Hanna,  who  was  quite  un 
nerved,  and  he  told  me  that  the  President  was  dead. 

"I  was  among  the  men  who  were  near  Lincoln  when  he  died  and  was 
by,  also,  when  Garfield  died.  Those  about  Lincoln  were  in  a  wild  rage 
for  revenge.  Garfield  was  so  short  a  time  President  that  beyond  the 
general  horror  and  sympathy  there  were  no  evidences  of  deep  feeling. 
At  the  Milburn  house  on  Friday  night  a  stranger  would  have  said  that 
the  Cabinet  officers,  the  judges.,  the  Senators,  and  the  distinguished  men 
who  were  associated  with  President  McKinley  were  members  of  his 
family  and  wrere  feeling  in  his  death  the  loss  of  a  most  cherished  mem 
ber.  The  poignancy  of  the  grief  manifested  was  extraordinary  and 
showed  what  a  tremendous  hold  the  President  had  on  those  who  came 
in  contact  with  him. 

"Secretary  Boot  is  not  an  emotional  man.  His  severe  training  at 
the  bar  has  taught  him  to  curb  his  feelings  and  given  him  a  marvelous 
control  over  his  emotions,  but  at  the  inauguration  of  Roosevelt,  in  an 
effort  to  make  a  simple  announcement  that  the  Cabinet  desired  the 
Vice-President  to  at  once  assume  the  presidency,  Mr.  Root's  battle  to 
prevent  himself  giving  external  evidence  of  grief  intensified  by  its  fail 
ure  the  broken  sentences  he  uttered.  I  have  witnessed  most  of  the 
world's  pageants  in  my  time,  where  fleets  and  armies,  music  and  can- 


ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE.  105 

non,  wonderful  ceremonials  and  costumes  enchanted  the  onlookers  and 
fired  the  imagination,  but  that  all  seems  to  me  in  recollection  tawdry 
and  insignificant  in  the  presence  of  that  little  company  in  the  library 
of  the  Wilcox  house  in  Buffalo.  It  was  apparently  a  gathering  of  pro- 
fessional  and  business  Americans,  coming  hastily  from  their  vocations 
to  the  meeting. 

"There  was  an  interregnum  of  a  few  hours  in  the  Chief  Magistracy  of 
the  Republic.  The  long  silence  in  the  library  which  had  become  painful 
was  broken  by  a  few  scarcely  audible  words  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
A  brief  pause  and  then  the  emphatic  announcement  by  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  continuance  of  the  policy  of  McKinley  for  the  peace,  progress 
and  honor  of  our  beloved  country  lifted  every  one  out  of  despair.  Roose 
velt,  with  his  youthful  and  his  magnificent,  athletic  personality,  and  the 
terrible  earnestness  of  his  little  speech,  seemed  to  personify  the  indom 
itable  vigor  of  that  American  conquest  and  industrial  and  commercial 
evolution,  and  its  continuance,  of  which  McKinley,  in  the  public  mind, 
was  largely  the  creator  and  wholly  the  representative.  In  repeating 
the  words  of  the  judge  administering  the  oath,  Roosevelt  extended  his 
hand  over  his  head  to  the  full  length  of  his  arm.  He  closely  followed 
each  sentence,  and  his  ending  seemed  almost  as  if  it  was  a  salvo  of  ar 
tillery:  'And  so  I  swear.' 

"That  little  company  had  only  a  few  minutes  before  left  the  house 
of  the  murdered  President,  and  now  they  were  extending  congratula 
tions  to  his  successor  who  had  assumed  the  greatest  office  which  man 
can  hold,  and  had  become  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  most  powerful  coun 
try  in  the  world." 

Commenting  upon  the  act  of  the  assassin  at  Buffalo,  Senator  Depew 
said  : 

"It  is  singular  that  the  United  States,  possessing  the  freest  govern 
ment  the  world  has  ever  known,  its  Presidents,  with  the  exception  of 
Washington,  all  having  come  from  the  humbler  conditions  and  the  ten 
ure  in  the  Chief  Magistracy  ending  in  four  years,  in  thirty-six  years 
three  of  them  should  have  been  assassinated.  Autocratic  Russia  is  a 
hotbed  of  conspiracy  against  the  Czars,  yet  only  one  ruler  in  Russia  has 
been  murdered  in  the  period  covering  the  life  of  the  American  Republic. 
The  600  years  of  the  Hapsburg  house  and  nearly  as  many  of  the  Hohen- 
zollern  dynasty  have  been  free  from  the  tragedy  of  assassination.  Only 
one  member  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  King  Humbert,  fell  under  the  assas- 


106  ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE. 

sin's  hand.  The  English  throne  has  been  free  from  these  crimes  for 
a  thousand  years.  In  France  in  thirty  years  one  of  her  Presidents  has  been 
assassinated;  with  the  exception  of  Henry  IV,  none  of  her  kings  or  em 
perors.  The  immunity  of  rulers  of  Continental  Europe  is  ascribed  to  the 
care  of  guards.  There  are  no  special  precautions  surrounding  the  move 
ments  and  residence  of  the  English  sovereign. 

"The  murder  of  Lincoln  was  not  the  act  of  an  anarchist  and  was  as 
deeply  regretted  by  the  South,  whose  wrongs  Booth  thought  he  was 
avenging,  as  by  the  North.  Had  Lincoln  lived,  the  reconstruction  of  the 
South  on  lines  satisfactory  to  its  intelligence  would  have  come  mucli 
sooner.  The  assassination  of  a  ruler  has  always  defeated  the  purpose  of 
the  attack  by  intensifying  the  power  of  the  government  assailed.  The 
assassination  of  Garfield  was  the  crime  of  an  addle-brained  egotist  seek 
ing  notoriety,  without  accomplices  or  sympathizers. 

"President  McKinley  was  the  most  beloved  of  our  Presidents.  Be 
yond  any  of  them,  he  possessed  the  affection  of  the  whole  American  peo 
ple.  Parties  and  partisanship  had  ceased  to  have  any  enmity  toward 
him  personally.  He  w7as  not  only  the  best  friend  of  the  workingman 
and  the  wage-earner  who  ever  filled  the  place  of  ruler  of  a  great  coun 
try,  but  they  all  knew  it  and  so  regarded  him.  Notwithstanding  these 
facts,  this  most  popular  of  Presidents  fell  a  victim  to  a  conspiracy.  His 
death  was  brought  about  as  a  result  of  teachings  of  a  political  school 
which,  so  far  as  they  dare,  approve  and  applaud  the  crime. 

"The  conditions  which  give  comparative  safety  to  European  rulers 
and  make  the  position  of  President  of  the  United  States  the  most  haz 
ardous  place  in  the  world,  must  be  considered  in  the  protection  to  be 
given  in  the  future  to  our  Presidents.  All  Continental  governments  by 
concert  of  action  among  the  police  of  the  several  countries  locate,  iden 
tify  and  exchange  descriptions  of  anarchists  and  anarchist  groups. 
They  arrest  them  on  the  slightest  pretext,  and  in  various  ways  endeavor 
to  make  life  unbearable  for  them.  The  reds  have  in  the  main  fled  from 
these  countries  to  find  asylum  only  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  They  work  a  vigorous  propaganda  through  their  publications 
for  use  on  the  Continent.  The  Scotland  Yard  police  keep  the  London 
anarchists  under  constant  surveillance.  The  anarchist  leaders  in  Rus 
sia  are  all  foreigners,  as  with  us,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two.  The 
leaders  in  Great  Britain  order  that  no  outrages  be  committed  there. 
They  know  that  any  attempt  on  the  life  of  the  sovereign  would  lead  to 
PTrmlsirm  of  them  all. 


ANARCHY  AS  A  DOCTRINE.  107 

"The  reds  have  discovered  that  in  the  United  States  there  is  such 
absolute  freedom  that  there  is  no  law,  Federal  or  State,  under  which 
anything  worse  can  happen  than  brief  imprisonment  if  unsuccessful, 
and  execution  only  if  successful,  to  the  member  of  their  society  upon 
whom  the  lot  falls  to  assassinate  a  President,  a  governor,  a  judge  or  a 
policeman.  The  chief  tenets  of  the  anarchist  organization  being  revolu 
tion  of  society  by  killing  those  who  carry  out  its  laws,  now  how  can  we 
protect  our  President  and  have  him  as  safe  from  these  assaults  as  Euro 
pean  sovereigns? 

"In  the  first  place,  President  Loubet  of  the  French  Eepublic  does  not 
attend  public  meetings,  speak  from  the  platform  or  railway  cars,  move 
around  in  an  approachable  and  conspicuous  way  to  fairs  and  exposi 
tions,  nor  hold  open  levees  for  the  shaking  of  hands.  Whenever  he  ap 
pears  he  is  guarded  by  secret  police.  They  knoAV  his  route,  and,  them 
selves  inconspicuous,  keep  a  constant  watch  on  the  President  and  those 
near  him.  Our  Presidents  are  in  the  habit  of  shaking  hands  with  every 
body  who  wishes  wherever  they  temporarily  stop  or  have  been  stay 
ing.  Can  we  afford,  when  the  life  of  the  President  is  so  important  to 
every  interest  of  the  country,  to  have  him  continue  this  ceremony  with 
out  restriction  or  limitation?  The  American  people  number  77,000,000. 
It  would  be  almost  impossible  for  a  President  in  his  four  years  in  office 
to  shake  hands  with  50,000  persons.  Considering  that  some  one  person 
in  this  insignificant  proportion  of  our  people  might  precipitate  a  tragedy 
that  would  plunge  the  whole  country  into  grief  and  disturb  commercial 
and  industrial  conditions,  the  question  arises,  Can  we  afford  to  continue 
to  imperil  our  Presidents? 

"We  must  begin  at  the  fountain  head  and  stop  the  reservoirs  of 
European  anarchy  pouring  into  our  country.  Such  certification  of  im 
migrants  must  be  had  as  will  establish  a  proper  environment  and  asso 
ciation  abroad  before  they  pass  our  immigrant  inspectors.  Supplement 
ing  this,  there  should  be  under  proper  safeguards  the  power  lodged 
somewhere  to  expel  known  enemies  of  our  laws  and  country.  Legisla 
tion  should  also  be  adopted  by  the  Federal  Government  and  all  States 
that  will  take  attempts  upon  the  life  of  the  President  which  fail  out  of 
the  category  of  mere  assaults." 

Senator  Depew's  remarks  about  safeguarding  Presidents  should  have 
the  most  respectful  attention,  for  they  are  founded  on  information. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD  AND  EAKLY  MANHOOD. 

McKinley's  Boyhood  as  Told  by  His  Mother— His  Steady  Rise  to  Leadership— How  He  Studied 
and  Grew  Strong— His  Early  Tariff  Speeches— The  Law  that  Bears  His  Name  -The 
Object-Lesson  He  Gave  the  Country  in  His  Journey  Across  the  Continent — A  Story  of  Him 
as  a  Boy- Soldier— His  Story  of  His  Own  Regiment. 

There  has  been  no  man  of  great  prominence  in  our  history,  against 
whom  the  cry  of  establishing  a  class  of  rulers  other  than  our  citizens, 
native  and  naturalized,  and  doing  something  to  abridge  the  liberties  of 
the  people  at  large,  was  less  applicable  in  reason,  than  to  President 
McKinley.  He  always  was  for  the  largest  extension  of  manhood  suf 
frage,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  ballot  and  the  ballot  box — the  accept 
ance  of  all  honest  votes  and  their  counting  as  voted.  There  never  was  an 
utterance  of  his  touching  this  fundamental  theme  that  was  not  clear  and 
large  in  its  liberality,  and  this  was  a  lifelong  recognition  in  the  broadest 
sense  of  the  supreme  sovereignty  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

In  his  boyhood,  in  the  district  of  manufacturing  industries  of  Ohio, 
he  studied  the  problem  of  the  protection  of  American  labor  as  a  question 
that  came  home  to  the  house  of  his  father,  who  was  a  workingman,  in 
the  literal  use  of  the  word;  and  one  of  the  first  things  said  of  him,  as  he 
became  known  after  his  war  experiences,  and  was  a  lawyer,  is  that  he 
did  that  unusual  thing — made  a  protectionist  speech  "interesting."  The 
famous  Thomas  Corwin,  the  great  wit  and  orator  of  his  time,  found 
nothing  so  difficult  as  to  interest  the  people  of  the  West  about  the  tariff. 
The  tendency  of  public  speakers  on  that  subject  was  to  employ  too  many 
figures,  and  give  them  in  combinations  of  intricacy.  Young  McKinley 
put  the  mathematics  of  the  matter  on  the  anvil,  red  hot,  and  hammered 
the  metal  into  implements,  making  the  sparks  fly.  He  was  strong-handed, 
and  was  deeply  grounded  and  minutely  informed.  He  addressed  the  men 
of  toil  in  the  fields  and  shops,  and  had  the  excellent  and  commanding 
quality  of  sincerity.  No  man  heard  him  who  did  not  know  that  whatever 
errors  there  might  be  in  his  sayings,  he  was  speaking  his  own  convic 
tions  and  was  smiting  the  iron  when  it  was  hot,  doing  it  heartily,  and  in 
a  masterly  way  putting  a  fine  finish  on  his  work,  beginning  with  blows 

108 


McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY    MANHOOD.       109 

like  those  delivered  by  a  blacksmith  and  touching  it  up  at  last  with 
strokes  that  gave  symmetry  to  the  blade  he  fashioned  and  added  an  edge. 

The  mothers  of  Washington,  Grant,  Garfield,  and  McKinley  saw 
their  sons  Presidents,  but  Washington  parted  with  his  mother  never  to 
see  her  again,  when  on  the  way  to  be  inaugurated  the  first  time.  Mrs. 
Grant  and  Mrs.  Benjamin  Harrison  lived  to  have  the  honor  of  seeing 
their  fathers  as  guests  in  the  White  House.  Nancy  Allison  McKinley 
gave  this  account  of  her  illustrious  son  in  a  conversation  reported  by  the 
Journal  of  December  27, 1896: 

"Don't  think  my  bringing  up  has  much  to  do  with  making  my  son 
William  the  President  of  the  United  States.  I  had  six  children,  and 
I  had  all  my  own  work  to  do.  I  did  the  best  I  could,  of  course,  but  I 
could  not  devote  all  my  time  to  him. 

"William  was  naturally  a  good  boy,  but  he  was  not  particularly  a 
good  baby.  He  began  to  take  notice  of  things  when  very  young.  He 
was  a  healthy  boy. 

"We  lived  in  a  village  and  he  had  plenty  of  outdoor  air  and  exercise. 
He  was  a  good  boy  in  school  and  his  teachers  always  said  he  was  very 
bright.  He  had  his  little  squabbles  with  his  brothers  and  sisters,  like 
all  other  children  do.  I  guess  I  never  paid  much  attention  to  that. 
He  was  always  obedient,  however,  affectionate  and  very  fond  of  his 
home. 

"We  were  Methodists,  though  we  never  went  to  the  extent  of  curbing 
the  innocent  sports  of  the  children.  William  was  taken  to  Sunday- 
school  about  the  same  time  that  he  began  his  studies  in  the  village 
schoolhouse.  He  continued  a  faithful  attendant  every  Sunday  till  he 
went  away  to  the  war.  I  brought  up  all  my  children  to  understand 
that  they  must  study  and  improve  their  minds. 

"My  ideas  of  an  education  were  wholly  practical,  not  theoretical 
I  put  my  children  into  school  just  as  early  as  they  could  go  alone  to  the 
teacher,  and  kept  them  at  it.  I  did  not  allow  them  to  stay  away.  As 
you  may  imagine,  I  had  little  time  to  help  in  their  studies,  though  I 
kept  track  of  their  work  in  a  general  way  through  the  reports  of  their 
teachers.  I  did  most  of  the  household  work,  except  the  washing  and 
ironing,  and  made  nearly  all  the  children's  clothes;  but  I  saw  that  the 
children  were  up  in  the  morning,  had  breakfast  and  were  promptly 
ready  for  school. 

"That  was  the  way  the  days  of  every  week  began  for  me.     Ours  was 


110      McKINLEY'8   BOYHOOD   AND   EARLY   MANHOOD. 

a  hard,  earnest  life.  My  husband  was  always  an  early  riser  and  off 
to  his  work.  I  am  now  speaking  of  our  life  at  Mies.  At  Poland  he 
was  away  from  Iiome  most  of  the  time,  and  the  whole  burden  of  the 
family  cares  fell  on  me. 

"We  moved  to  Poland  wrhen  William  was  about  eleven  years  of 
age.  We  went  there  because  the  schools  were  better.  My  husband 
was  a  foundryman  and  his  w^ork  kept  him  at  Mies. 

"William  was  a  great  hand  for  marbles,  and  he  was  very  fond  of 
his  bow  and  arrows.  He  got  so  that  he  was  a  very  good  shot  with  the 
arrow  and  could  hit  almost  anything  that  he  aimed  at.  The  thing  he 
loved  best  of  all  was  a  kite.  It  seems  to  me  I  never  went  into  the 
kitchen  without  seeing  a  paste  pot  or  a  ball  of  string  waiting  to  be 
made  into  a  kite.  He  never  cared  much  for  pets.  I  don't  believe  he 
ever  had  one. 

"We  did  njo-t  own  a  horse,  so  he  never  rode  or  drove.  He  was  always 
teasing  me  to  be  allowed  to  'go  barefoot'  the  minute  he  came  home  from 
school.  In  'going  barefoot/  when  he  stubbed  a  toe  or  bruised  his  foot, 
he  was  as  proud  as  a  king  in  showing  the  injury  to  the  other  boys. 
When  summer  came  he  always  had  a  stone  bruise.  His  shoes  came  off 
before  the  snow  had  left  the  ground. 

"Although  William  had  no  taste  for  fishing,  and  rarely,  if  ever, 
attempted  the  sport,  he  was  fond  of  swimming  in  the  deep  pool  on 
Yellow  Creek,  a  little  way  above  the  dam.  The  swimming  hole  was 
reached  by  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  after  crossing  the  bridge,  and  was 
shaded  by  a  large  black  oak  that  spread  its  branches  far  over  the  water. 
Here  the  boys  used  to  go  after  school  on  warm  summer  evenings  and 
splash  in  the  water  for  some  time. 

"Our  first  home  in  Poland  was  on  the  main  street,  just  east  of  the 
corner  store.  It  was — and  still  is — a  frame  building,  painted  slate 
color,  and  was  not  as  large  as  the  houses  we  afterward  dwelt  in.  Our 
second  residence  was  further  down  the  street,  toward  the  mill,  where 
Dr.  Elliott  now  lives.  The  third  house,  now  occupied  by  Mrs.  Smithers, 
was  oji  the  other  side  from  the  other  two,  and  we  had  a  veranda  along 
the  entire  front  of  the  house. 

"William  was  promptly  entered  at  the  seminary  and  developed 
strong  inclinations  to  study.  In  ti^a  he  became  a  member  of  the  liter 
ary  association  in  the  Poland  Union  Seminary,  and  I  frequently  heard 
of  his  taking  part  in  the  debates  and  other  literary  contests.  Mrs. 


McKINLEY  HOMESTEAD— CANTON,  OHIO. 


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McKINLETS   BOYHOOD   AND    EARLY   MANHOOD.      113 

Morse,  who  was  his  teacher,  says  that  he  excelled  in  the  study  of  lan 
guages,  although  he  was  fairly  'good  at  figures.'  I  know  that  he  was  a 
constant  reader,  and  by  the  time  he  was  fifteen  he  began  to  read  poetry, 
being  especially  fond  of  Longfellow  and  Whittier,  and,  I  believe,  Byron. 
From  this  time  of  his  boyhood  he  gave  up  most  of  his  sports  except  ball 
playing,  swimming  and  skating.  The  boys  played  ball  on  the  com 
mon  behind  the  seminary. 

"Practically,  the  McKinleys  were  very  strong  abolitionists,  and 
William  early  imbibed  very  radical  views  regarding  the  enslavement 
of  the  colored  race.  As  a  mere  boy  he  used  to  go  to  a  tannery  kept 
by  Joseph  Smith  and  engage  in  warm  controversies  on  the  slavery 
question.  Mr.  Smith  was  a  Democrat,  and  so  were  several  of  the  work 
men  about  the  tannery.  These  disputes  never  seemed  to  have  occas 
ioned  any  ill-feeling  toward  William,  because  he  was  always  popular 
with  the  very  men  with  whom  he  had  the  most  controversy. 

"This  fact  was  shown  by  his  being  selected  as  a  clerk  at  the  little 
postoffice.  As  William  grew  older  he  developed  fondness  for  the 
society  of  young  men.  This  was  encouraged  by  me.  He  had  always 
shown  great  affection  for  his  sisters,  often  preferring,  as  a  boy,  to 
remain  indoors  with  them  on  holidays  rather  than  to  join  in  sports  with 
other  boys  on  the  common. 

"His  boyhood  days  ended  when  he  left  home  to  go  to  the  war.  That 
took  him  out  into  the  world  in  the  broadest  sense.  Except  for  a  few 
weeks  spent  at  Allegheny,  this,  his  first  absence  from  home,  was  spent 
in  a  camp  of  war. 

"What  do  I  regard  as  essential  in  bringing  up  a  boy  to  be  President? 

"I  can  scarcely  say;  there  are  so  many  things  to  teach  boys.  They 
should  be  taught  to  be  honest  in  dealing  with  their  fellow  men.  They 
should  win  the  respect  and  confidence  of  all.  Then  boys  should  be 
brought  up  to  love  home,  if  you  want  to  make  good  men,  or  Presidents 
either,  of  them. 

"The  home  training,  such  as  is  inculcated  in  the  true  American 
home,  is  a  great  safeguard  to  the  lads  of  this  country.  Boys,  to  be 
good  men,  must  be  good  to  their  parents.  Any  boy  who  wants  to  be 
President  should  be  honest  and  truthful,  and  he  should  love  his  home, 
his  family  and  his  country. 

"No  boy  will  ever  be  President  who  is  afraid  of  hard  work.  I  think 
religion  is  a  great  benefit  to  a  boy.  I  know  William  was  a  bright  boy 


114      M'cRHf  LEY'S   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD. 

and  a  good  boy,  but  I  never  dreamed  that  he  would  be  President  of 
the  United  States. 

"After  all,  I  don't  believe  I  did  raise  the  boy  to  be  President.  I 
tried  to  bring  up  the  boy  to  be  a  good  man,  and  that  is  the  best  that 
any  mother  can  do.  The  first  thing  I  knew,  my  son  turned  around  and 
began  to  raise  me  to  be  the  mother  of  a  President." 

The  age  of  William  McKinley  when  he  enlisted  as  a  soldier  of  the 
United  States  was  seventeen  years.  Once,  in  the  first  term  of  his  Presi 
dency,  he  corrected  a  statement  by  a  lady  that  he  and  Senator  Foraker 
were  of  the  same  age  when  they  entered  the  army  as  enlisted  men.  The 
President  said  that  at  the  date  of  beginning  military  service  the  Senator 
was  a  year  his  junior;  and  a  parallel  of  interest  could  be  drawn  as  to 
their  promotion  and  occupation,  when  they  returned  to  civil  life. 

Their  intelligence,  business  capacity  and  soldierly  enterprise,  bra  very 
and  solicitude  for  chances  of  daring,  and  energy  in  improving  them, 
showed  that  they  did  very  well,  considering  they  were  not  pressed  into 
high  places  by  personal  influences  vigilant  to  call  attention  to  their  mer 
its.  They  were  not  of  the  same  army,  Foraker  being  identified  with  the 
Western  and  McKinley  with  the  Eastern  lines  of  operation.  They  were 
high-spirited  young  men,  and  gained  early  the  consideration  of  capable 
offioers.  McKinley  was  a  private  in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel, 
afterwards  President,  B.  B.  Hayes,  and  an  early  episode  in  his  career 
would  indicate  that  of  a  disposition  to  assert  his  rights  as  a  boy  carrying 
a  gun,  to  have  a  good  gun  issued  to  him.  An  American  soldier  generally 
knows  something  abouta  gun,and  objects  seriously  to  handling  a  weapon 
inferior  to  that  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  This  was  observable  at  the 
opening  of  the  Spanish  war,  when  the  Spanish  had  Mausers  and  smoke 
less  powder,  while  some  of  the  United  States  troops  had  Springfield 
rifles,  asserted  by  the  dissatisfied  to  be  antiquated.  This,  it  is  to  be 
remembered,  was  a  state  of  things  conspicuous  in  front  of  Santiago. 

It  was  one  day  in  an  Ohio  camp  of  instruction,  before  McKinley's 
regiment  was  ready  for  the  field,  that  the  boys  were  aroused  and  full  of 
wrath  because  they  had  served  to  them  guns  of  inferior  quality.  There 
was  no  disorder,  but  there  were  manifestations  of  dissatisfaction  that 
caused  protests  to  be  made  hardly  in  strict  accord  with  military  discip 
line,  and  McKinley  was  one  of  the  boys  who  stood  up  fpr  a  better  gun. 
He  had  very  little  to  say,  but  was  in  the  front  line,  wheri  Colonel  Hayes 
came  to  the  rescue,  and  made  a  brief  speech  that  was  not  forgotten 


HcKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD   AND   EARLY   MANHOOD.      115 

for  a  long  time.  The  Colonel  admitted  that  the  guns  were  not  fit  to 
be  given  to  the  regiment,  but  were  the  best,  indeed  the  only,  guns  that 
could  be  found  for  them.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the 
Army  of  the  Revolution  the  arms  were  often  not  suitable  to  be  taken 
into  active  service.  After  reciting  familiar  anecdotes  of  the  experience 
of  the  fathers,  he  invited  the  boys  to  take  notice  they  would  need  a  good 
deal  of  drilling  before  the  firearms  would  be  used  an  the  battlefield, 
and  that  by  the  time  they  were  sent  under  fire,  they  would  have  rifles 
that  would  be  satisfactory,  if  they  could  be  provided  by  the  Government, 
which  was  making  the  utmost  exertions  to  equip  the  men  who  were 
going  forth  to  fight  for  the  country,  in  the  most  becoming  manner  for 
efficiency.  In  conclusion,  the  Colonel  mentioned  the  oath  taken  when 
mustered  into  service,  and  with  stern  words,  but  a  kindly  manner, 
adjourned  the  meeting,  and  the  boys  labored  assiduously  with  the  old 
muskets,  until  there  was  an  exchange  that  was  agreeable.  The  speech 
of  Colonel  Hayes  on  the  gun  question  did  much  to  make  the  officers 
and  enlisted  men  acquainted,  and  they  liked  each  other  all  the  better. 

Major  McKinley  attended  often  the  reunions  of  his  regiment,  the 
Twenty-third,  and  wras  in  high  favor  with  his  comrades.  In  1877  his 
share  of  the  encampment  was  to  read  a  history  of  the  services  of  the 
regiment,  which  was  as  follows: 

MCKINLEY'S  HISTORY  OF  HIS  OWN  REGIMENT  IN  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 

The  complete  history  of  any  one  of  the  active  veteran  regiments  from 
Ohio  is  almost  the  history  of  the  war  itself.  The  grand  march  of 
Sherman  to  the  sea  has  its  full  record  of  events  written  in  many  Ohio 
regiments.  Grant's  great  army  of  assault  against  Richmond  finds  its 
struggles  and  sacrifices,  its  defeats  and  its  victories,  fully  told  in  Ohio's 
part  in  the  war,  while  Sheridan's  brilliant  triumphs  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  cannot  be  written  without  Sheridan  and  the  Ohio  regiments. 

The  Twenty-third  Ohio,  whose  first  enlistment  was  for  three  years, 
was  one  of  the  first  original  three  years'  regiments  mustered  into  the 
United  States  service  from  Ohio  at  Camp  Chase,  on  the  llth  day  of 
June,  1861.  In  July,  1861,  the  regiment  commenced  active  service  in 
West  Virginia  under  General  Rosecrans,  and  from  this  time  to  its 
muster  out  in  the  summer  of  1865  was  for  the  most  part  engaged  in 
active  campaigning.  Its  first  battle  was  that  of  Carnifax  Ferry,  Sep 
tember  10,  1861,  famous  to  us  chiefly  because  it  was  our  first  battle, 


116      McKINLEY'8   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD. 

and  enjoyable  because  our  part  in  it  was  neither  difficult  nor  dangerous, 
and  for  the  additional  reason  that  Floyd,  under  cover  of  the  night, 
accommodated  us  by  evacuating  his  stronghold,  thus  sparing  us  a 
renewal  of  the  conflict  in  the  morning.  I  will  not  pause  before  sterner 
events,  which  were  soon  to  await  us,  to  detail  our  experiences  during  the 
winter  of  1861  and  early  spring  of  1862.  The  expedition  to  Princeton, 
always  in  the  advance;  the  burning  of  the  village  by  the  Confederate 
forces,  the  almost  daily  skirmishing  with  a  retreating  foe,  the  battle 
with  General  Heath,  against  fearful  odds;  the  want  of  supplies,  our 
beautiful  camp  at  Flat  Top  mountain — the  simple  suggestion  of  these 
scattering  incidents  will  bring  a  crowd  of  memories  to  your  mind,  and 
fill  up  the  gap  which  my  limited  time  forces  me  to  omit  in  this  narra 
tive  of  the  regiment. 

WITH   ARMY   OF   POTOMAC. 

From  these  experiences,  in  August,  1862,  with  General  Cox's 
division,  we  pass  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  you  will  long 
remember  that  famous  march,  averaging  over  thirty  miles  per  day  for 
three  days,  to  the  boats  that  were  waiting  to  transport  us  to  our  rail 
road  connections.  From  Washington  we  moved  on  to  Frederic,  where, 
after  little  resistance  and  some  fighting,  we  entered  that  t  beautiful 
city.  There  on  to  Middletown,  and  just  fifteen  years  ago  to-day,  in  this 
very  month,  and  upon  this  very  day  of  the  month — September  14,  1862 
— Cox's  division  fought  the  battle  of  South  Mountain,  the  Twenty-third 
taking  an  active  and  conspicuous  part  in  that  engagement — a  battle 
which  for  the  skill  and  adroitness  of  its  management,  the  fury  and 
intensity  of  its  execution,  has  few  parallels  in  foreign  or  domestic  wars 
— the  real  courage  displayed  then  and  there,  by  both  officers  and  men, 
was  an  example  of  the  after  brilliant  career  of  the  regiment  and  divis 
ion.  Three  bayonet  charges  were  made,  following  in  close  succession 
up  the  steeps  of  that  rugged  slope,  and,  although  the  lieutenant-colonel 
commanding  the  regiment,  to  whom  all  looked  for  inspiration  and  direc 
tion,  fell  severely  wounded  at  the  head  of  his  command,  and  tAvo 
hundred  of  our  brave  comrades  "fell  where  they  fought,"  to  the  right 
and  to  the  left,  undaunted  and  unchecked  you  followed  your  new  com 
mander  until  Cox's  division  was  master  of  the  field  and  the  situation. 
South  Mountain  was  a  splendid  victory,  though  achieved  at  great  cdst. 


McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD   AND    EARLY   MANHOOD.      117 


AT   BATTLE   OF   ANTIETAM. 

Quickly  followed  Antietam,  one  of  the  great  battles  of  the  war. 
Cox's  division,  on  the  extreme  left,  constantly  and  severely  exposed, 
maintained  itself  throughout  the  day's  desperate  fighting  and  charging. 
The  colors  of  the  Twenty-third,  shot  down,  are  quickly  replanted,  a  new 
line  formed,  another  charge  and  the  enemy  retires.  Conspicuous  in 
the  movement  which  carried  the  enemy's  position  at  the  famous  stone 
bridge  on  the  National  right — the  death  trap  of  the  Antietam  battle 
field — was  the  Twenty-third.  The  Kanawha  division  had  done  its  duty 
well — it  was  thanked  in  general  orders.  Cox  was  made  a  Major-Gen 
eral,  the  eagle  gave  place  to  star  on  the  shoulders  of  Crook,  Scammon 
was  alike  promoted,  and  our  wounded  Hayes,  to  the  delight  of  officers 
and  men,  was  made  the  Colonel  of  the  regiment  he  had  so  long  com 
manded.  Back  again  to  the  Kanawha;  but  before  we  reach  its  beauti 
ful  river  and  picturesque  valleys  the  Confederate  General  Stuart  gives 
us  a  little  chase  into  Pennsylvania. 

The  winter  quarters  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha — thence 
back  to  Charleston  in  March,  1863;  the  movement  against  Kaleigh; 
the  whirl  through  Ohio  after  John  Morgan,  the  first  at  New  Kiver  bridge, 
its  burning,  the  crossing  of  Salt  Pond  mountain,  the  latter  forbidding 
description;  a  rocky,  mountain  pass,  where  every  boulder  in  the  road 
was  like  a  little  mountain;  it  was  enough  to  appal  the  stoutest  hearts. 
But  the  battle  of  Cloyd  Mountain,  under  General  Crook,  famous-  in  the 
regiment's  history,  must  command  a  passing  word.  Skillful  and 
furious,  it  tried  the  metal  of  the  best  men  of  the  command.  The 
Twenty -third  was  on  the  right  of  the  First  Brigade,  and  over  the  beauti 
ful  meadow  which  intervened,  the  troops  move  grandly  at  a  double 
quick — the  ball  and  canister  of  the  enemy  having  little  perceptible 
effect  upon  their  well-formed  line;  down  to  the  ugly  stream  which  inter 
posed  its  obstruction,  in  full  sight  and  range  of  the  Confederates. 
Without  a  halt,  on  they  dash  into  it  and  across  it.  "Then  with  a  yell, 
amidst  shrapnel  and  shell,"  the  ascent  is  commenced — quick  and 
furious  the  charge  is  continued  amid  heavy  fire  of  musketry;  the 
enemy's  works  are  taken,  their  artillery  captured,  and  another  great 
victory  is  added  to  the  regiment's  scroll  of  fame.  Staunton  is  at  last 
reached,  and  here  the  term  of  service  of  the  regiment  expires. 

Although  a  hard  and  dangerous  campaign  is  before  us,  the  bulk  of 


118      McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD. 

what  was  left  enrolled  themselves  for  another  three  years  with  unfalter 
ing  devotion  to  the  great  cause,  and  with  the  determination  to  remain 
at  the  front  until  treason  was  destroyed  and  the  unity  of  the  Nation 
was  established.  Not  pausing  at  Brownsburg  and  the  resistance  which 
everywhere  greeted  us,  nor  at  Lexington  and  our  triumphal  entrance 
into  that  city  after  the  Confederates  had  destroyed  the  bridge,  on  to 
Lynchburg  we  march,  meeting  and  driving  the  enemy  at  every  point, 
capturing  their  artillery,  moving  like  the  resistless  current  of  a  mighty 
river.  Acknowledging  no  impediments  and  yielding  to  no  resistance, 
nothing  could  then  have  stood  between  our  advance  column  and  Lynch 
burg  but  command  to  halt  from  one  higher  in  command  than  a  Crook, 
a  Hayes,  or  a  Duval,  Lynchburg,  that  coveted  prize,  was  within  its 
grasp;  but  lo!  in  the  morning  it  was  too  late;  the  shades  of  night  had 
safely  guided  re-enforcements  from  Richmond  to  that  beleaguered  gar 
rison,  the  opportunity  of  the  previous  night  was  gone,  and  we  were*at 
the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  The  command  fought  with  the  highest  pos 
sible  courage,  but  overpowered  by  excessive  numbers,  surrounded  on 
all  sides,  it  took  the  genius  of  a  Crook,  the  steady,  vigorous  hand  of 
a  Hayes,  and  the  thorough  discipline  of  the  troops  to  save  us  from 
complete  capture  or  a  dreadful  slaughter.  Two  days  and  two  nights, 
without  sleep  or  rest,  part  of  the  time  wholly  without  food;  fighting 
and  marching  and  suffering,  it  seems  to  me,  as  I  recall  it,  almost 
unreal  and  incredible  that  men  could  or  would  suffer  such  discomforts 
or  hardships;  but,  my  friends,  it  was  all  real — indeed  I  have  not  told 
half  the  suffering  that  was  endured  upon  that  retreat.  Without 
flinching,  the  regiment  obeyed  every  order  that  was  given,  unfalteringly 
it  moved  wherever  duty  summoned,  without  a  murmur  of  complaint 
or  a  word  of  dissatisfaction — silently,  grandly,  patiently,  and  cour 
ageously  they  bore  it  all.  Big  Sewall  mountain  is  reached,  and,  though 
we  had  sat  at  its  base  and  viewed  its  summit  many  times  before,  we 
gave  it  thrice  welcome,  for  here  was  rest  for  the  footsore  and  weary 
soldier  and  food  for  his  almost  exhausted  body. 

WITH   SHERIDAN    AT   WINCHESTER. 

From  here  we  were  ordered  to  Martinsburg  with  General  Crook, 
Whence  to  Cabletown,  and  now  comes  a  day  of  supreme  peril — the  fight 
and  surprise  at  Snicker's  gap.  The  Twenty-third  and  Thirty-sixth  Ohio 
are  completely  surrounded  by  two  divisions  of  Confederate  cavalry;  but, 


McKINLEY'8   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD.      119 

with  a  courage  born  of  desperation,  they  mow  down  the  solid  column 
which  stands  between  them  and  safety,  and  again  are  ready  for  a  new 
encounter,  which  they  find  at  Winchester  on  the  24th  of  July,  1864. 
This  battle-scarred  and  war-beaten  place  was  to  be  the  theater  of 
another  engagement,  which  to  us  proved  highly  disastrous.  Our  regi 
ment,  three  times  recruited,  lost  over  one-sixth  of  its  force,  but  never  its 
old  spirit  and  discipline,  and  when  at  Martinsburg  Crook  ordered  an 
attack  upon  the  rebel  cavalry,  it  was  done  with  the  old  shout  of  tri 
umph,  and  they  were  sent  whirling  back  to  their  reserve — the  infantry. 
I  must  hasten  on.  Sheridan  comes  with  a  re-enforcement  of  cavalry 
and  infantry  and  is  placed  chief  in  command.  Now  commences  a  waltz 
up  and  down  the  valley,  fighting  and  skirmishing,  first  at  this  point, 
and  then  at  another,  intrenching  ourselves  for  a  little  while  here  and 
then  over  yonder.  Halltown  becomes  the  scene  of  a  sharp  and  decisive 
conflict  between  Hayes-  brigade  and  Kershaw's  division,  resulting  in 
a  marked  victory,  routing  the  enemy  and  capturing  many  prisoners.  I 
witnessed  nothing  through  the  war  more  plucky  and  determined  than 
the  affair  just  mentioned.  It  was  the  dash  of  sublime  and  wicked 
audacity.  Skirmishes  were  the  order  of  the  day,  until  September  3d, 
when  the  night  battle  at  Benyville  was  fought  by  Crook's  division,  con 
tinuing  until  after  10  o'clock.  It  was  a  grand  spectacle!  the  flashes 
from  the  musketry  and  artillery  illuminating  the  field  with  the  bril 
liancy  of  a  thousand  gas  jets.  I  pass  over  and  on  to  the  battle  near 
Winchester,  September  19th,  called  officially,  I  believe,  the  battle  of 
Opequan.  This  was  a  general  engagement  in  which  the  forces  on  both 
sides  stubbornly  contested  the  field.  For  a  time  the  fortunes  of  war 
waned,  when  at  last  our  line  received  a  shock  w^hich  secured  the  Con 
federates  an  advantage.  Crook's  army  was  then  hurried  to  the  front, 
and,  in  reaching  its  assigned  place,  Hayes,  impatient  of  delays  and 
obstructions,  dashed  into  that  deep  and  insurpassable  morass,  never 
before  traversed  by  the  foot  of  man,  his  horse  sinking  almost  from 
sight;  now  dismounted,  he  leaps  to  his  saddle  again,  and,  floundering, 
struggling,  and  wading,  he  reaches  the  other  side  in  safety;  then  at 
the  word  of  command  the  Twenty-third  followed  its  old  commander 
over  the  dangerous  marsh,  determined  to  go  wheresoever  he  led  them. 
Then  into  line;  charge  after  charge  is  made;  desperate  and  more 
desperate  they  grew,  grape  and  canister  were  fast  thinning  out  our 
ranks;  another  assault,  and  the  ponderous  columns  met  in  the  shock  of 


120      McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD. 

the  battle;  then  the  death  grapple  and  the  shouts  of  victory  went  up 
from  Sheridan's  forces,  as  when  storms  the  welkin  rend. 

We  had  won  the  day.  Winchester  was  ours  with  the  key  to  the 
valley  of  the  Shenandoah. 

Following  here  was  Crook's  brilliant  flank  movement  along  North 
Mountain  and  the  enemy's  left,  by  which  they  were  dislodged  and 
driven  from  their  stronghold  in  utter  rout  and  demoralization.  Think 
ing  only  of  personal  safety,  they  left  camp,  equipage,  artillery,  and 
stores,  giving  us  undisputed  possession  of  what  was  believed  to  be  an 
impregnable  position.  Strategic  in  its  conception,  impetuous  in  its 
execution,  it  stamped  General  George  Crook  as  one  of  the  foremost 
Generals  in  the  war.  This  was  thought  to  be  the  last  of  Early,  but  it 
was  not.  His  silence  and  seeming  inertness  following  Fisher's  Hill 
were  only  the  cover  of  a  well  planned  and  skillfully  executed  assault 
upon  our  lines  upon  the  morning  of  October  19,  1864,  at  Cedar  Creek. 
Memory  cannot  soon  forget  Cedar  Creek.  The  complete  rout,  the 
sweeping  disaster  of  the  morning — the  glorious,  grand  victory  of  the 
evening!  Memorable  in  the  annals  of  that  army,  significant  to  the 
country  at  large,  it  quickened  and  unified  public  sertiment  in  the  North, 
and  stirred  up  emotions  everywhere,  such  as  no  conflict  up  to  that 
time  had  done.  I  will  not,  I  cannot,  describe  the  anguish  of  defeat  in 
the  morning,  or  the  hallelujahs  -of  victory  in  the  evening. 

Historians  have  tried  it  only  to  fail — it  cannot  be  written.  The 
men  only  who  were  a  part  of  the  day's  changing  fortunes  are  conscious 
of  it.  The  morning  was  ushered  in,  gloomy  and  indescribable;  the  even 
ing  closed  grand,  triumphant,  unspeakable,  and  full  of  glory.  It  is  the 
Marengo  of  the  American  rebellion,  grander,  and  singularly  more  bril 
liant  and  exceptional  than  Marengo,  for  Napoleon  retrieved  his  defeat 
and  losses  of  the  morning  by  the  arrival  of  a  fresh  and  well  disciplined 
corps,  while  the  army  of  the  Shenandoah  retrieved  its  great  disasters 
by  the  arrival,*  not  of  a  corps,  nor  a  division,  but  of  a  single  man — the 
gallant  Phil  Sheridan — 

Who  had  ridden  all  the  way 

From  Winchester  town  to  save  the  day. 

Here  ends  the  most  thrilling  incidents  of  the  regiment's  history,  and 
here  the  downfall  of  the  Confederacy  was  clearly  prefigured.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  regiment's  service,  a  part  of  which  was  in  the  division 


McKINLEY'S   BOYHOOD    AND    EARLY   MANHOOD.      121 

commanded  by  that  distinguished  soldier,  General  S.  S.  Carroll,  whose 
almost  countless  wounds  attest  his  courage  and  devotion,  consisted  of 
camp  and  picket  duty,  hard  marches,  and  frequent  skirmishes,  until  the 
final  surrender  at  Appomattox  courthouse  was  everywhere  proclaimed. 

As  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  Congressman 
McKinley's  policy  became  the  McKinley  law,  and  in  due  course  the  Sol 
dier  and  Statesman  was  elected  President,  and  the  country,  knowing 
the  man  and  his  measure,  and  measures  illustrated  in  its  prosperity,  ac 
cepted  the  truth  of  his  contentions.  No  man  ever  had  more  magnificent 
confirmation  than  he  of  public  policy. 

The  theories  that  were  opposed  to  the  principles  of  McKinley  had  a 
remarkably  vigorous  presentation  in  the  many  speeches  of  the  Presi 
dential  candidate,  under  whose  leadership  the  antagonisms  were  mus 
tered,  but  there  was  for  McKinley  the  evidence  of  things  done,  the  testi 
mony  of  events;  and  when  his  second  election  as  President  took  place, 
and  it  was  certified  that  there  was  not  to  be  a  change  in  American  pol 
icy,  then  there  came  to  pass  a  movement  in  Europe — the  central  point  of 
the  development  of  agitation  being  in  Vienna — looking  to  a  confederacy 
of  Empires,  to  institute  protection  for  the  European  peoples  against  the 
conquering  progress  of  North  America  in  the  manifestation  of  superior 
resources  under  enlightened  administration  of  wholesome  protective 
laws,  made  by  the  people  for  the  people.  The  journey  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  across  the  continent  was  an  object-lesson  to  the  pow 
ers  of  Europe,  that  the  foundations  of  American  prosperity  grew  firm  as 
broad,  that  the  American  people  had  emerged  from  the  hands  of  those 
who  would  belittle  their  greatness.  The  Government  was  going  on,  with 
out  a  jar,  while  the  President  was  at  his  home  in  Ohio.  The  President 
gave  his  presence  to  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  in  part  because  it 
was  Pan-American,  and  offered  the  occasion  to  celebrate  the  progress  of 
that  which  the  Filipinos  call  the  Great  North  American  Eepublic. 

At  this  point  of  our  historical  advancement,  expansion,  elevation, 
opulence,  progress — the  anarchist  appeared  with  his  pistol,  and  fired  his 
significant,  sinister,  murderous  shot. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

McKINLEY    AND    PHIL    SHERIDAN. 

Who  Sheridan  Found  First  at  the  End  of  His  Famous  Ride  from  Winchester  to  a  Lost 
Battlefield  that  Was  Soon  Regained— A  Letter  From  McKinley  to  Murat  Halstead. 

William  McKinley,  the  third  martyr  President,  was  the  first  man 
Sheridan  found  at  the  end  of  his  ride  from  Winchester  down  to  the  fight, 
who  could  tell  what  had  happened  and  where  the  men  the  General  wanted 
were.  The  President  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  battle. 

The  most  spirited,  brilliant  and  striking  of  the  poems  of  the  war  of 
the  States  and  sections  of  our  reunited  country  is  that  by  Thomas  Bu 
chanan  Read  on  "Sheridan's  Ride,"  at  the  end  of  which  the  General 
steadied  the  lines  that  had  been  broken,  regained  the  lost  field  and  won  a 
decisive  victory. 

It  happened  that  the  author  of  this  book  was  personally  much  inter 
ested  in  Read's  poem,  for  at  the  time  it  was  written  his  residence  was  next 
door  to  Read's  on  the  south  side  of  East  Eighth  street,  Cincinnati,  and 
Mr.  Halstead  heard  all  about  the  poetry  before  it  wa,s  read  in  public  by 
James  E.  Murdock,  in  Pike's  Opera  House,  Cincinnati,  and  printed  next 
day  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial.  Mr.  Read  was  called  before  the  cur 
tain  after  the  reading,  which  was  a  thrilling  success  and  a  dramatic  scene, 
and  received  an  ovation  that  rewarded  him  for  his  evening's  work.  His 
brother-in-law,  Cyrus  Garrett,  had  returned  from  his  plow  manufactory 
to  his  home — Mr.  and  Mrs.  Read  were  his  guests — and  he,  throwing  down 
Harper's  Weekly  before  Read,  said  in  his  very  practical  way :  "There, 
Read,  is  something  you  ought  to  write  about." 

The  first  page  was  filled  with  Sheridan  on  his  black  horse  at  full  speed 
down  the  Winchester  turnpike,  riding  to  the  sound  of  the  artillery  that 
was  echoing  from  the  slopes  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  thundering  along  the 
splendid  valley  of  Virginia.  Garrett  and  his  wife,  who  was  the  poet's 
sister;  Read  and  his  wife,  a  slender  and  beautiful  woman  with  golden 
hair,  and  the  celebrated  actor  and  elocutionist,  Murdock,  sat  down  to 
supper. 

Read  was  silent  and  pensive,  and,  as  when  he  wrote  "Drifting,"  he 
could  have  said,  "My  soul  to-day  is  far  away."  He  had  hardly  tasted  food 

122 


McKINLEY    AND    PHIL    SHERIDAN.  123 

when  he  whispered  to  his  wife:  aPlease  bring  to  our  room  presently 
a  pot  of  tea."  He  was  already  absorbed  in  writing  when  he  got  the  tea, 
and  his  wife  glided  away. 

In  a  couple  of  hours  he  appeared  in  the  parlor  with  some  blotted  and 
scribbled  sheets  and  read  the  immortal  lines.  But  he  did  not  read  as  well 
as  he  wrote,  and,  when  he  had  concluded,  Murdock  snatched  the  manu 
script  and  coined  every  word,  and  made  the  coin  ring  as  he  read,  saying 
at  the  conclusion :  "The  very  thing  for  me  to  read  to-morrow  night  at 
the  opera  house,"  and  the  roof  of  the  house,  being  strongly  fastened  with 
iron  rods,  held  fast  while  it  was  done. 

Major  McKinley  was  one  of  the  soldiers  whp  stood  with  the  colors 
while  Sheridan  rode  down  from  Winchester.  His  extraordinary  intelli 
gence,  ability  and  bravery  made  him  well  known  to  Sheridan,  Wright, 
Crook  and  Hayes,  and  without  favor  he  had  won  promotion  by  gallantry 
on  other  fields.  It  was  not  until  he  was  Governor  of  Ohio  that  the  writer 
heard  of  the  fact  that  it  was  to  speak  to  him  that  Sheridan  drew  rein  on 
his  black  steed  when  he  reached  the  firm  fragments  of  the  line  of  battle, 
his  staff  strung  out  on  the  white  pike  for  a  mile,  and  Mr.  Halstead  wrote 
to  the  Major,  requesting  him  to  state  the  facts.  He  replied,  and  was  asked 
to  be  allowed  to  publish  the  letter,  but  he  said  no ;  that  he  did  not  care  to 
get  into  print  about  himself. 

To  all  who  were  in  the  battle,  or  have  studied  the  story  of  it,  the  letter 
following  is  a  series  of  war  pictures  possessing  the  highest  interest  and 
charm : 

"State  of  Ohio,  Executive  Department.  Office  of  the  Governor,  Co 
lumbus,  Feb.  16,  1895. — My  Dear  Mr.  Halstead:  Upon  my  return  from 
my  p]astern  trip  I  find  yours  of  the  12th.  I  remember  quite  well  the  inci 
dent  mentioned  by  you.  I  had  been  across  the  pike  to  put  in  position  Colo 
nel  Dupont's  battery,  by  order  of  General  Crook,  and  as  I  returned  I  met 
Sheridan  dashing  up,  and  he  asked  me  where  Crook  was.  I  took  Sheridcm 
to  Crook,  and  they  and  the  staff  went  back  of  the  red  barn.  It  was  there 
determined  by  Sheridan  to  make  the  charge.  Then  it  was  suggested  that 
Sheridan  should  ride  down  the  lines  of  the  disheartened  troops.  His 
overcoat  was  pulled  off  him,  and  somebody  took  his  epaulettes  out  of  a 
box.  The  epaulettes  were  placed  upon  his  shoulders — and  my  recollec 
tion  is  that  this  wa,s  done  by  Colonel  Forsythe  and  another  officer.  Then 
Sheridan  rode  down  the  lines.  He  was  dressed  in  a  new  uniform.  Sheri 
dan  alludes  to  this  incident  in  his  memoirs. 

"Very  truly  yours,  W.  McKINLEY." 


124  MoKINLEY    AND    PHIL    SHERIDAN. 

This  letter  is  of  unique  value,  for  Major  McKinley  had  never  cele 
brated  himself  as  a  boy  soldier.  The  placing  of  the  Dupont  battery,  the 
meeting  of  Sheridan  and  Crook,  the  red  barn,  the  new  uniform  and  the 
epaulettes  are  in  the  simplest  language  and  yet  vividly  realistic,  and  the 
poem  must  go  with  it: 

SHERIDAN'S    RIDE. 
BY  THOMAS  BUCHANAN   READ. 

"Up  from  the  South  at  break  of  day, 

Bringing  to  Winchester  fresh  dismay, 

The  affrighted  air  with  a  shudder  bore, 

Like  a  herald  in  haste,  to  the  chieftain's  door, 

The  terrible  grumble  and  rumble  and  roar, 

Telling  the  battle  was  on  once  more, 
•  And  Sheridan  twenty  miles  away. 

"And  wider  still  those  billows  of  war 
Thundered  along  the  horizon's  bar; 
And  louder  yet  into  Winchester  rolled 
The  roar  of  that  red  sea  uncontrolled, 
Making  the  blood  of  the  listener  cold 
As  he  thought  of  the  stake  in  that  fiery  fray, 
And  Sheridan  twenty  miles  away. 

"But  there  is  a  road  from  Winchester  town, 
A  good,  broad  highway  leading  down ; 
And  there,  through  the  flush  of  the  morning  light, 
A  steed  as  black  as  the  steeds  of  night 
Was  seen  to  pass,  as  with  eagle  flight, 
As  if  he  knew  the  terrible  need, 
He  stretched  away  with  his  utmost  speed ; 
Hills  rose  and  fell,  but  his  heart  was  gay, 
With  Sheridan  fifteen  miles  away. 

"Still  sprung  from  those  swift  hoofs,  thundering  South, 
The  dust,  like  smoke  from  the  cannon's  mouth, 
Or  the  trail  of  a  comet,  sweeping  faster  and  faster, 
Foreboding  to  traitors  the  doom  of  disaster; 
The  heart  of  the  steed  and  the  heart  of  the  master 
Were  beating  like  prisoners  assaulting  their  walls, 
Impatient  to  be  where  the  battlefield  calls ; 
Every  nerve  of  the  charger  was  strained  to  full  play, 
With  Sheridan  only  ten  miles  away. 


McKINLEY    AND    PHIL    SHERIDAN.  125 

"Under  his  spurning  feet,  the  road, 
Like  an  arrowy  Alpine  river  flowed, 
And  the  landscape  sped  away  behind, 
Like  an  ocean  flying  before  the  wind, 
And  the  steed,  like  a  bark  fed  with  furnace  ire, 
Swept  on,  with  his  wild  eye  full  of  fire, 
But  lo!  he  is  nearing  his  heart's  desire; 
He  is  snuffing  the  smoke  of  the  roaring  fray, 
With  Sheridan  only  five  miles  away. 

"The  first  that  the  General  saw  were  the  groups 
Of  stragglers,  and  then  the  retreating  troops. 
What  was  done?  What  to  do?  A  glance  told  him  both ; 
Then  striking  his  spurs  with  a  terrible  oath 
He  dashed  down  the  line,  'mid  a  storm  of  huzzas, 
And  the  wave  of  retreat  checked  its  course  there,  because 
The  sight  of  the  master  compelled  it  to  pause, 
With  foam  and  with  dust  the  black  charger  was  gray ; 
By  the  flash  of  his  eye  and  the  red  nostril's  play 
He  seemed  to  the  whole  great  army  to  say : 
'I  have  brought  you  Sheridan  all  the  way 
From  Winchester  down  to  save  the  day !' 

"Hurrah !    Hurrah,  for  Sheridan ! 
Hurrah !    Hurrah  for  horse  and  man ! 
And  when  their  statues  are  placed  on  high, 
Under  the  dome  of  the  Union  sky, 
The  American  soldiers'  Temple  of  Fame; 
There  with  the  glorious  General's  name, 
Be  it  said,  in  letters  both  bold  and  bright: 
'Here  is  the  steed  that  saved  the  day, 
By  carrying  Sheridan  into  the  fight, 
From  Winchester,  twenty  miles  away.'  * 

The  poet  was  never  quite  satisfied  with  the  last  stanza,  and  it  is  not  a 
climax  that  crowns  the  work.  The  glow  of  inspiration  faded  when  the 
story  of  the  ride  was  told,  but  the  far  look  into  the  future  was  truly  a 
vision  of  fame.  Sheridan  had  the  same  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the 
poetry  about  his  ride  that  Sherman  had  with  "Marching  Through 
Georgia."  Both  got  rather  too  much  celebration  for  their  comfort,  but 
thus  it  is  that  with  poetry  and  music  heroes  are  wedded  to  immortality. 
Read  served  with  General  Lew  Wallace  as  a  staff  officer  during  the  siege 
of  Cincinnati  and  was  accused  of  riding  in  the  spirit  of  hig  poetry,  for 


126  McKINLEY   AND    PHIL   SHERIDAN. 

the  author  of  "Sheridan's  Hide"  kept  up  with  "Ben  Hur"  one  day  when 
all  the  rest  of  the  staff  were  left  in  a  wild  gallop  over  the  Kentucky  hills. 
He  died  in  the  Astor  House  a  few  days  after  his  fiftieth  birthday. 

Sheridan  had  been  on  a  hasty  visit  to  Washington,  and  was  sleep 
ing  at  Winchester,  having  heard  that  all  was  quiet  at  the  front,  when 
the  sound  of  firing  was  heard  and  he  was  awakened  and  as  it  was  re 
ported  that  there  was  not  enough  cannonading  to  mean  a  battle,  he  was 
not  in  a  hurry  until,  as  he  says  in  his  memoirs,  he  noticed  that  "there 
were  many  women  at  the  doors  and  windows  of  the  houses,  who  kept 
shaking  their  skirts  at  us  and  who  were  otherwise  markedly  insolent  iu 
their  demeanor ;  but  supposing  this  conduct  to  be  instigated  by  their  well- 
known  and  perhaps  natural  prejudices,  I  ascribed  to  it  no  unusual  signifi 
cance." 

He  says:  "At  the  edge  of  the  town  I  halted  a  moment,  and  there 
heard  quite  distinctly  the  sound  of  artillery  firing  in  an  unceasing  roar. 
Concluding  from  this  that  a  battle  was  in  progress,  I  now  felt  confident 
that  the  women  along  the  streets  had  received  intelligence  from  the  battle 
field  by  the  'grapevine  telegraph/  and  were  in  raptures  over  some  good 
news,  while  I  as  yet  was  utterly  ignorant  of  the  actual  situation.  Moving 
on,  I  put  my  head  down  toward  the  pommel  of  my  saddle  and  listened 
intently,  trying  to  locate  and  interpret  the  sound,  continuing  in  this  po 
sition  until  we  had  crossed  Mill  Creek,  about  half  a  mile  from  Winchester. 
The  result  of  my  efforts  in  the  interval  was  the  conviction  that  the  sound 
was  increasing  too  rapidly  to  be  accounted  for  by  my  own  rate  of  motion, 
and  that,  therefore,  my  army  must  be  falling  back.  At  Mill  Creek  my 
escort  fell  in  behind  and  we  were  going  ahead  at  a  regular  pace,  when,  just 
as  we  made  the  crest  of  the  rise  beyond  the  stream,  there  burst  upon  our 
view  the  appalling  spectacle  of  a  panic-stricken  army — hundreds  of  slight 
ly  wounded  men,  throngs  of  others  unhurt,  but  utterly  demoralized,  and 
baggage  wagons  by  the  score,  all  pressing  to  the  rear  in  hopeless  confu 
sion." 

At  Newtown  Sheridan  rode  around  the  village  and  on  this  detour 
"met  Major  McKinley  of  Crook's  staff,"  who  "spread  the  news  of  my 
.return,"  and  then  Sheridan  says : 

"I  then  turned  back  to  the  rear  of  Getty's  division,  and  as  I  came  be 
hind  it,  a  line  of  regimental  flags  rose  up  out  of  the  ground  as  it  seemed,  to 
welcome  me.  They  were  mostly  the  colors  of  Crook's  troops,  who  had  been 
stampeded  and  scattered  in  the  surprise  of  the  morning.  The  color  bearers 


McKINLEY   AND    PHIL    SHERIDAN.  127 

having  withstood  the  panic,  had  formed  behind  the  troops  of  Getty.  The 
line  with  the  colors  was  largely  composed  of  officers,  among  whom  I 
recognized  Colonel  K.  B.  Hayes,  since  President  of  the  United  States, 
one  of  the  brigade  commanders.  Crook  met  me  at  this  time,  and  strong- 
ly  favored  my  idea  of  attacking,  but  said,  however,  that  most  of  the 
troops  wTere  gone.  General  Wright  came  up  a  little  later,  when  I  saw  that 
he  was  wounded,  a  ball  having  grazed  the  point  of  his  chin  so  as  to  draw 
the  blood  plentifully." 

It  will  be  noted  that  after  meeting  McKinley  Sheridan  "turned  back" 
and  then  saw  the  regimental  flags  rise  from  the  ground  and  these  were 
mostly  the  colors  of  Crook's  troops.  It  was  thus  that  Sheridan  in  his 
clear  narrative  testifies  that  Major  McKinley  was  in  front  of  the  troops 
of  his  division  then — so  that  Sheridan  had  to  "turn  back"  to  find  them — • 
and  was  the  first  man  who  gave  him  the  news  intelligently  and  took  him 
to  Crook,  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  competent  officers  in  the  army,  who 
strongly  favored  the  idea  of  assuming  the  offensive. 

North  of  the  town  where  Sheridan  met  McKinley,  who  was  at 
Crook's  order  seeing  to  placing  a  battery  to  stand  off  the  victorious  Con 
federates,  Sheridan  says:  "I  met  a  chaplain  digging  his  heels  into  the 
sides  of  his  jaded  horse,  and  making  for  the  rear  with  all  possible  speed. 
I  drew  up  for  an  instant,  and  inquired  of  him  how  matters  were  going  at 
the  front.  He  replied,  'Everything  is  lost,  but  all  will  be  right  when  you 
get  there.'  Yet  notwithstanding  this  expression  of  confidence  in  me,  the 
parson  at  once  resumed  his  breathless  pace  to  the  rear." 

Sheridan  saw  the  Confederates  were  getting  ready  to  attack  and 
"Major  Forsythe  now  suggested  that  it  would  be  well  to  ride  along  the 
line  of  battle  before  the  enemy  assailed  us,  for  although  the  troops  had 
learned  of  my  return,  but  few  of  them  had  seen  me.  Following  his  sug 
gestion,  I  started  in  behind  the  men,  but  when  a  few  paces  had  been 
taken  I  crossed  to  the  front  and,  hat  in  hand,  passed  along  the  entire 
length  of  the  infantry  line."  He  had  been  on  the  field  nearly  two  hours  at 
this  time.  The  enemy  were  soon  checked,  and  Sheridan  says  he  was  ready 
to  assail  about  4  o'clock,  having  been  on  the  ground  five  hours  and  the 
way  he  sailed  in  was  "by  advancing  my  infantry  line  in  a  swinging  move 
ment,  so  as  to  gain  the  valley  pike  with  my  right  between  Middletown  and 
the  Belle  Grove  House,  and  when  the  order  was  passed  along  the  men 
pushed  steadily  forward  with  enthusiasm  and  confidence." 

Early's  line  on  the  right  wa^  longer  than  Sheridan's  and  there  was 


128  McKINLEY   AND    PHIL   SHERIDAN. 

a  moment  of  danger  there,  but  General  McMillan  broke  the  Confederates 
at  the  re-entering  angle  by  a  counter  charge,  cutting  off  the  flanking 
troops,  and  "Custer,  who  was  just  then  moving  in  from  the  west  side  of 
Middle  Marsh  Brook,  followed  McMillan's  timely  blow  with  a  charge  of 
cavalry,  but  before  starting  out  on  it,  and  while  his  men  were  forming,  rid 
ing  at  full  speed  himself,  to  throw  his  arms  around  my  neck.  By  the  time 
he  had  disengaged  himself  from  this  embrace  the  troops  broken  by  Mc 
Millan  had  gained  some  little  distance  to  their  rear,  but  Ouster's 
troopers,  sweeping  across  the  Middletown  Meadows  and  down  toward 
Cedar  Creek,  took  many  of  them  prisoners  before  they  could  reach  the 
streams — so  I  forgave  his  delay." 

All  was  regained  and  twenty-four  pieces  of  Confederate  artillery 
and  1,200  prisoners  taken.  When  the  news  reached  Grant  he  "directed  a 
salute  of  100  shotted  guns  to  be  fired  into  Petersburg,"  and  President 
Lincoln  wrote  this  letter : 

"Executive  Mansion,  Washington,  Oct.  22, 1864.  Major  General  Sher 
idan: — With  great  pleasure  I  tender  to  you  and  your  brave  army  the 
thanks  of  the  nation,  and  my  own  personal  admiration  and  gratitude,  for 
the  month's  operations  in  the  Shenajidoah  Valley,  and  especially  for  the 
splendid  work  of  Oct.  19, 1864.  Your  obedient  servant, 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

Sheridan  was  soon  promoted  to  be  a  major  general  in  the  United 
States  army.  Major  McKinley  did  his  whole  duty  throughout  the  vicis 
situdes  of  this  memorable  day,  and  all  the  soldiers  who  knew  him  on  the 
field  always  name  him  to  praise  him. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,   ASSASSINATED  IN  1865. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  first  President  to  fall  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin,  had 
a  wonderful  career.  He  was  the  eighteenth  President  of  the  United  States.  His 
parents  were  very  poor  and  he  was  born  in  a  Kentucky  log  cabin.  In  1830  his 
father  emigrated  to  Illinois.  Lincoln  had  no  advantages,  his  whole  life  being  a  hard 
and  toilsome  struggle  against  adversity.  He  fell  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin,  in 
1865,  in  his  fifty-sixth  year,  but  not  until  he  had  seen  the  results  of  his  labors 
in  behalf  of  his  country.  He  was  a  "plain  man,"  with  an  abiding  faith  in  the 
"common  people,"  and  a  great  love  for  them;  they  loved  him,  too,  and  understood 
him.  He  was  nature's  nobleman.  His  oratory  was  simplicity  itself,  but  grand  and 
imposing. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PRESIDENT    McKINLEY    AS    A    CONGRESSMAN. 

Sixteen  Years  of  "Strenuous  Life"  in  the  House— He  Worked  Hard,  Bid  Not  Seek  to 
Push  Himself— At  Last  Became  a  Leader  and  Had  the  Greater  Share  of  Responsi 
bility  for  the  Great  Law  that  Bears  His  Name— Gerrymandered  Out  of  the  House 
He  Had  Two  Terms  of  Governor— The  Masterly  Logic  of  McKinley  in  Debating  the 
Tariff  Question. 

It  was  in  connection  with  tariff  legislation  in  Congress  that  William 
McKinley's  reputation  as  a  member  of  the  House  became  a  distinction 
known  to  the  Nation.  He  had  an  early  interest  in  and  mastery  of  the 
effect  of  protective  legislation,  that  is,  the  discrimination  of  the  Nation 
in  favor  of  American  workingmen.  When  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  as  he 
wrote  himself  during  his  father's  life,  was  born,  William  McKinley 
senior  was  the  manager  of  an  iron  furnace.  The  younger  McKinley  had 
practical  information  about  the  iron  industry.  The  Civil  War  that  broke 
out  in  1861  found  him  a  youth  in  the  Allegheny  college,  but  he  entered 
the  army  and  for  fourteen  months  carried  a  musket.  In  the  battle  of 
Antietam  his  conduct  won  the  hearts  of  his  regiment.  Col.  R.  B.  Hayes 
had  his  left  arm  broken  at  South  Mountain,  and  when  at  home  recovering 
from  his  wound  he  recommended  McKinley  for  a  Lieutenant's  commis 
sion,  and  presently  got  it.  He  was  promoted  for  cause,  and  when  the 
war  neared  the  end  he  was  Captain.  Just  a  month  before  Lincoln  fell 
a  victim  to  Booth's  bullet  McKinley  received  from  him  a  commission  as 
a  Major  by  brevet  in  the  volunteer  army  of  the  United  States,  "for 
gallant  and  meritorious  services  at  the  battles  of  Opequan,  Cedar  Creek 
and  Fishers  Hill." 

Fourteen  months  in  the  ranks  in  the  army  was  a  good  preparation 
for  sixteen  years  in  Congress.  It  was  in  the  Centennial  year  1876  that 
he  was  first  nominated  for  Congress.  He  was  elected  by  three  thousand 
three  hundred  majority.  During  the  progress  of  this  canvass  he  visited 
the  Centennial  Exposition  at  Philadelphia,  and  was  introduced  by  James 
G.  Blaine  to  a  great  audience,  which  he  captivated  by  his  eloquence. 

He  entered  Congress  at  an  auspicious  time.  His  old  Colonel,  Hayes, 
was  then  President,  and  the  friendship  between  them  gave  him  at  the 

131 


132  McKINLEY   AS    A    CONGRESSMAN. 

start  an  influence  which  it  might  have  taken  him  time  to  win  under  other 
circumstances.  But  he  soon  commanded  attention  for  himself.  His 
power  as  a  speaker  gave  him  distinction,  and  his  ability  as  a  worker  in 
committees  was  soon  recognized.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  Forty-sixth, 
Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth,  Fiftieth  and  Fifty-first 
Congresses. 

When  his  opponents  got  the  Legislature  on  local  issues  they  added 
a  county  having  a  majority  against  the  Republicans,  and  at  last  he  was 
beaten. 

In  1877  Ohio  went  strongly  Democratic,  and  the  Legislature  gerry 
mandered  the  State  so  that  McKinley  found  himself  confronted  by  an 
adverse  majority  of  2,586  in  a  new  district.  His  opponent  was  Gen. 
Aquila  Wiley,  who  had  lost  a  leg  in  the  Federal  service,  and  who  was  a 
worthy  man.  After  a  brilliant  canvass  McKinley  was  re-elected  by  a 
majority  of  1,234H  In  1880  his  old  district  was  restored,  and  he  was 
unanimously  renominated  and  elected  by  a  majority  of  3,571.  In  1888 
he  showed  ability  in  opposing  the  Mills  bill,  representing  approximately 
President  Cleveland's  policy  of  "tariff  for  revenue  only."  When  the 
Eepublicans  assumed  control  in  1889  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  presently  gave  the  Nation  the  great 
measure  known  as  the  McKinley  bill. 

In  1884  he  was  a  delegate-at-large  from  Ohio  to  the  National  Republi 
can  Convention  and  helped  to  nominate  James  G.  Elaine.  At  the  next  Na 
tional  Convention  he  represented  the  State  in  the  same  manner,  and  sup 
ported  John  Sherman.  At  that  convention,  after  the  first  day's  balloting, 
the  indications  were  that  McKinley  himself  might  be  nominated.  Then 
his  high  ideas  of  loyalty  and  honor  showed  themselves,  for  in  a  stirring 
speech  he  demanded  that  no  votes  be  cast  for  him. 

Then  came  a  period  of  danger  to  the  rising  young  Republican  of  Ohio, 
for  there  were  Republicans  who  feared  the  tariff  issue  in  the  form  that 
his  nomination  would  bring  it  up.  He  was  not  afraid  of  it  and  won  on  it. 

In  1891  he  was  elected  governor  of  Ohio  by  a  majority  of  about  21,000 
over  ex-Governor  James  E.  Campbell,  the  Democratic  candidate.  In  1892 
he  was  again  a  delegate-at-large  to  the  National  Convention  at  Minneap 
olis,  and  was  made  permanent  chairman.  Although  his  name  was  not 
brought  before  the  convention,  yet  he  received  182  votes. 

In  1893  Major  McKinley  was  re-elected  governor  of  Ohio  by  a  ma 
jority  of  80,995.     At  the  expiration  of  his  term  he  returned  to  Canton. 


MoKINLEY   AS   A    CONGRESSMAN.  133 

He  had  been  a  political  speaker  and  leader  in  Congress,  known  and  ad 
mired  throughout  the  country. 

William  McKinley  and  'Marcus  A.  Hanna  were  from  the  same  part  of 
the  country.  Hanna  was  the  son  of  a  graduate  of  the  great  medical  school 
at  Philadelphia  and  an  orator.  Marcus  A.  Hanna  was  a  business  man  of 
courage  and  address  and  of  vast  and  accurate  intelligence.  He  formed 
the  idea  of  going  into  politics  because  he  thought  business  men  were 
needed  to  aid  in  correctly  informing  the  people;  that  politics  should  not 
be  left  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  professional  politicians.  His  acquaint 
ance  with  McKinley  was  auspicious,  agreeable  and  honorable  to  them 
selves  and  useful  to  the  country. 

MCKINLEY'S   FORCEFUL   LOGIC    IN    DEBATING    THE   TARIFF    QUESTION   IN 

CONGRESS. 

President  McKinley,  during  his  Congressional  career,  was  consid 
ered  one  of  the  cleverest  debaters  on  the  Republican  side  of  the  House, 
and  as  the  acknowledged  champion  of  the  policy  of  protection  was 
frequently  brought  into  verbal  conflicts  with  the  Democratic  leaders, 
in  which  his  mental  quickness  and  adroitness,  combined  with  his  thor 
ough  mastery  of  the  subject,  enabled  him  to  rout  his  opponent,  and 
almost  always  to  the  great  amusement  of  the  House.  Mr.  McKinley 
did  not  deliberately  go  gunning  for  big  game  in  the  early  days  of  his 
career  to  show  his  skill  as  a  debater.  On  the  contrary,  he  always 
waited  until  some  of  the  most  distinguished  and  ready  debaters  on 
the  Democratic  side  came  after  him.  Then,  and  not  until  then,  did  he 
talk  back.  Carlisle,  Hewitt,  Crisp,  Morrison,  Mills,  Wilson,  and 
Springer  frequently  crossed  swords  with  him,  and  with  all  of  them  Mr. 
McKinley  more  than  held  his  own. 

The  readiness  displayed  upon  all  occasions  by  Mr.  McKinley  in 
answering  questions-  or  in  turning  the  tables  upon  his  adversary  was 
generally  spontaneous,  but  the  most  adroit  and  skillful  instance,  when 
the  Mills  bill  was  under  discussion,  was  undoubtedly  premeditated. 
In  this  particular  case  Mr.  McKinley  deliberately  led  Congressman 
Leopold  Morse  of  Massachusetts  into  a  trap,  and  then  emphasized  a 
tariff  lesson  which  made  the  country  laugh,  and  has  never  been  for 
gotten  by  those  who  witnessed  the  incident.  Mr.  Morse  had  been  one 
of  the  most  able  lieutenants  of  Mr.  Mills  in  the  latter's  assault  on  the 


134  McKINLEY   AS   A    CONGRESSMAN. 

tariff,  and  with  Mr.  Mills  had  been  intensely  concerned  at  the  cost  of 
clothes  to  the  laboring  man,  which,  he  argued,  the  Mills  bill  would 
reduce  100  per  cent.  To  this  Mr.  McKinley  replied: 

"Nobody,  so  far  as  I  have  learned,  has  expressed  dissatisfaction  with 
the  present  price  of  clothing.  It  is  a  political  objection;  it  is  a  party 
slogan.  Certainly  nobody  is  unhappy  over  the  cost  of  clothing,  except 
those  who  are  amply  able  to  pay  even  a  higher  price  than  is  now 
exacted. 

"And,  besides,  if  this  bill  should  pass,  and  the  effect  would  be  (as 
it  inevitably  must  be)  to  destroy  our  domestic  manufactures,  the  era 
of  low  prices  would  vanish,  and  the  foreign  manufacturer  would  com 
pel  the  American  consumer  to  pay  higher  prices  than  he  has  been 
accustomed  to  pay  under  the  'robber  tariff/  so-called.  I  represent  a 
district  in  which  a  large  majority  of  the  voters  are  workingmen.  I 
have  represented  them  for  many  years,  and  I  have  never  had  a  com 
plaint  from  one  of  them  that  their  clothes  were  too  high.  Have  you? 
Has  any  gentleman  on  this  floor  met  with  such  complaint  in  his 
district?" 

Mr.  Morse — "They  do  not  buy  them  of  me." 

"No !  Let  us  see.  If  they  had  bought  of  the  gentleman  from  Massa 
chusetts  it  would  have  made  no  difference,  and  there  could  have  been 
no  complaint.  Let  us  examine  the  matter." 

Mr.  McKinley  here  produced  a  bundle  containing  a  suit  of  clothes, 
which  he  opened  and  displayed,  amid  great  laughter  and  applause. 

"Come,  now,  will  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  know  his  own 
goods?"  he  asked,  amid  the  continued  laughter  of  the  House.  "We 
recall,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  talked 
about  the  laboring  man  who  worked  ten  days  at  a  dollar  a  day,  and 
then  went  with  his  $10  wages  to  buy  a  suit  of  clothes.  It  is  the  old 
story.  It  is  found  in  the  works  of  Adam  Smith.  I  have  heard  it  in  this 
House  for  ten  years  past.  It  has  served  many  a  free  trader.  It  is  the 
old  story,  I  repeat,  of  the  man  who  gets  a  dollar  a  day  for  his  wages, 
and,  having  worked  for  the  ten  days,  goes  to  buy  his  suit  of  clothes.  He 
believes  he  can  buy  it  for  just  $10,  but  the  'robber  manufacturers'  have 
been  to  Congress  and  have  got  100  per  cent  put  upon  the  goods  in  the 
shape  of  a  tariff,  and  the  suit  of  clothes,  he  finds,  cannot  be  bought  for 
$10,  but  he  is  asked  $20  for  it,  and  so  he  has  to  go  back  to  ten  days 
more  of  sweat,  ten  days  more  of  toil,  ten  days  more  of  wear  and  tear  of 


AS   A    CONGRESSMAN.  135 

muscle  and  brain  to  earn  the  |10  to  purchase  the  suit  of  clothes.     Then, 
the  chairman  gravely  asks,  is  not  ten  days  entirely  annihilated? 

Now,  a  gentleman  who  read  that  speech,  or  heard  it,  was  so  touched 
by  the  pathetic  story  that  he  looked  into  it  and  sent  me  a  suit  of  clothes 
identical  with  that  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas,  and  he  sent 
me  also  a  bill  for  it,  and  here  is  the  entire  suit,  'robber  tariffs  and  taxes 
and  all'  have  been  added,  and  the  retail  cost  is  what?  Just  $10." 

Again  the  House  broke  out  into  laughter  and  when  it  had  quieted 
down  Mr.  McKinley  continued:  "So  the  poor  fellow  doe$  not  have  to 
go  back  to  wrork  ten  days  more  to  get  that  suit  of  clothes.  He  takes 
the  suit  with  him,  and  pays  for  it  just  $10.  But  in  order  that  there 
might  be  no  mistake  about  it,  knowing  the  honor  and  honesty  of  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Morse,  he  went  to  his  store  in 
Boston  and  bought  the  suit.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  bill." 

Mr.  Morse  was  so  disconcerted  by  the  production  of  the  actual  suit 
of  clothes  and  the  receipt  of  his  own  firm  in  the  halls  of  Congress  that 
he  had  not  a  word  to  say,  nor  had  Mr.  Mills.  The  House,  on  the  Demo 
cratic  side,  as  well  as  the  Republican,  went  into  a  paroxysm  of  laughter 
over  the  manifest  discomfiture  of  the  two,  after  which  Mr.  McKinley 
concluded  his  remarks. 

During  the  tariff  debate  in  the  early  part  of  1882  Mr.  Hewitt  of 
New  York  was  considered  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  skillful  debaters 
in  the  House.  He  was  almost  as  much  feared  by  his  own  party,  the 
Democratic,  as  he  was  by  the  Republican,  because,  while  advocating 
a  policy  which  would  mean  free  trade,  he  was  sufficiently  interested  in 
one  great  industry  of  the  country — iron — to  realize  better  than  his 
Southern  brethren  the  calamity  which  would  have  followed  to  Ameri 
can  labor  and  industry  had  his  policy  been  put  in  operation.  In  trying 
to  reconcile  his  somewhat  antagonistic  views  the  attention  of  Mr. 
Hewitt  was  called  to  some  glaring  inconsistencies  contained  in  a  speech 
of  his  and  a  set  of  resolutions  of  which  he  was  the  author.  He  inter 
rupted  Mr.  McKinley  to  explain  that  in  order  to  preserve  the  iron  and 
steel  business  we  must  do  it  by  aa  compensatory  tariff."  It  was  urged 
by  the  Democrats  that  the  compensatory  tariff  was  not  a  protective 
tariff. 

Mr.  McKinley  yielded  to  him,  and  the  following  dialogue  took  place: 

Mr.  Hewitt — "The  compensation  required  in  order  to  enable  the 
iron  business  to  exist  in  this  country,  as  stated  in  my  speech,  is  that 


136  MoKINLEY   AS   A    CONGRESSMAN. 

which  provides  for  the  difference  paid  in  the  price  of  labor  less  the  cost 
of  transportation." 

Mr.  McKinley — "That  is  the  gentleman's  resolution?" 

Mr.  Hewitt — I  have  stated  that  doctrine  in  niy  resolution,  and  I 
adhere  to  it. 

Mr.  McKinley — And  yet,  in  that  connection,  if  the  gentleman  will 
permit  me,  he  declared  in  his  speech  made  here  the  other  day,  and  to  be 
found  on  page  2,436  of  the  Record:  "Wages  in  this  country  are  therefore 
not  regulated  by  the  tariff,  because  whatever  wages  can  be  earned  by 
men  in  the  production  of  agricultural  products,  the  price  of  which  is 
fixed  abroad,  must  be  the  rate  of  wages  which  will  be  paid  substantially 
in  every  other  branch  of  business." 

Mr.  Hewitt — Certainly. 

Mr.  McKinley — That  is  what  he  said  in  his  speech  of  but  a  week  ago. 
Yet  in  the  letter  from  which  I  have  quoted  he  declared  that  the  only 
need  we  have  of  protection  is  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  rate 
of  wages  in  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Hewitt — As  to  the  iron  and  steel  business  and  protected  indus 
tries,  and  in  no  other. 

Mr.  McKinley — What  is  true  of  the  iron  and  steel  industries  is  true 
of  every  other  industry  that  comes  in  competition  with  pauper  labor 
of  Europe — I  care  not  what  it  is — cotton  or  wool,  pottery  or  cutlery.  If 
we  have  to  compete  with  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe,  and  with  the  prod 
ucts  of  that  labor,  we  need  just  as  much  relative  protection  in  one 
branch  of  industry  as  we  need  in  another. 

One  of  the  best  hits  Mr.  McKinley  made  in  debate  was  during  the 
discussion  of  the  Morrison  bill.  He  happened  to  wind  up  a  sentence 
with  this  remark: 

"I  speak  for  the  workingmen  of  my  district,  the  workinguien  of  Ohio 
and  of  the  country." 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  1883,  and  Mr.  McKinley  had  been  re-elected 
by  a  majority  of  only  8.  Hence  Mr.  Springer  of  Illinois  caused  a  laugh 
on  the  Democratic  side  by  interjecting  at  this  point: 

"They  did  not  speak  very  largely  for  you  at  the  last  election." 

The  laugh  had  hardly  subsided  when  Mr.  McKinley  turned  quickly 
around  and  facing  Mr.  Springer,  said: 

"Ah,  my  friend,  my  fidelity  to  my  constituents  is  not  measured  by 
the  support  they  give  me!  I  have  convictions  upon  this  subject  which  I 


MoKINLEY   AS    A    CONGRESSMAN.  137 

would  not  surrender  or  refrain  from  advocating  if  10,000  majority  had 
been  entered  against  me  last  October;  and  if  that  is  the  standard  of  po 
litical  morality  and  conviction  and  fidelity  to  duty  which  is  practiced 
by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  I  trust  that  the  next  House  will  not  do, 
what  I  know  they  will  not  do,  make  him  Speaker  of  the  House.  And,  I 
trust  another  thing,  that  the  general  remark,  interjected  here,  coming 
from  a  man  who  has  to  sit  in  the  next  House,  does  not  mean  that  he  has 
already  prejudged  my  case,  which  is  to  come  before  him  as  a  judge." 

These  remarks  were  greeted  with  deafening  applause  from  the  Re 
publican  side.  Even  the  Democrats  enjoyed  the  plucky  Congressman's 
reply  to  Mr.  Springer. 

Mr.  McKinley  was  quite  as  much  feared  by  Mr.  Morrison  of  Illinois, 
author  of  the  famous  "horizontal"  bill,  in  debate,  as  was  Judge  Kelley 
of  Pennsylvania,  who  at  that  time  was  the  most  experienced  parliamen 
tarian  on  the  tariff  question.  In  one  of  Mr.  McKinley's  debates  with 
Mr.  Morrison  the  latter  expressed  the  opinion  that  his  bill  would  result 
not  only  in  a  considerable  modification  of  the  tariff,  but  in  a  substantial 
reduction.  Hardly  had  these  views  been  expressed  when  Mr.  McKinley 
promptly  said: 

"To  these  opinions  .we  may  add  the  following  blunt  but  frank  admis 
sion  by  the  London  Spectator  on  the  8th  of  December  last :  'Of  course  the 
North  of  England  holds  that  American  free  trade  would  be  greatly  to 
the  interest  of  British  manufacturers.' 

"And  this  from  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette:  'The  progress  of  the  Morrison 
bill  will  be  watched  with  considerable  interest  by  English  exporters  to 
the  American  market,  inasmuch  as  it  can  hardly  fail  to  tend  in  their 
favor.' 

"This  deep  solicitude  of  our  English  friends  is,  of  course,  unselfish 
and  philanthropic;  it  is  all  for  our  benefit,  for  our  good,  for  our  prosper 
ity.  It  is  disinterested  purely  and  arises  from  the  earnest  wish  of  the 
English  manufacturers  to  see  our  own  grow  and  prosper. 

"They  want  this  market.  It  is  the  best  in  the  world.  They  cannot 
get  it  wholly  while  our  tariff  remains  as  at  present.  They  cannot  get  it 
so  long  as  our  manufactures  can  be  maintained.  They  must  be  de 
stroyed,  their  fires  must  be  put  out,  and  this  Congress  is  to-day  engaged 
in  an  effort  to  help  England,  not  America,  to  build  up  English  manufac 
tures  at  the  expense  of  our  own." 

Again  Mr.  McKinley,  in  the  course  of  debate,  said:  "My  friend  from 


138  McKlNLEY    AS    A    CONGRESSMAN. 

Illinois  seemed  to  dissent  a  moment  ago  when  I  said  there  was  a  differ 
ence  in  the  rate  of  wages." 

Mr.  Morrison — I  did  not,  sir.  There  is  a  great  difference  in  the  rate 
of  wages  in  some  industries  and  some  difference  in  all. 

This  was  the  admission  Mr.  McKinley  was  anxious  to  force  from  the 
opposition,  and  his  response  to-  Mr.  Morrison  was  promptly  given :  "I  beg 
the  gentleman's  pardon.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois,  in  view  of  the 
statements  I  have  made  within  the  last  five  minutes,  now  admits  there 
is  a  difference.  I  thank  him  for  the  frank  admission." 

Samuel  J.  Randall  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  Democratic  Speaker  of 
the  House  when  Mr.  McKinley  entered  Congress,  and  they  became  warm 
friends.  There  was  one  memorable  scene  in  the  Fiftieth  Congress  in 
which  both  figured,  and  which  conspicuously  illustrates  the  kindly  and 
magnanimous  nature  of  Mr.  McKinley.  It  occurred  on  May  18,  1888, 
the  day  on  which  the  general  debate  closed  on  the  Mills  bill.  Mr.  Ran 
dall  opposed  this  measure  and  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  rampant 
free-trade  element,  headed  by  Mr.  Mills  of  Texas.  He  took  the  floor  to 
speak  against  this  bill.  In  feeble  health,  his  voice  at  times  almost  inau 
dible,  the  great  leader  labored  under  serious  disadvantages  in  this,  his 
first  fight  for  protection.  Before  he  was  through  his  time  expired,  amid 
cries  of  "Go  on."  Mr.  Randall  asked  for  an  extension,  but  Mr.  Mills, 
with  a  discourtesy  almost  incredible,  walked  to  the  front  of  the  House 
and  said:  "I  object!"  The  cry  was  repeated  by  nearly  fifty  Democratic 
members. 

It  was  a  sad  sight  to  see  this  great  Democratic  leader  thus  silenced 
upon  a  momentous  question  by  his  own  party  friends.  There  was  an  ex 
citing  scene.  Members  and  spectators — for  the  galleries  were  crowded- 
joined  in  making  the  tumult.  Amid  it  all  the  Speaker  announced  that 
Mr.  McKinley  of  Ohio  had  the  floor.  The  latter  was  to  close  the  debate 
on  the  Republican  side.  His  desk  was  piled  with  memoranda  and  sta 
tistics. 

"Mr.  Speaker,"  he  cried,  and  his  voice  stilled  the  din  about  him  to 
silence.  "I  yield  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  out  of  my  time  all 
that  he  may  need  in  which  to  finish  his  speech  on  this  bill." 

Cheer  after  cheer  arose  from  House  and  galleries,  and  by  the  cour 
tesy  of  the  Republican  leader  the  once  leader  of  the  Democracy  was  en 
abled  to  finish  his  speech  in  a  body  over  which  he  had  thrice  presided  as 
Speaker. 


McKINLEY    AS    A    CONGRESSMAN.  139 

Without  being  an  orator  in  the  accepted  use  of  that  term,  Mr.  Mc 
Kinley  was  one  of  the  most  effective  of  speakers,  and  in  political  cam 
paigns  was  counted  a  host  in  himself.  What  he  lacked  in  oratorical 
ability  was  more  than  atoned  for  by  his  earnestness  and  sincerity,  and 
the  thorough  mastery  he  had  of  whatever  subject  he  talked  about.  In 
addition  he  had  a  gift  of  illustrating  his  subject  by  homely  yet  telling 
similes  that  at  once  appealed  to  his  hearers  in  the  most  effective  manner. 
An  illustration  of  this  was  furnished  in  his  second  gubernatorial  cam 
paign  in  Ohio. 

At  that  time  Mr.  Cleveland  and  the  Democratic  party  had  been  in 
control  of  national  affairs  for  twelve  months,  and  the  threatened  repeal 
of  the  McKinley  tariff  law  had  brought  the  country  to  the  verge  of  bank 
ruptcy.  Mr.  McKinley's  Democratic  opponent  for  governor  was  L.  T. 
Neal,  and  the  latter  in  his  opening  speech  of  the  campaign  had  declared 
the  distress  of  the  country  was  solely  due  to  the  existence  of  the  Mc 
Kinley  law. 

To  this  Mr.  McKinley  said,  in  his  opening  speech  of  that  campaign: 
"The  Democrats  say,  'You  have  still  the  protective  tariff,  and  should 
blame  it  for  the  distress  of  the  country.'  Yes,  but  the  Democratic  party 
is  pledged  to  repeal  it,  and  the  man  who  receives  notice  that  his  house 
is  about  to  be  demolished  does  not  wait  until  the  dynamite  is  put  under 
it,  but  moves  out  his  furniture  as  soon  as  he  can.  Now,  what  will  start 
your  factories?" 

At  this  juncture  a  voice  from  the  audience  yelled  out :  "One  hundred 
thousand  majority  for  McKinley  in  November,"  and  after  the  uproar 
which  greeted  this  had  died  away,  Mr.  McKinley  continued: 

"What  is  a  lower  tariff  for?  It  is  to  make  it  easier  for  foreign  goods 
to  get  in  the  United  States,  to  increase  competition  from  abroad.  You 
cannot  buy  goods  and  make  them  at  home  as  well.  No  good  farmer 
thinks  of  having  his  neighbor's  sons  do  his  work  when  he  has  half  a 
dozen  boys  at  home  idle.  I  do  not  believe  in  buying  any  kind  of  goods 
abroad  that  we  can  make  here  when  we  have  a  million  of  unemployed 
men  at  home." 


CHAPTER   IX. 

McKINLEY'S    FIRST    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  Story  of  the  Glory  of  McKinley's  First  Administration— How  He  Bore  the  Heat  and 
Burden  of  the  War,  as  Well  as  Inspired  the  Confidence  of  the  Country  and  Prepared 
the  Boon  of  Its  Prosperity. 

With  the  exception  of  Washington  and  Lincoln,  no  President  of  the 
United  States  found  at  the  beginning  of  his  administration  greater  re 
sponsibilities  pressing  upon  him  than  the  President  whose  re-election 
in  the  campaign  of  1900  will  be  held  one  of  the  remarkable  events  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  to  be  held  in  perpetual  remembrance  as  one  of  the 
landmarks  of  distinction  at  its  close,  and  now  that  the  crowning  of  his 
career  is  his  marytrdom  because  he  has  kept  his  oath  of  office,  fought  the 
good  fight  and  been  faithful  in  all  things  to  the  end  and  left  his  country 
in  a  condition  of  prosperity  and  with  a  prestige  of  power  beyond  all 
precedent,  his  glorious  and  immortal  work  shines  forth  in  full  splendor 
and  his  figure  is  with  fame  and  glory  ranked  with  the  immortals. 

Washington,  as  the  first  President,  had  to  find  his  way  in  a  new 
world,  and  the  precedents  his  acts  fixed,  many  of  which  now  seem  very 
simple,  almost  matters  of  course,  were  to  him  subjects  of  serious  deliber 
ation  and  anxious  study.  Even  in  affairs  of  ceremony  there  was  solici 
tude.  There  was  dignity  to  be  asserted  and  the  forms  of  Republican 
government  to  be  maintained.  The  imposing  personal  presence  of 
Washington  stood  good  for  individual  distinction  becoming  the  great  of 
fice.  There  was  also  the  habit  in  the  first  President  of  military  com 
mand,  the  bearing  of  the  soldier,  and  there  was,  above  all,  aversion  to 
the  imitation  of,  or  concession  to,  the  pompous  proceedings  in  which 
royalties  find  the  disguise  that  conceals  the  insignificance  of  the  shows, 
that  are  to  place  the  "rulers,"  as  the  word  goes,  upon  the  stage,  as  showr- 
men  of  a  superior  sort.  The  genius  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  taste  as 
well  as  his  understanding  of  that  which  was  becoming  to  give  strength 
to  Republican  simplicity,  was  a  guidance  Washington  often  summoned 
to  his  aid. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  in  danger,  when  elected  and  about  to  be  inau 
gurated  President  of  the  United  States,  of  assassination  on  the  way 

140 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'8  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.       141 

to  the  National  Capital,  and  the  tragedy  that  came  at  last  would  have 
happened  at  first  if  it  had  not  been  for  most  intelligent  and  thorough 
precautions  backed  by  "the  faith  and  honor  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States,"  under  command  of  the  faithful  and  honorable  General-in-Chief, 
Winfield  Scott,  who  had  pledged  that  faith  and  honor  to  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  City  of  Mexico  in  the  words  we  have  quoted,  in  the  articles 
of  capitulation  of  that  city.  The  very  words  are  in  the  terms  of  the 
surrender  of  the  city  of  Manila  by  the  Spaniards  to  Admiral  Dewey  and 
General  Wesley  Merritt. 

When  William  McKinley  became  President  of  the  United  States  he 
called  Congress  in  extra  session  and  restored  the  protective  principle 
to  tariff  legislation.  There  was  screaming  by  the  voices  that  vociferate 
at  this  that  was  the  equivalent  of  shouting  murder  and  mad  dogs,  but 
prosperity  came  right  on.  A  golden  flood  revived  the  fruitfulness  of 
the  land. 

More  than  once  in  the  course  of  his  lofty  career  as  President,  the 
martyred  McKinley  was  weary  under  the  incessant  strain,  his  anxieties 
and  labors,  his  keen  sense  of  responsibility  and  his  unflagging  dispo 
sition  to  be  perfectly  informed,  but  his  enthusiasm  for  duty,  and  his  en 
joyment  of  wrork,  and  abiding  sense  of  fidelity  in  accomplishing  the 
tasks  his  public  obligation  imposed,  cheered,  revived  and  restored  him, 
so  that  he  emerged  from  the  herculean  labors  of  four  years  firm  and 
elastic  in  health,  and  each  day  that  brought  its  burden  of  exacting  ser 
vice  had  its  compensation  in  the  reward  of  strength.  His  reception 
during  the  campaign  of  1896  of  tens  of  thousands  of  his  fellow  citizens 
day  after  day  at  his  home,  his  consultations  with  the  managers  of  his 
supporters,  severely  tested  his  endurance,  and  when  elected  to  the  great 
office  there  were  a  thousand  things  to  think  of — the  construction  of  the 
Cabinet  one  of  them — and  the  rush  of  office  seekers  set  in  with  the  ac 
customed  Zealand  devotion.  Instead  of  getting  along  easily  while  it 
was  possible  to  do  so,  without  the  presence  of  Congress,  there  was  no 
time  lost  in  proclaiming  the  extra  session.  Then  came  the  war.  The 
President  was  called  from  his  abode  at  midnight  to  hear  of  the  massacre 
of  the  men  of  the  Maine  in  Havana  Harbor. 

The  energy  of  the  President  throughout  the  Spanish  war  was  con 
stant,  and  the  extent  and  diversity  of  his  occupation  were  something 
gigantic.  He  was  not  only  nominally  but  literally  the  commander  of 
the  Army  and  Navy.  Telegrams  by  the  thousand  from  the  fleets  and 


142       STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

the  armies  engaged  have  all  been  filed — the  most  intimate  and  intricate 
and  veracious  records  of  passing  history  since  written,  and  are  accessi 
ble  in  the  appropriate  departments,  testifying  the  pervading  presence 
of  the  President.     The  State  Department  was  largely  in  affairs  of  the 
greatest  moment,  and  of  the  most  intricate  complications  under  his 
direction.     He  had  the  inspiration  to  summon  Judge  Day,  one  of  his 
oldest  personal  friends,  to  apply  to  the  State  situation,  that  abounded 
in  delicacies  and  difficulties,  that  quality  which  the  President  described 
as  the  peculiar  possession  of  the  Judge — his  "genius  for  good  sense." 
There  is  nothing  in  the  wTork  of  the  State  Department  in  the  hands  of 
Judge  Day  that  contradicts  this  estimation  of  his  capacity.    The  Presi 
dent  was,  in  a  marked  degree,  personally  engaged  in  the  three  depart 
ments  that  were  superheated  by  the  war,  and  his  hand  was  nigh  and  firm 
in  each.     It  was  the  policy  of  McKinley,  when  Governor  of  Ohio,  to  see 
that  when  troops  were  called  for  to  maintain  order,  men  enough  should 
be  sent  to  dominate  the  area  of  disturbance,  so  as  to  leave  no  doubt 
that  the  strong  arm  of  the  law  was  strong  indeed.    He  would  order  up 
regiments  that  there  might  be  no  mistake,  when  one  timid  about  taking 
such  responsibilities  wTould  have  insisted  that  companies  were  sufficient, 
and  the  accustomed  result  was  that  disorder  was  ended  by  the  moral 
force  of  arms.     This  was  the  way  to  keep  or  to  restore  peace.    The  same 
principle  governed  the  President  during  his  direction  of  the  national 
forces  in  war  times.     He  called  out  numbers  abundant  for  the  needs 
of  the  country.     The  first  thing  necessary  was  to  settle  the  question  of 
superiority  between  the  combatants  on  the  seas.      The  critical  ques 
tion  of  the  conduct  of  the  war  arose  when  Cervera  ran  the  Spanish  fleet 
under  his  command  into  the  harbor  of  Santiago.     That  act  made  that 
harbor  and  city  and  surrounding  country  the  seat  of  war.     The  question 
to  be  decided  was  whether  the  fight  should  be  risked  and  rushed  with 
the  Regulars  who  could  be  gathered  there,  and  the  few  Volunteers  ready 
to  go  with  them,  or  deferred  until  a  great  Volunteer  army  should  be 
mustered  and  equipped,  and  Havana  attacked  by  land  a-nd  sea.    The 
latter  was  the  purely  military  idea,  but  it  meant  delay,  indefinite  but 
certainly  enormous  expenditures,  the  waste  of  many  lives  by  fever  that 
must  be  saved  if  the  Spanish  forces  could  be  attacked  at  once,  and  the 
decision  of  the  course  of  the  war  made  before  the  mass  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  who  had  volunteered  for  military  service  could  be  con 
verted  into  an  available,  aggressive  army.  The  fight  was  rushed,  and  when 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.       143 

the  victory  was  won  that  made  certain  the  loss  of  Cuba  by  Spain,  the 
American  soldiers  who  won  it  found  the  dreadful  scourge  of  yellow 
fever  in  their  camps;  and  then  the  narrowness  of  the  escape  from  the 
peril  of  pestilence  greater  than  the  dangers  of  war,  was  realized  by 
the  country.  In  consequence  of  taking  the  risk  of  making  the  first 
and  therefore  the  greater  military  operations  with  a  comparatively 
small  force,  accepting  the  hazards  of  great  misfortune,  the  war  was 
over  before,  under  the  military  plans  for  the  siege  of  Havana,  our 
great  army  of  reserve  could  have  been  ready  to  invade  Cuba.  Peace 
came  in  August.  The  great  army  operations  could  not  have  been  effected 
until  in  November,  and  uncounted  millions  of  money  and  untold  myriads 
of  men  were  saved  by  the  courage  at  headquarters  in  the  White  House 
that  overruled  the  policy  of  elaboration.  The  Spanish  fleet  destroyed, 
our  ships,  with  perfect  freedom  on  the  seas,  carried  the  sick  soldiers 
from  the  fever  swamps  of  Cuba  to  the  capes  of  Long  Island  that  stand 
farthest  eastward  in  the  Atlantic  breezes  and  billows.  The  destruction 
of  the  Spanish  fleet  at  Manila  made  certain  that  the  American  fleet  in 
the  Pacific,  as  well  as  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  would  retain  its  supremacy. 
Spain  had  already  lost  her  fleets  and  her  possessions  in  the  Indies, 
East  and  West,  There  were  only  some  details  of  possession  that  were 
matters  rather  of  form  than  of  substance  left  of  the  war.  Spain  sued 
for  peace. 

If  the  specifications  are  called  for  we  point  to  the  fact 
When  the  study  of  President  McKinley  as  a  war  President  is  pro 
foundly  and  competently  made  there  will  be  revealed  historical  treasures, 
and  the  more  thoroughly  the  work  of  investigation  is  made  the  greater 
will  be  the  glory  of  his  administration.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
situation  in  Cuba,  and  yet  strove  for  peace.  He  was  as  anxious  to  see 
Spain  out  of  the  Americas  forever  as  Pierce,  Buchanan  and  Grant  had 
been,  and  yet  he  maintained  a  pacific  attitude.  He  knew  well  the  work 
ing  of  the  Cuban  Literary  Bureau  at  Key  West,  and  how  flagrant  the 
exaggerations  of  all  that  made  for  war  were,  and  he  discounted  the  stories 
accordingly  and  for  his  caution,  which  was  on  the  same  lines  President 
Grant  followed,  he  was  arraigned  before  the  people  of  the  United  States 
as  the  foe  of  freedom  and  the  friend  of  the  perpetuation  of  Spanish  oppres 
sion  in  the  West  Indies,  but  he  was  stable  in  his  equanimity,  and  was 
taking  the  part,  of  peace  maker  when  the  massacre  of  the  crew  of  the 
Maine  made  the  war  inevitable,  and  in  four  months  the,  war  was  over, 


U4       STORY  OF  McKlNLEY'B  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

because  the  President,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy, 
leathered  our  small  regular  army  into  a  force  that,  with  the  aid  of  the 
foremost  volunteers,  led  by  Colonel  Roosevelt,  won  the  bloody  fights  near 
Santiago.  The  Spanish  fleets  disappeared  under  our  fire  in  the  Bay  of 
Manila,  though  guarded  by  shore  batteries,  and  when  attempting  to  flee 
from  Santiago  harbor.  The  critical  point  of  the  war  with  Spain  was 
whether  we  should  wait  before  striking  a  blow  at  the  Spanish  army  in 
Cuba,  four  times  as  numerous  all  told  as  our  available  regulars,  until 
the  volunteers  could  be  thoroughly  equipped  and  disciplined.  The 
greatest  act  during  the  war  was  that  which  carried  Santiago  just  as  the 
yellow  fever  arrived,  and  then  the  sea  had  been  cleared  so  that  our  troops, 
rapidly  sickening  and  in  peril  of  perishing  in  thousands,  could  be  sent 
to  our  own  wholesome  shores.  No  President  in  peace  or  war  ever 
dominated  the  Government  more  positively  and  effectively  than  Presi 
dent  McKinley.  A  tremendous  expense  of  blood  and  gold,  the  people's 
precious  blood  and  well-earned  money,  was  saved  by  the  personal  act  of 
the  President  in  pushing  war  when  war  had  to  be,  and  peace  when  it 
could  be.  On  the  only  day  during  the  war  when  a  check  of  our  arms 
seemed  threatened,  the  wire  from  Washington  was  hot  with  messages  that 
no  foot  of  ground  should  be  yielded,  that  no  sacrifice  in  caution  would 
be  equal  to  the  loss  of  taking  precautions.  The  world  now  knows,  the 
highest  military  authorities  in  Europe  assert  the  fact,  that  the  regular 
army  of  the  United  States  was  a  better  body  of  troops  of  its  numbers 
than  could  be  furnished  by  the  great  armed  nations.  This  included  the 
war  spirit^  the  fighting  style,  the  personal  pride,  the  reliable  marksman 
ship,  the  intelligence  that  causes  the  soldier  to  have  all  care  for  himself 
until  exposure  is  commanded.  As  for  the  movements  for  peace  that  were 
pressed,  that  peace  might  be  swift  of  wing,  as  was  the  fashion  of  the  war, 
the  President  conducted  them,  and  his  hand  was  recognizable  alike  in 
Paris  and  the  Philippines. 

At  the  same  time  the  naval  victories  at  Manila  and  Santiago  and  the 
capitulation  of  the  cities  were  placing  our  country  at  the  front  as  a 
war  power,  the  readiness  of  a  great  army  summoned  suddenly  from  the 
masses  of  the  people  gave  us  prestige  as  a  war  power,  we  were  gaining 
victories  of  peace  at  home  and  abroad,  and  the  sum  of  it  all  was  our  arms 
had  a  uniform  career  of  triumph  and  our  industries  yielded  a  prosperity 
unexampled. 

More  than  a  year  before  the  assassin's  pistol  closed  the  career  of 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.       145 

McKinley  as  that  of  Lincoln  was  ended,  Senator  Dolliver  uttered  these 
cogent  and  prophetic  words: 

"With  such  a  hand  as  President  McKinley's  on  the  helm  of  our  affairs, 
the  nation,  troubled  and  perplexed  as  seldom  before,  goes  steadily  for 
ward,  without  doubt  or  fear  in  all  the  great  departments  of  the  national 
life.  Our  leader  sits  in  the  executive  office  surrounded  by  trusted  coun 
selors,  with  his  eyes  on  the  map  of  the  world  and  the  fixed  purpose  in  his 
heart  that  neither  loss  nor  harm  shall  come  to  our  people  in  any  quarter 
of  the  earth. 

"The  time  will  come  and  it  will  not  be  long  delayed,  when  William 
McKinley  will  be  greeted  by  all  rational  mankind  as  ever  faithful,  true 
and  brave,  noble,  upright,  of  perfect  probity,  of  absolute  courage  as  a 
subordinate  Qfficer  on  the  battlefield,  and  as  President  in  the  Cabinet. 

"What  history  will  say  of  him  will  be  worthy  to  be  written  in  letters  of 
gold. 

"The  wrar  of  this  day  and  of  a  few  months  and  two  years  ago,  is 
small  comparatively,  and  far  away,  but  the  cause  is  just,  humane,  accord 
ing  to  the  traditions,  the  events  and  the  dignity  of  the  American  nation. 
President  McKinley  walks,,  in  the  footsteps  of  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Jackson — of  the  great  line  of  Presidents  of  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Ohio, 
Indiana  and  Illinois — one  does  not  need  to  name  them — the  world  knows 
them — and  he  upholds  the  standard  unstained,  and  as  Webster  said,  'full 
high  advanced/  of  the  great  republic. 

"He  will  leave  it  when  he  leaves  the  White  House,  whenever  that  is, 
greater  and  better  than  he  found  it." 

Once  the  cause  of  the  union  of  the  States,  and  with  it  the  dignity  and 
grandeur  of  the  nation,  were  almost  despaired  of.  This  was  in  1864.  In 
1 900  there  was  a  magical  change,  and  it  was  set  forth  with  the  march  of 
the  grand  army  through  Chicago  with  such  a  triumph  as  Rome  never 
gave  her  legions  when  she  welcomed  them  from  victorious  wars.  It  was 
the  celebration  of  the  crowded  victories  for  the  cause  that  Lincoln  more 
than  any  other  man  personified. 

Look  around  over  this  continental  country  to-day  to  see  the  monu 
ments  of  glory,  the  mountains  of  prosperity,  the  free  "life,  liberty  and 
pursuit  of  happiness"  by  people  who,  in  less  time  than  has  elapsed  since 
Lincoln  left  us,  will  number  more  than  100,000,000. 

Not  since  the  days  when  the  armies  of  the  Potomac,  the  Tennessee,  the 
Cumberland  and  the  Ohio  marched  from  Virginia  across  the  long  bridge 


146      STORY  OF  McKINLEY*S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

before  the  National  Capitol,  unfinished  but  majestic  in  superb  incomplete 
ness  and  soon  to  be  crowned  by  the  dome  not  unworthy  to  rise  among 
the  stars — not  since  the  four  armies  marched  up  Pennsylvania  avenue, 
on  their  left  the  unfinished  monument  of  Washington,  now  the  loftiest 
white  shaft  memorial  of  a  great  life  that  stands  on  the  globe,  has  a 
grander  army  marched  than  that  at  the  grand  1900  review. 

Behold  the  march  continuing  by  the  then  unfinished  Treasury  Depart 
ment  to  salute  before  the  White  House  the  President  of  the  United  States 
—not,  alas,  Abraham  Lincoln,  whose  work  was  done — dead  since  the 
triumphant  return  across  the  Potomac  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic 
—a  shining  river  of  steel  flowing  back  from  the  tremendous  scenes  of 
cementing  the  Union  with  the  blood  of  the  brave — the  vast  columns  North 
and  West,  homeward  bound  to  work  of  peace — the  valiant  Confederates 
who  had  fought  against  the  course  of  the  constellations  across  the  sky, 
included,  too,  in  the  general  triumph — all  countrymen  again,  since  Grant 
and  Lee  met  "near  Appomattox  with  its  famous  apple  tree"  and  made  the 
treaty  written  by  Grant  himself  to-  be  followed  by  the  benediction  of 
the  hero,  "let  us  have  peace" — never  has  been  a  pageant  reviving  such 
riches  of  memory,  representative  of  splendid  achievement  and  prophetic 
of  the  greater  hereafter  of  our  country  as  well  as  of  the  magnificent 
present — or  one  that  was  so  replete  with  the  pathos  that  tells  the  sad 
story  of  glory  and  kindles  the  pride  of  Americans  into  a  flame,  that  con 
sumes  the  Belittlers  of  the  common  inheritance  that  is  of  the  people  and 
for  them — the  heroes  of  war  came  home  to  be  heroes  of  peace,  and  wel 
comed  those  they  had  confronted  on  fields  where  there  were  two  lines  of 
fire  to  the  House  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic,  to  stay  under  the  stately 
roof  and  be  at  home  forever, — for  Father  Abraham  kept  sacred  in  his 
heart  and  hand  the  Constitution,  and  preserved  it  for  all  the  nation. 
When  he  was  dead  those  who  praised  him  not  knew  him  not. 

The  armies  that  marched  through  stately  Washington  when  the  war 
was  over,  redeemed  with  the  plow  and  the  seed  that  brought  golden 
harvest  the  fields  that  had  been  fallow,  and  North  and  South  a  million 
homes  were  made  happy  by  the  returning  brave. 

Long  may  the  veterans  of  the  Grand  Army  have  their  reunions  and 
remember  with  full  hearts  those  who  fell  on  both  sides  on  the  memorable 
fields,  where  the  volleyed  thunders  scattered  in  the  opposing  ranks  Death 
and  Immortality !  Long  live  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  green 
and  flowery  be  the  graves  of  the  dead,  and  forget  not  the  story  the  name 


THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

Ford's  Theatre,   Washington,    D.   C.,   night  of   April   14th,  1865. 


THE  ESCAPE  OF  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  PANIC  OF  THE  AUDIENCE. 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'8  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.       149 

of  the  Grand  Army  tells — that  it  carries  the  flag  and  keeps  step  to  the 
music  of  the  Union,  that  grows  grander  and  more  thrilling  as  the  years 
roll  away. 

And  now  we  have  another  martyred  President — a  war  President  and 
a  President  of  peace — "peace  with  honor/'  and  peace  with  the  prosperity 
of  the  people.  The  first  word*  that  were  uttered  by  the  lips  of  millions 
when  they  heard  of  the  murder  of  McKinley  were,  "My  God,  how  could 
they  shoot  him  down !"  How  could  even  the  anarchists  murder  that  man, 
with  his  gentleness,  his  good  will  for  all  men,  with  the  wonders  he  has  so 
mightily  wrought  for  the  country  and  all  the  people  thereof,  and  so 
broadcast  the  blessings  that  some  of  the  seeds  of  kindness  scattered 
brightened  millions  of  humble  homes!  Why  did  not  the  most  depraved 
and  deplorable  of  men  spare  this  man?  The  dying  martyr  said,  "It  is 
God's  way,"  and  McKinley  and  Lincoln  will  be  the  chosen  figures  in  our 
history  upon  whose  examples  will  be  fashioned  generations  of  Americans 
into  unchangeable  patriots  and  invincible  heroes. 

Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  in  taking  the  gavel  as  chairman  of 
the  Philadelphia  Convention  that  nominated  McKinley  for  a  second  term, 
said  the  four  years  of  McKinley  as  President  were  memorable  and  "show 
a  record  of  promises  kept  and  work  done,"  and  the  Senator  gave  the  story 
of  the  Spanish  War  in  a  paragraph : 

"We  fought  the  war  with  Spain.  The  result  is  history  known  of  all 
men.  We  have  the  perspective  now  of  only  a  short  two  years  and  yet  how 
clear  and  bright  the  great  facts  stand  out,  like  mountain  peaks,  against 
the  sky,  while  the  gathering  darkness  of  a  just  oblivion  is  creeping  fast 
over  the  low  grounds  where  lie  forgotten  the  trivial  and  unimportant 
things,  the  criticisms  and  the  fault  findings  which  seemed  so  huge  when 
we  still  lingered  among  them.  Here  they  are,  these  great  facts :  A  war 
of  a  hundred  days,  with  many  victories  and  no  defeats,  with  no  prisoners 
taken  from  us  and  no  advance  stayed,  with  a  triumphant  outcome 
startling  in  its  completeness  and  in  its  world-wide  meaning.  Was  ever 
a  war  more  justly  entered  upon,  more  quickly  fought,  more  fully  won, 
more  thorough  in  its  results?  Cuba  is  free.  Spain  has  been  driven 
from  the  Western  hemisphere.  Fresh  glory  has  come  to  our  arms  and 
crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the  work  of  the  American  people,  but  the 
Republican  party  was  their  instrument.  Have  we  not  the  right  to  say, 
that  here,  too,  even  as  in  the  days  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  we  have  fought  a 
good  fight,  we  have  kept  the  faith,  we  have  finished  the  work?" 


150       STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

The  supporters  of  the  first  administration  of  McKinley,  who  nomi 
nated  him  for  a  second  term,  said  of  his  work  done,  claimed  "Prosperity 
more  general  and  more  abundant  than  we  have  ever  known,"  and  gave 
a  specification  as  an  illustration  "that  while  during  the  whole  period 
of  one  hundred  and  seven  years,  from  1790  to  1897,  there  was  an  excess  of 
exports  over  imports  of  only  $383,028,497,  there  has  been  in  the  short 
three  years  of  the  present  Kepublican  administration  an  excess  of  exports 
over  imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,483,537,094. 

"No  thought  of  national  aggrandizement  tarnished  the  high  purpose 
with  which  American  standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  unsought 
and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came  the  American  Government  was 
ready.  Its  fleets  were  cleared  for  action.  Its  armies  were  in  the  field, 
and  there  was  quick  and  signal  triumph  of  its  forces  on  land  and  sea. 

"President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United 
States  with  distinguished  credit  to  the  American  people.  In  releasing 
us  from  the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European  alliance  for  the  govern 
ment  of  Samoa  his  course  is  especially  to  be  commended.  By  securing  to 
our  undivided  control  the  most  important  island  of  the  Samoan  group 
and  the  best  harbor  in  the  Southern  Pacific,  every  American  interest  has 
been  safeguarded." 

In  accepting  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the  just  responsibility  of  our 
victories  in  the  Spanish  War  the  President  and  the  Senate  won  the 
undoubted  approval  of  the  American  people.  No  other  course  was  pos 
sible  than  to  destroy  Spain's  sovereignty  throughout  the  West  Indies  and 
in  the  Philippine  Islands.  That  course  created  our  responsibility  before 
the  world,  and  with  the  unorganized  population  whom  our  intervention 
had  freed  from  Spain,  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order, 
and  for  the  establishment  of  good  government  and  for  the  performance 
of  international  obligations.  Our  authority  could  not  be  less  than  our 
responsibility,  and  wherever  sovereign  rights  were  extended  it  became 
the  high  duty  of  the  Government  to  maintain  its  authority,  to  put  down 
armed  insurrection  and  to  confer  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization 
upon  all  the  rescued  peoples.  The  largest  measure  of  self-government 
consistent  with  their  welfare  and  our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  by 
law. 

To  Cuba  independence  and  self-government  were  assured  in  the  same 
voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this  pledge  shall  be 
performed. 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.      151 

There  was  a  very  strong  muster  of  forces  in  1900  against  the  continu 
ance  of  the  national  administration  on  the  lines  followed  by  McKinley. 
In  other  words,  the  disposition  of  the  country  was  to  divide,  not  so  con 
fidingly  as  usual,  a,s  for  and  against  the  Government  as  opponents  and 
advocates  of  the  administration.  There  was  no  man  in  the  Cabinet  who 
had  an  undue  share  of  public  attention.  McKinley  was  dominant,  and 
that  made  the  antagonisms  of  the  campaign  largely  for  and  against 
McKinley  as  a  personage.  The  presumption  that  there  was  any  man 
in  the  Cabinet,  Senate  or  House  who  was  a  power  greater  than  the  indi 
viduality  in  the  great  office,  was  founded  on  error.  When  McKinley 
died  those  who  knew  him  most  intimately  were  the  most  moved.  The 
entire  nation  knew  his  character,  and  more  than  any  President  he  seemed 
to  belong  to  each  and  every  citizen  of  the  republic.  It  was  his  lovable 
nature,  his  thoughtfuluess  for  others,  his  consideration  of  their  feelings, 
and  his  constant  desire  to  aid  others,  that  made  him  loved.  He  was. 
gentle  without  lacking  in  strength,  tender  without  wanting  in  any  atti 
tude  of  manliness.  He  hated  to  give  offense  and  was  pained  when  any 
one  was  in  sorrow.  Such  a  character  is  given  to  few  men,  such  a  com 
bination  of  strength  and  gentleness,  such  firmness  and  thoughtfulness 
for  others.  He  freely  forgave  those  who  had  offended  or  misrepresented, 
or  injured  him.  He  invariably  did  unto  others  as  he  would  have  them 
do  unto  him.  He  was  naturally  religious  and  in  his  life  he  exemplified 
the  teachings  of  Christianity.  After  all,  the  man  rather  than  the  magis 
trate  was  wounded.  He  had  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  the 
South.  There  was  something  in  his  fellowship,  his.  comradeship  that  was 
peculiarly  pleasing  to  the  people  of  that  section.  They  knew  he  was 
a  true  soldier  when  first  elected,  and  that  he  was  a  real  statesman  when 
his  second  presidential  campaign  was  on.  Yet  had  it  not  been  for  the 
racial  question  his.  support  in  the  Southern  States,  on  the  platform  of 
the  results  of  his  first  administration — indeed  by  the  results — would  have 
been  most  formidable.  It  is  a  most  interesting  fact  that  there  were 
more  telegrams  of  affectionate  solicitude  for  the  stricken  President  from 
Texas  than  from  any  other  State,  excepting  New  York,  the  State  in 
which  the  assassin  fired  the  fatal  shot.  As  keen  regret  has  been  shown 
in  the  South  for  the  common  misfortune  a,s  in  the  North.  No  President 
since  the  war  has  seemed  to  the  Southern  people  to  belong  to  them  abso 
lutely  as  William  McKinley  did.  The  men  and  women  of  the  South 
fully  appreciated  that  he  had  no  unpleasant  memories  of  civil  strife, 


152       STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION. 

but  they  knew  that  his  ambition,  as  a  patriot  who  loved  his  country  and 
sought  to  promote  its  best  interests,  was  to  wipe  out  the  last  signs  of  the 
sectional  division.  And  the  success  of  his  policy  of  making  the  South 
as  integral  a  part  of  the  nation  in  sentiment  as  it  is  territorially  was 
shown  during  the  war  with  Spain,  and  has  been  emphasized  by  the  general 
grief  at  his  death.  He  believed  that  the  South  would  benefit  and  prosper ; 
that  if  the  people  could  be  divided  among  the  two  parties,  if  principle 
and  not  prejudice  were  to  guide  political  questions,  it  would  be  better 
for  the  South  and  consequently  for  the  entire  nation.  As  a  patriot  he 
wished  to  see  the  South  prosper,  and  he  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
that  end.  As  a  man  he  loved  the  Southern  people  and  knew  them,  under 
stood  them  better  than  any  man  of  the  North  (with  here  and  there  a  very 
rare  exception)  who  has  not  resided  there. 

It  has  been  said  of  McKinley's  farewell  address,  for  such  it  will  be  well 
to  call  his  Buffalo  speech,  there  had  been  an  uncommon  inspiration  in  it. 
This  passage,  "Let  us  ever  remember  that  our  interest  is  in  concord,  not 
in  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence  rests  in  the  victories  of  peace,  not 
those  of  war." 

Then  came  what  may  be  termed  his  benediction,  and  that  gave  the 
clearest  light  upon  the  real  character  of  the  man  whose  sudden  death 
our  country  mourns : 

"Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  prosperity, 
happiness  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors  and  like  blessings  to  all  peoples 
and  powers  on  earth." 

The  London  Times  correspondent  cabled,  on  the  day  of  the  assassina 
tion,  before  that  disaster : 

"Intense  interest  has  been  excited  throughout  the  country  by  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  speech  at  Buffalo  yesterday,  which  is  regarded  as  one 
of  the  finest  speeches  he  has  ever  made.  The  general  consensus  of  opin 
ion  is  that,  while  it  represents  a  great  departure  from  his  former  attitude 
towards  protection,  it  is  not  necessarily  inconsistent  with  it." 

There  is  no  doubt  President  McKinley  knew  his  strength  before  the 
country,  for  there  were  few  more  careful  or  experienced  observers  than 
himself,  and  in  his  Buffalo  speech  he  said  : 

"The  world's  products  are  now  exchanged  as  they  never  were  before, 
and  prices  are  fixed  with  mathematical  precision  by  the  law  of  supply 
and  demand.  Isolation  is  no  longer  possible  or  desirable.  Trade 
statistics  indicate  that  the  country  is  in  a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity ; 


STORY  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  ADMINISTRATION.      153 

and  the  figures  are  almost  appalling.  That  all  the  people  is  participating 
in  this  great  prosperity  is  seen  by  the  unprecedented  deposits  in  the  sav 
ings  banks.  Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously  that 
the  problem  of  more  markets  requires  immediate  attention.  A  system 
which  provides  for  the  mutual  exchange  of  commodities  is  manifestly 
essential.  We  must  not  repose  in  the  fancied  security  that  we  can  for 
ever  sell  everything  and  buy  little  or  nothing.  Reciprocity  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  industrial  development.  If  perchance  some 
of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed  for  revenue  or  to  protect  our  industries, 
why  should  they  not  be  employed  to  extend  our  markets  abroad  ?" 

This  last  utterance  is  an  admirably  condensed  statement  of  the  glory 
won  in  the  first  administration.  It  is  scarcely  intelligible  that  the 
elected  chief  of  a  State,  like  President  McKinley,  should  be  marked  out 
for  destruction,  when  it  is  certain  that,  by  the  automatic  operation  of 
a  democratic  system,  his  place  will  be  taken  by  a  successor,  already 
designated  by  law,  with  the  same  authority,  and,  probably,  with  a  prestige 
enhanced  by  the  abhorrence  which  the  criminal  removal  of  his  forerunner 
must  produce.  The  frame  of  mind  can  hardly  be  conceived  in  which  the 
murder  of  Mr.  McKinley  can  have  presented  itself  as  an  object  from  the 
attainment  of  which  any  social  or  political  advantage  was  to  be  derived. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  had  lately  been  elected  for  a  second 
term  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  He  was  the  spokesman  of  the  opin 
ions  which  are  in  the  ascendant  throughout  the  Union.  He  had  never 
been  credited  with  a  masterful  or  domineering  spirit.  His  fault,  indeed, 
had  rather  been  that  he  had  trimmed  his  sails  too  closely  to  the  varying 
gales  of  public  opinion  and  that  he  had  rarely  had  a  policy  of  his  own. 
But  this  is  a  criticism  to  which  many  statesmen  in  many  countries  are 
exposed.  Mr.  McKinley,  at  any  rate,  had  had  the  support  of  his  own 
people  and  had  earned  the  respect  and  the  esteem  of  the  rest  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE    HIGH-WATER    MARK    OF    AMERICAN    PROSPERITY. 

McKinley's  Administration  Attained  It— Let  It  Be  the  Policy  of  All  to  Maintain  It— The 
Apotheosis  of  Our  Martyr  President  is  Instantaneous— He  is  Already  Engraved  Upon 
the  Hearts  of  the  People  Above  Party  Strife— Character  Study  of  Garfield  and  McKinley 
—The  Peacefully  Glorious  Death  of  the  President  Will  Be  Immortal— The  Power  of 
Publicity. 

William  McKinley  did  not  escape  the  educational  experience  of  su 
percilious  injustice.  There  were  those  who  always  affected  to  see  someone 
else  acting  with  him  as  friend  and  master,  philosopher  and  guide,  and  who 
strained  comparisons,  and  dealt  perversely  with  the  records,  that  they 
might  assume  their  own  superiority,  and  this  was  because  McKinley  was 
not  a  man  of  quarrels  and  wras  acquainted  with  grievances  that  he  was  too 
serene  to  trouble  himself  to  contest  and  resent.  His  forward  march  was 
so  steady,  his  advance  and  elevation  so  continuous,  that  the  baffled  and  the 
envious  denied  him  great  merit  by  asserting  he  was  lucky  and  insinuated 
that  somebody  dominated  him.  He  was  lucky  like  Grant — he  won  vic 
tories — and,  like  the  general,  he  was  a  winner  who  did  not  boast.  The 
sword  did  not  devour  forever  with  Grant,  and  the  winnings  were  pro  ~bono 
public®.  McKinley  was  a  growing  man  all  his  years,  and  as  President  he 
was  a  marvel  of  executive  capacity,  personal  industry,  and  so  ready  was 
he  for  great  occasions  that  his  command  of  opportunities  was  but  slowly 
understood  and  is  not  yet  appreciated.  That  which  he  did  for  peace  be 
fore  the  war  with  Spain,  and  for  peace  with  honor  in  the  Philippines,  and 
his  sense  of  justice  touching  our  relations  with  the  East  and  West  Indies, 
and  the  Hawaiian  group,  will,  as  the  whole  truth  is  unfolded,  increase 
the  reputation  of  his  manhood,  the  excellence  of  his  statesmanship  and  the 
comprehension  of  his  subordination  of  prejudices,  and  putting  aside  the 
smaller  views  that  sustain  selfishness,  that  the  ideals  of  international 
policy  might  be  maintained. 

He  was  a  man  of  good  and  high  fortune,  one  more  fortunate  than  Lin 
coln,  who  fell  on  the  field  that  none  but  he  could  plow,  leaving  it  unfin 
ished.  Lincoln  had  a  glimpse  of  the  great  hereafter  of  the  country  of  which 
he  was  the  savior,  as  Washington  was  the  father.  William  Me- 

iS4 


THE  HIGH-WATER  MARK   OF  PROSPERITY.  155 

Kinley  saw  the  glory  of  his  works.  Prosperity  to  the  people  had 
come,  as  he  said  it  would,  according  to  the  very  diagrams  he  drew. 
Already  his  fame  fills  the  world.  In  no  country  outside  ours  has 
there  been  ignorance  of  or  indifference  for  years  to  the  fact  that  his 
works  had  given  him  rank  as  a  man  of  affairs,  surpassing  any  head  of  a 
government,  and  we  may  take  into  account  all  the  nations.  Curiously 
enough,  the  closest  approach  of  those  who  are  well-doing  among  rulers 
are  our  two  nearest  neighbors,  the  President  of  Mexico  and  the  Premier  of 
the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  in  saying  this  we  enhance  the  compliment 
when  we  mention  that  we  have  not  forgotten  to  consider  carefully  the 
distinction  of  forcible  talent  in  the  Emperor  of  Germany  or  the  amiable 
and  excellent  longevity  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  who  has  to  deal  with 
nearly  as  many  races  as  we  have  States. 

Abraham  Lincoln  has  for  a  long  time  stood  alone  before  the  world  as 
the  foremost  of  Americans,  leaving  undecided  whether  we  should  include 
in  the  scope  of  the  declaration  the  fathers  of  the  Kevolution.  There  are 
many  American  citizens  still  active  who  remember  when  Lincoln  was  held 
to  be  a  partisan,  narrow,  intense  within  a  limited  scope,  but  a  politician 
one-sided  and  wrong-minded.  We  omit  purposely  the  teeming  carica 
tures  and  vindictive  epithets  with  which  he  was  assailed.  Now  he  is 
claimed  by  all  parties.  No  man  is  more  frequently  quoted  as  having  held 
doctrines  irreconcilable  with  those  of  the  party  to  which  he  was  attached. 
The  fact  is  too  familiar  to  be  fortified  by  ready  references.  It  is  well  that 
all  the  people  now  approve  Mr.  Lincoln.  Once  upon  a  time  nearly  all  of 
them  were  against  him.  He  has  compensation  for  the  misleading  observa 
tions  that  were  once  so  strenuously  applied  by  the  misled.  Happy  the 
land  that  it  knows  at  last  the  benignant,  the  humane,  Lincoln,  whose  war 
papers  as  we  read  them  now  are  found  full  of  love  for  enemies,  and  be 
nevolent  to  those  he  found  making  haste  on  the  broad  walk  to  destruction. 

It  has  not  been  long — the  time  is  easily  counted,  but  may  as  well  be 
forgotten — when  William  McKinley  was  held  by  a  vast  multitude  of  his 
countrymen  as  a  partisan.  These  lines  are  written  during  this  month, 
the  opening  of  which  saw  him  full  of  strength,  looking  not  backward  to 
find  that  which  had  been  said  in  opposition  to  his  principles,  and  even  in 
unfriendliness  to  his  personality,  but  his  eyes  fixed  upon  the  future,  and 
in  his  last  speech,  his  farewell  address,  he  referred  with  pride  to  the  stu 
pendous  resources  of  his  country,  and  pointed  out  the  employment  that 
should  be  given  the  prosperity  of  the  people.  We  shall  soon  find — the 


156  THE  HIGH-WATER  MARK   OF  PROSPERITY, 

tokens,  the  omens  of  the  change  are  apparent — that  McKinley  will  be 
claimed  as  a  partisan  of  all  parties,  as  Lincoln  is — perhaps,  even  more 
so.  Of  course,  there  are  problems  to  solve,  many  of  them  ugly  questions 
to  meet,  even  racial  troubles  to  quiet,  but  the  one  thing  no  more  disputed 
is  our  great  prosperity.  The  question  remains  as  to  the  best  division  of 
the  rewards  of  toil  and  attention  to  business.  There  will  be  no  lack  of 
questions  to  differ  about. 

All  the  parties  cannot  take  new  departures,  but  there  is  none  that 
might  not  be  improved  by  a  little  conformity  to  the  needs  of  the  times. 
We  are  prosperous.  That  is  patent.  The  wayfaring  man  can  read  it.  There 
are  varieties  of  opinion  as  to  what  part  is>  played  by  politics — that  is,  the 
forces  and  agencies  of  the  government;  how  much  our  soil  and  climate 
have  done,  and  what  should  be  accomplished  as  we  move  on  to  hold  fast 
good  times.  It  will  be  admitted  that  McKinley  had  a  share  in  the  prosper 
ous  turn  of  affairs.  We  embody  in  this  book  two  speeches  by  the  late 
President.  One  when  from  the  front  porch  of  his  Canton  home  he  ac 
cepted  the  nomination  for  the  presidency  for  re-election  in  1900,  and 
called  attention  to  what  had  been  promised  if  a  national  administration 
were  based  upon  his  principles  and  in  general  directed  by  himself,  and  lie 
proceeded  to  point  out  the  promises  redeemed. 

After  his  re-election  he  sent  an  annual  message  to  Congress,  the  im 
mense  story  of  prosperity  being  calmly  stated,  and  it  shows  the  high- water 
mark  of  the  prosperity  of  this  great  and  prosperous  country.  He  was 
urged  to  call  Congress  in  extraordinary  session,  but  thought  the  people 
would  profit  by  a  period  of  repose.  He  visited  the  Pacific  coast,  making 
the  journey  across  the  continent  by  the  Southern  route,  but  the  illness  of 
his  wife  prevented  a  public  display  of  his  journey  home.  Naturally  he 
took  a  deep  interest  in  the  Pan- American  Exposition  on  the  Canadian 
frontier.  He  and  Mrs.  McKinley  enjoyed  their  old  home  for  two  months. 
They  were  months  that  were  restful  though  busy,  and  his  Buffalo  speech 
shows  that  he  was  thoughtful — meditating  on  affairs  of  state. 

It  was  his  last  speech,  his  farewell  address,  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  not  in  solemn  form  like  that  address  of  Washington,  which  is  so 
well  known,  but  certainly  it  is  a  farewell  to  the  people.  The  tone  of  it  is 
lofty.  The  temper  is  that  of  confident  concern,  the  recommendations 
many,  most  pointedly  put,  and  this  delicate  work  was  done  with  the  cour 
age  of  convictions  and  the  emphasis  of  serious  purpose.  It  is  an  important 
document,  and  no  doubt  it  was  the  design  and  desire  of  the  late  President 


THE  HIGH-WATER  MARK   OF  PROSPERITY.  157 

to  make  it  so.  The  tragedy  at  Buffalo  which  gave  him  the  martyr's  crown 
imparts  a  sacredness  to  his  life,  and  his  death  so  glorious  that  his  last 
words  will  be  of  an  interest  almost  infinite  and  influential  exceedingly. 

It  may  have  the  effect  of  closing  some  controversies  that  have  been 
continued  beyond  time.  It  is  fit  to  serve  as  documentary  in  the  illumina 
tion  of  the  transformation  scene  of  the  apotheosis.  President  McKinley 
goes  to  his  grave,  his  career,  though  "the  red  slayer  thinks  he  has  slain," 
a  success  consummate.  He  was  with  honor  immeasurable,  with  homage 
beside  which  royal  glories  are  tattered  and  tarnished,  and  he  and  Lin 
coln,  hand  in  hand,  are  lifted  up  to  be  remembered,  while  the  cloudy  wings 
of  millennial  epochs  expand  and  fade,  and  our  flag  is  still  there,  shining 
over  our  country,  made  more  precious  and  stanch  by  the  martyrs  to  Lib 
erty  and  Order,  one  and  inseparable,  and  the  inherited  statesmanship 
that  will  give  to  the  people  permanent  prosperity,  resting  upon  the  tested 
foundation  principles,  and  public  sentiment  enlightened,  that  capital  and 
labor  shall  share  and  share  alike  as  wisdom  is  given  to  make  fair  division 
of  the  increase. 

Few  men  have  been  born  with  greater  endowments  than  James  A.  Gar- 
field.    One  can  count  upon  the  fingers  of  one  hand  and  name  all  who  were 
^qual  to  him  in  the  gifts  of  intellectual  and  physical  strength.     He  was 
lot  an  aggressor,  a  man  who  quarreled,  and  there  were  those  so  mistaken 
as  to  regard  the  absence  of  personal  belligerency  in  him  as  declaring  a 
lack  of  spirit.    There  were  a  few  who  were  ready  to  assert  that  he  was 
;mid,  but  who  as  a  soldier  proved  a  courage  exceeding  that  wTith  which* 
2  led  his  regiment,  swtfrd  in  hand,  in  an  assault  upon  an  intrenched 
force  of  Confederate  riflemen  of  numbers  about  equal  to  their  assailants, 
but  this  herculean  young  man,  who  discarded  his  coat  because  it  was  an 
incumbrance  to  head  a  footrace,  carried  all  before  him.    His  audacity  did 
not  frighten  his  opponents,  but  dazed  and  astonished  them,  and  gave  them 
a  suggestion  of  overbearing  numbers  and  they  got  out  of  the  way. 

At  Chickamauga,  a  field  that  will  be  famous  forever  for  valor  on  both 
sides,  proven  by  an  unparalleled  percentage  of  killed  and  wounded,  he 
rode  across  the  country,  guided  by  the  sound  of  the  firing  that  told 
Thomas-  was  still  there,  and  found  him,  the  rock  that  withstood  the 
stormy  charges  terrible  as  the  hurricanes  of  the  gulf.  Garfield  had  a 
brain  of  Websterian  potentiality  and  his  stature  was  superior  to  that  of 
Webster,  and  it  may  be  asked  why  he  did  not  have  the  monumental  ora 
tions  that  Webster  did,  why  he  is  not  quoted  as  Webster  is.  It  woul 


158  THE  HIGH-WATER  MARK   OF  PROSPERITY. 

a  reasonable  answer  to  say  no  one  of  our  public  men  is  or  ever  was  as 
much  quoted  as  Webster.  Of  all  the  members  of  Congress  there  is  no  one 
who  approaches  "the  God-like  Daniel,"  in  the  use  made  of  his  eloquence 
in  the  Senate  and  the  House. 

But  Webster  had  nearly  a.  quarter  of  a  century  more  of  life  than  Gar- 
field,  who  never  saw  his  fiftieth  birthday.  If  he  had  not  been  taken  from 
the  Senate  by  his  election  to  the  presidency,  before  he  could  fill  the  seat  in 
that  body  to  which  he  had  been  chosen,  and  if  he  could  have  had  the  years 
of  Webster  as  Secretary  of  State  and  Senator,  there  would  have  been 
great  works  to  show.  He  was  so  miserably  cut  down  in  his  strength  and 
tortured  for  two  months  and  two  weeks  before  he  was  mercifully  released, 
that  he  was  largely  cheated  out  of  the  apotheosis  which  was  his  due.  He 
was  assassinated  at  the  very  moment  he  had  cleared  the  atmosphere  of  the 
White  House  and  its  surrounding  of  the  antagonisms  that  were  unworthy 
those  who  cultivated  them,  and  basely  unjust.  That  very  morning  of  his 
assassination  he  thought  the  ground  solid  under  his  feet,  felt  that  he 
had  the  better  of  his  foes  and  was  going  to  Western  Massachusetts  on  a 
holiday,  and  his  wife,  who  had  been  wasted  with  illness,  had  been  so  re 
stored  as  to  join  him.  Since  the  beginning  no  human  being  has  died  in 
the  presence  of  mankind  as  President  McKinley  has  done.  The  nearest 
approach  to  having  the  world  for  an  audience  as  McKinley  had  was  the 
deathbed  of  Garfield,  and  in  the  twenty  years  that  have  passed  the  tele 
graph  wires  have  been  vastly  multiplied  and  extended.  The  enlightened 
nations  have  their  news  from  all  the  great  centers  of  commerce  every  day, 
indeed,  every  hour.  The  intelligence  of  an  occurrence  in  Europe  or  North 
America  that  commands  consideration  is  transmitted  without  appreciable 
loss  of  time  to  Asia  and  Africa,  to  the  Indies,  East  and  West,  to  South 
America  and  Australia.  There  will  be  soon  a  trans-Pacific  cable,  and  al 
ready  the  shores  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  South  America  are  lined  with  wires. 
There  are  cables  through  the  Ked  Sea  and  the  Mediterranean  and  Austra 
lia  is  connected  by  wire  to  Asia.  England  is  in  touch  with  India  and  all  her 
North  and  South  Pacific  possessions.  President  McKinley's  assassina 
tion  was  known  at  the  ends  of  the  earth  in  a  few  hours,  and  the  hopes 
of  recovery  that  for  a  while  prevailed  and  the  relapse  that  announced  a 
fatal  termination  were  known  in  all  the  cities  hour  by  hour  without  re 
spect  to  distance,  and  in  a  way  never  before  experienced;  all  men  and 
«swomen  were  beside  the  deathbed,  and  the  soft,  low,  whispered  words  of  the 
docursident  were  heard  over  all  the  wires,  and  the  woes  of  his  invalid  wife 


THE  HIGH-WATER  MARK   OF  PROSPERITY.  159 

were  announced.  The  shifting  scenes  of  the  drama,,  the  varied  views  of  the 
men  of  science  were  impressed,  approximately  as  they  happened,  in  ail 
lands  under  the  sun.  It  was  this  marvel  that  was  so  impressive,  and  the 
words  of  the  dying  President,  the  songs  that  were  sung,  the  waiting  multi 
tudes  pressing  near,  the  prodigious  processions,  civil  and  military,  the 
story  was  told  as  if  a  play  were  played  upon  the  stage  of  the  wide  world, 
and  all  the  races  of  man  were  hearers  and  spectators,  and  the  judgment  of 
all  nations  has  been  rendered  and  received  everywhere  that  the  character 
of  the  leader  we  have  lost  was  one  to  be  commended  unreservedly  as  a 
good  example,  one  who  loved  and  labored  for  his  fellowmen,  and  that  un 
der  the  beneficence  of  the  principles  the  people  approved,  and  through 
the  authority  they  gave  for  him  to  open  the  gates  of  enterprise,  protect  the 
rights  of  labor  and  the  product  of  industry,  there  came  to  the  country  pros 
perity,  with  broader,  brighter  and  grander  ways  and  more  ample  means  for 
the  conservation  of  life,  the  establishment  of  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness  than  ever  before  was  afforded  any  people.  As  the  world  moves 
now  we  do  not  have  to  wait — and  it  may  be  forever — to  know  the  destina 
tions  of  men  and  the  measurement  of  events.  The  world  is  one  theater. 
The  light  shines  down  for  all  and  the  dramatic  action  is  the  history  of 
man. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  SECOND  NOMINATION  OF  THE  THIRD  MARTYR 
PRESIDENT  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY. 

The  Kepublican  National  Convention  of  1900— HcKinlej's  Nomination  Seconded  by  Theodore 
Roosevelt— His  Eloquent  Words  on  that  Memorable  Occasion— Senator  Depew's  Address 
One  of  the  Features  of  the  Convention. 

In  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1900,  when  the  roll  of 
States  was  called  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  President,  Ala 
bama  yielded  to  Ohio,  and  Senator  Foraker  took  the  platform,  thanked 
Alabama,  said  that  which  he  had  been  called  to  do  had  been  done — 
the  temporary  and  permanent  Presidents  of  the  Convention  had  nom 
inated  McKinley,  and  so  had  the  reader  of  the  platform — he  was  the 
universal  nominee — as  for  speaking  for  the  President,  the  President 
had  spoken  for  himself  to  the  world  in  events,  and  four  years  ago  the 
American  people  confided  to  him  their  highest  and  most  sacred  trust. 
"Behold  with  what  results!  He  found  the  industries  of  this  country 
paralyzed  and  prostrated;  he  quickened  them  with  a  new  life  that  has 
brought  to  the  American  people  a  prosperity  unprecedented  in  all  their 
history.  He  found  the  labor  of  this  country  everywhere  idle;  he  has 
given  it  everywhere  employment.  He  found  it  everywhere  in  despair; 
he  has  made  it  everywhere  prosperous  and  buoyant  with  hope.  He  found 
the  mills  and  shops  and  factories  and  mines  everywhere  closed;  they 
are  now  everywhere  open. 

"And  while  we  here  deliberate,  they  are  sending  their  surplus  prod 
ucts  in  commercial  conquest  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth.  Under  his 
wise  guidance  our  financial  standard  has  been  firmly  planted  high 
above  and  beyond  assault.  With  a  diplomacy  never  excelled  and  rarely 
equalled,  he  has  overcome  what  at  times  seemed  to  be  insurmountable 
difficulties  and  has  not  only  opened  to  us  the  door  of  China  but  he  has 
advanced  our  interests  in  every  land. 

"We  are  not  surprised  by  this,  for  we  anticipated  it  all.  When  we 
nominated  him  at  St.  Louis  four  years  ago,  we  knew  he  was  wise,  we 
knew  he  was  brave,  we  knew  he  was  patient,  we  knew  he  would  be  faith 
ful  and  devoted,  and  we  knew  that  the  greatest  possible  triumphs  of 
peace  would  be  his;  but  we  then  little  knew  that  he  would  be  called  upon 

160 


THE  SECOND   NOMINATION.  161 

to  encounter  also  the  trials  of  war.  That  unusual  emergency  came.  It 
came  unexpectedly — as  wars  generally  come.  It  came  in  spite  of  all  he 
could  honorably  do  to  avert  it.  It  came  to  find  the  country  unprepared 
for  it,  but  it  found  him  equal  to  all  its  extraordinary  requirements. 

"And  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  all  American  history  there 
is  no  chapter  more  brilliant  than  that  which  chronicles,  with  him  as 
our  commander-in-chief,  our  victory  on  land  and  sea.  In  one  hundred 
days  he  drove  Spain  from  the  Western  Hemisphere,  gilded  the  earth 
with  our  acquisition  and  filled  the  world  with  the  splendor  of  our  power. 
The  American  name  has  a  new  and  greater  significance  now.  Our  flag 
has  a  new  glory.  It  not  only  symbolizes  human  liberty  and  political 
equality  at  home,  but  it  means  freedom  and  independence  for  the  long- 
suffering  patriots  of  Cuba,  and  complete  protection,  education  and 
enlightenment,  and  ultimate  local  self-government  and  the  enjoyment 
of  all  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  millions  of  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Philippines.  What  we  have  so  gloriously  done  for  ourselves  we  propose 
most  generously  to  do  for  them.  We  have  so  declared  in  the  platform 
that  we  have  adopted. 

"A  fitting  place  it  is  for  the  party  to  make  such  a  declaration.  Here 
in  this  magnificent  city  of  Philadelphia,  where  the  evidences  so  abound 
of  the  rich  blessings  the  Republican  party  has  brought  to  the  American 
people;  here  at  the  birthplace  of  the  Nation,  where  our  own  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  adopted  and  our  Constitution  formed;  where  WTash- 
ington  and  Jefferson  and  Hancock  and  John  Adams  and  their  illustrious 
associates  wrote  their  immortal  work;  here,  where  center  so  many  his 
toric  memories  that  stir  the  blood  and  flush  the  cheek  and  excite  the 
sentiments  of  human  liberty  and  patriotism,  is  indeed  a  most  fitting 
place  for  the  party  of  Lincoln  and  Grant  and  Garfield  and  Elaine. 

"The  party  of  union  and  liberty  for  all  men  formally  dedicates  itself 
to  this  great  duty.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  its  discharge.  We  could 
not  turn  back  if  we  would,  and  we  would  not  if  we  could.  We  are  on 
trial  before  the  world  and  must  triumphantly  meet  our  responsibilities 
or  ignominiously  fail  in  the  presence  of  mankind.  These  responsibili 
ties  speak  to  this  convention  here  and  now,  and  command  us  that  we 
choose  to  be  our  candidate  and  the  next  President — which  is  one  and 
the  same  thing — the  best  fitted  man  for  the  discharge  of  this  great  duty 
in  all  the  republic. 

"On  that  pjoint  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion.    No  man  in  all  the 


162  THE  SECOND  NOMINATION. 

Nation  is  so  well  qualified  for  this  trust  as  the  great  leader  under  whom 
the  work  has  been  so  far  conducted.  He  has  the  head,  he  has  the  heart, 
he  has  the  special  knowledge  and  the  special  experience  that  qualify  him 
beyond  all  others.  And  he  has  also  the  stainless  reputation  and  char 
acter  and  has  led  the  blameless  life  that  endear  him  to  his  countrymen 
and  give  to  him  the  confidence,  the  respect,  the  admiration,  the  love  and 
the  affection  of  the  whole  American  people.  He  is  an  ideal  man,  repre 
senting  the  highest  type  of  American  citizenship,  an  ideal  candidate  and 
an  ideal  President.  With  our  banner  in  his  hands  it  will  be  carried  to 
triumphant  victory  on  November  next. 

"In  the  name  of  all  these  considerations,  not  only  on  behalf  of  his 
beloved  State  of  Ohio,  but  on  behalf  of  every  other  State  and  Territory 
here  represented,  and  in  the  name  of  all  Republicans  everywhere 
throughout  our  jurisdiction,  I  nominate  to  be  our  next  candidate  for 
the  presidency,  William  McKinley." 

The  ringing  speech  of  the  Senator  moved  the  enormous  audience. 
The  standards  of  the  States  were  paraded,  the  band  played  the  airs 
of  fame  and  glory.  Senator  Hanna  led  the  applause  on  the  platform, 
and  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  business  was  suspended. 

Governor  Roosevelt  took  the  platform  to  second  the  nomination  of 
McKinley,  and  there  was  wild  shouting  "Roosevelt,  Roosevelt,"  and 
these  expressions  were  mingled  with  "Teddy,  Teddy,  Teddy."  The  Kan 
sas  folks,  who  were  close  to  the  rostrum,  roared  out  "He's  a  dandy." 

Governor  Roosevelt  waited  patiently,  but  the  greeting  did  not  come 
to  an  end  until  he  raised  his  right  hand  and  waved  his  indication  that 
he  would  like  to  be  heard.  His  wishes  were  respected. 

The  Governor  said: 

"Mr.  Chairman — I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  William  McKin 
ley,  the  President  who  has  had  to  meet  and  solve  problems  more  numer 
ous  and  more  important  than  any  other  President  since  the  days  of 
mighty  Abraham  Lincoln;  the  President  under  whose  administration 
this  country  has  attained  a  higher  pitch  of  prosperity  at  home  and  honor 
abroad  than  ever  before  in  its  history.  Four  years  ago  the  Republican 
party  nominated  William  McKinley  as  its  standard  bearer  in  a  political 
conflict  of  graver  moment  to  the  Nation  than  any  that  had  taken  place 
since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  saw  us  once  more  a  united  country. 
The  Republican  party  nominated  him,  but  before  the  campaign  was 
many  days  old  he  had  become  the  candidate  not  only  of  all  Republicans, 


THE   SECOND   NOMINATION.  163 

but  of  all  Americans  who  were  both  far-sighted  enough  to  see  where 
the  true  interests  of  the  country  lay,  and  clear-minded  enough  to  be 
keenly  sensitive  to  the  taint  of  dishonor.  President  McKinley  was 
triumphantly  elected  on  certain  distinct  pledges,  and  those  pledges  have 
been  made  more  than  good. 

"We  were  then  in  a  condition  of  industrial  paralysis.  The  capitalist 
was  plunged  in  ruin  and  disaster;  the  wage-worker  was  on  the  edge 
of  actual  want;  the  success  of  our  opponents  would  have  meant  not 
only  immense  aggravation  of  the  actual  physical  distress,  but  also  a 
stain  on  the  Nation's  honor  so  deep  that  more  than  one  generation 
would  have  to  pass  before  it  would  be  effectually  wiped  out.  We  prom 
ised  that  if  President  McKinley  were  elected  not  only  should  the 
national  honor  be  kept  unstained  at  home  and  abroad,  but  that  the  mill 
and  the  workshop  should  open,  the  farmer  have  a  market  for  his  goods, 
the  merchant  for  his  wares,  and  that  the  wage-worker  should  prosper 
as  never  before. 

"We  did  not  promise  the  impossible;  we  did  not  say  that  by  good 
legislation  and  good  administration  there  would  come  prosperity  to  all 
men;  but  we  did  say  that  each  man  should  have  a  better  chance  to  win 
prosperity  than  he  had  ever  yet  had.  In  the  long  run,  the  thrift,  indus 
try,  energy  and  capacity  of  the  individual  must  always  remain  the  chief 
factors  in  his  success.  By  unwise  or  dishonest  legislation  or  adminis 
tration  on  the  part  of  the  National  authorities  all  these  qualities  in  the 
individual  can  be  nullified;  but  wise  legislation  and  upright  adminis 
tration  will  give  them  free  scope.  And  it  was  this  free  scope  that  we 
promised  should  be  given. 

"Well,  we  kept  our  word.  The  opportunity  has  been  given,  and  it 
has  been  seized  by  American  energy,  thrift  and  business  enterprise. 
As  a  result  we  have  prospered  as  never  before,  and  we  are  now  prospering 
to  a  degree  that  would  have  seemed  incredible  four  years  ago,  when  the 
cloud  of  menace  to  our  industrial  well-being  hung  black  above  the  land. 

"So  it  has  been  in  foreign  affairs.  Four  years  ago  the  Nation  was 
uneasy  because  right  at  our  doors  an  American  island  lay  writhing  in 
awful  agony  under  the  curse  of  worse  than  mediaeval  tyranny  and  mis 
rule.  We  had  our  Armenia  at  our  very  doors,  for  the  situation  in  Cuba 
had  grown  intolerable,  and  such  that  this  Nation  could  no  longer  refrain 
from  interference,  and  retain  its  own  self  respect.  President  McKinley 
turned  to  this  duty  as  he  had  turned  to  others.  He  sought  by  every 


164  THE  SECOND  NOMINATION. 

effort  possible  to  provide  for  Spain's  withdrawal  from  the  island  which 
she  was  impotent  longer  to  do  aught  than  oppress.  Then  when  pacific 
means  had  failed,  and  there  remained  the  only  alternative,  we  waged 
the  most  righteous  and  brilliantly  successful  foreign  war  that  any  coun 
try  has  waged  during  the  lifetime  of  the  present  generation.  It  was  not 
a  great  war,  simply  because  it  was  won  too  quickly;  but  it  was  momen 
tous  indeed  in  its  effects.  It  left  us,  as  all  great  feats  must  leave  those 
who  perform  them,  an  inheritance  both  of  honor  and  of  responsibility; 
and  under  the  lead  of  President  McKinley  the  Nation  has  taken  up  the 
task  of  securing  orderly  liberty  and  the  reign  of  justice  and  law  in 
the  islands  from  which  we  drove  the  tyranny  of  Spain,  with  the  same 
serious  realization  of  duty  and  sincere  purpose  to  perform  it,  that  has 
marked  the  national  attitude  in  dealing  with  the  economic  and  financial 
difficulties  that  face  us  at  home. 

"This  is  what  the  Nation  has  done  during  the  three  years  that  have 
elapsed  since  we  made  McKinley  President,  and  all  this  is  what  he 
typifies  and  stands  for.  We  here  nominate  him  again,  and  in  November 
next  we  shall  elect  him  again;  because  it  has  been  given  to  him  to  per 
sonify  the  cause  of  honor  abroad  and  prosperity  at  home,  of  wise  legis 
lation  and  straightforward  administration.  We  all  know  the  old  adage 
about  swapping  horses  while  crossing  a  stream,  and  the  still  older 
adage  about  letting  well  enough  alone.  To  change  from  President 
McKinley  now  would  not  be  merely  to  swap  horses.  It  would  be  to 
jump  off  the  horse  that  had  carried  us  across,  and  wade  back  into  the 
torrents;  and  to  put  him  for  four  years  more  into  the  White  House 
means  not  merely  to  let  well  enough  alone,  but  to  insist  that  when  we 
are  thriving  as  never  before  we  shall  not  be  plunged  back  into  an  abyss 
of  shame  and  panic  and  disaster. 

"We  have  done  so  well  that  our  opponents  actually  use  this  very 
fact  as  an  appeal  for  turning  us  out.  We  have  put  the  tariff  on  a  foun 
dation  so  secure;  we  have  passed  such  wise  laws  on  finance,  that  they 
actually  appeal  to  the  patriotic,  honest  men  who  deserted  them  at  the 
last  election  to  help  them  now;  because,  forsooth,  we  have  done  so  well 
that  nobody  need  fear  their  capacity  to  undo  our  work!  I  am  not 
exaggerating.  This  is  literally  the  argument  that  is  -now  addressed  to 
the  Gold  Democrats  as  a  reason  why  they  need  no  longer  stand  by  the 
Kepublican  party.  To  all  such  who  may  be  inclined  to  listen  to  these 
specious  arguments,  I  would  address  an  emphatic  word  of  warning, 


VIEWING  LINCOLN'S  REMAINS. 

City  Hall,  New  York  City, 


THE  SECOND   NOMINATION.  167 

Remember  that,  admirable  though  our  legislation  has  been  during  the 
past  three  years,  it  has  been  rendered  possible  and  effective  only  because 
there  was  a  good  Administration  to  back  it. 

"Wise  laws  are  invaluable;  but,  after  all,  they  are  not  as  necessary  as 
wise  and  honest  administration  of  the  laws.  The  best  law  ever  made, 
if  administered  by  those  who  are  hostile  to  it,  and  who  mean  to  break 
it  down,  cannot  be  wholly  effective,  and  may  be  wholly  ineffective.  We 
have  at  last  put  our  financial  legislation  on  a  sound  basis,  but  no  possi 
ble  financial  legislation  can  save  us  from  fearful  and  disastrous  panic  if 
we  trust  our  finances  to  the  management  of  any  man  who  would  be 
acceptable  to  the  leaders  and  guides  of  the  Democracy  in  its  present 
spirit.  No  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  who  would  be  acceptable  to,  or  who 
could  without  loss  of  self  respect  serve  under,  the  Populistic  Democracy, 
could  avoid  plunging  this  country  back  into  financial  chaos.  Until  our 
opponents  have  explicitly  and  absolutely  repudiated  the  principles 
which  in  '96  they  professed,  and  the  leaders  who  embody  these  princi 
ples,  their  success  means  the  undoing  of  the  country.  Nor  have  they 
any  longer  even  the  excuse  of  being  honest  in  their  folly. 

"They  have  raved,  they  have  foamed  at  the  mouth,  in  denunciation 
of  trusts,  and,  now,  in  my  own  State,  their  foremost  party  leaders,  in 
cluding  the  man  before  whom  the  others  bow  with  bared  head  and 
trembling  knee,  have  been  discovered  in  a  trust  which  really  is  of  infa 
mous,  and  perhaps  of  criminal  character,  a  trust  in  which  these  apostles 
of  Democracy,  these  prophets  of  the  new  dispensation,  have  sought  to 
wring  fortunes  from  the  dire  need  of  their  poorer  brethren. 

"I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley  because  with 
him  as  a  leader  this  country  has  trod  the  path  of  national  greatness  and 
prosperity  with  the  strides  of  a  giant,  and  because  under  him  we  can 
and  will  once  more  and  finally  overthrow  those  whose  success  would 
mean  for  the  Nation  material  disaster  and  moral  disgrace.  Exactly  as 
we  have  remedied  the  evils  which  in  the  past  we  undertook  to  remedy, 
so  now,  when  we  say  that  a  wrong  shall  be  righted,  it  most  assuredly 
will  be  righted. 

"We  have  nearly  succeeded  in  bringing  peace  and  order  to  the  Phil 
ippines.  We  have  sent  thither,  and  to  the  other  islands  toward  whose 
inhabitants  we  now  stand  as  trustees  in  the  cause  of  good  government, 
men  like  Wood,  Taft  and  Allen,  whose  very  names  are  synonyms  of 
integrity  and  guarantees  of  efficiency.  Appointees  like  these,  with  sub- 


168  THE  SECOND   NOMINATION. 

ordinates  chosen  on  grounds  of  merit  and  fitness  alone,  are  evidence 
of  the  spirit  and  methods  in  and  by  which  this  Nation  must  approach 
its  new  and  serious  duties.  Contrast  this  with  what  would  be  the  fate 
of  the  islands  under  the  spoils  system  so  brazenly  advocated  by  our 
opponents  in  fheir  last  national  platform. 

"The  war  still  goes  on  because  the  allies  in  this  country  of  the  bloody 
insurrectionary  oligarchy  have  taught  their  foolish  dupes,  abroad  to 
believe  that  if  the  rebellion  is  kept  alive  until  next  November,  Demo 
cratic  success  at  the  polls  here  will  be  followed  by  the  abandonment  of 
the  islands — that  means  •  their  abandonment  to  savages  who  would 
scramble  for  what  we  desert  until  some  powerful  civilized  nation  stepped 
in  to  do  what  we  would  have  shown  ourselves  unfit  to  perform.  Our 
success  in  November  means  peace  in  the  islands.  The  success  of  our 
political  opponents  means  an  indefinite  prolongation  of  misery  and  blood 
shed.  We  of  this  convention  now  renominate  the  man  whose  name  is 
a  guarantee  against  such  disaster.  When  we  place  William  McKinley 
as  our  candidate  before  the  people  we  place  the  Republican  party  on 
record  as  standing  for  the  performance  which  squares  with  the  promise, 
as  standing  for  the  redemption  in  administration  and  legislation  of  the 
pledges  made  in  the  platform  and  on  the  stump,  as  standing  for  the 
upbuilding  of  the  national  honor  and  interest  abroad  and  the  continu 
ance  at  home  of  the  prosperity  which  it  has  already  brought  to  the  farm 
and  the  workshop. 

"We  stand  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  century,  a  century  big  with  the 
fate  of  the  great  nations  of  the  earth.  It  rests  with  us  now  to  decide 
whether  in  the  opening  years  of  that  century  we  shall  march  forward  to 
fresh  triumphs,  or  whether  at  the  outset  we  shall  deliberately  cripple 
ourselves  for  the  contest.  Is  America  a  weakling,  to  shrink  from  the 
world  work  that  must  be  done  by  the  world  powers?  No!  The  young 
giant  of  the  West  stands  on  a  continent  and  clasps  the  crest  of  an  ocean 
in  either  hand.  Our  Nation,  glorious  in  youth  and  strength,  looks  into 
the  future  with  fearless  and  eager  eyes  and  rejoices  as  a  strong  man  to 
run  a  race.  We  do  not  stand  in  craven  mood,  asking  to  be  spared  the 
task,  cringing  as  we  gaze  on  the  contest.  No!  We  challenge  the  proud 
privilege  of  doing  the  work  that  Providence  allots  us,  and  we  face  the 
coming  years  high  of  heart  and  resolute  of  faith  that  to  our  people  is 
given  the  right  to  win  such  honor  and  renown  as  has  never  yet  been 
granted  to  the  peoples  of  mankind," 


TEE   SECOND   NOMINATION.  169 

Roosevelt's  speech  was  excellent,  persuasive,  commanding — full  of 
the  manliness  that  speaks  with  irresistible  force.  It  was  an  hour  made 
passionate  by  the  living  presence  of  the  memorable 

Senator  Depew  was  not  on  the  programme  for  a  speech,  but  was  called 
out,  and  when  he  tried  to  stop,  was  commanded  to  go  on. 

The  new  story: 

"We  stand  in  the  presence  of  eight  hundred  millions  of  people  with 
the  Pacific  as  an  American  lake,  and  the  American  artisan  producing 
better  and  cheaper  goods  than  any  country  in  the  world,  and,  my  friends, 
we  go  to  American  labor  and  to  the  American  farm,  and  say  that,  with 
McKinley  for  another  four  years,  there  is  no  congestion  for  America. 
Let  invention  proceed,  let  production  go  on,  let  the  mountains  bring 
forth  their  treasures,  let  the  factories  do  their  best,  let  labor  be  employed 
at  the  highest  wages,  because  the  world  is  ours,  and  we  have  con 
quered  it  by  Republican  principles  and  by  Republican  persistency  in  the 
principles  of  American  industry  and  of  America  for  Americans. 

"You  and  I,  my  friends* — you  from  New  England  with  all  its  culture 
and  its  coldness,  and  you  from  the  Middle  West  who,  starting  from 
Ohio,  and  radiating  in  every  direction,  think  you  are  all  there  is  of  it; 
you  from  the  West,  who  produce  on  this  platform  a  product  of  New 
England  transformed  to  the  West  through  New  York,  that  delivered 
the  best  presiding  officer's  speech  in  oratory  and  all  that  makes  up  a 
great  speech  that  has  been  heard  in  many  a  day  in  any  convention  in 
this  country.  It  was  a  glorious  thing  to  see  the  fervor  of  the  West 
and  the  culture  and  polish  of  New  England  giving  us  an  ammunition 
wagon  from  which  the  spellbinder  everywhere  can  draw  the  powder  to 
shoot  down  opposition  East  and  West  and  North  and  South. 

"Many  of  you  I  met  in  convention  four  years  ago.  We  all  feel  what 
little  men  we  were  then  compared  with  what  we  are  to-day.  There  is 
not  a  man  here  that  does  not  feel  four  hundred  per  cent  bigger  in  1900 
than  he  did  in  1896,  bigger  intellectually,  bigger  hopefully,  bigger  patri 
otically,  bigger  in  the  breast  from  the  fact  that  he  is  a  citizen  of  a 
country  that  has  become  a  world  power  for  peace,  for  civilization  and  for 
the  expansion  of  its  industries  and  the  products  of  its  labor. 

"We  have  the  best  ticket  ever  presented.  We  have  at  the  head  of  it 
a  Wrestern  man  with  Eastern  notions,  and  we  have  at  the  other  end  an 
Eastern  man  with  Western  character,  the  statesmen  and  the  cowboy, 
the  accomplished  man  of  affairs  and  the  heroic  fighter.  The  man  who 


170  THE   SECOND   NOMINATION. 

has  proved  great  as  President,  and  the  fighter  who  has  proved  great 
as  Governor.  We  leave  this  old  town  simply  to  keep  on  shouting  and 
working  to  make  it  unanimous  for  McKinley  and  for  Roosevelt. 

"There  was  a  lady  with  her  husband  in  Florida  last  winter.  He  a 
consumptive  and  she  a  strenuous  and  tumultuous  woman.  Her  one 
remark  was,  as  they  sat  on  the  piazza,  'Stop  coughing,  John.7 

"John  had  a  hemorrhage.  The  doctor  said  he  must  stay  in  bed  six 
weeks.  His  tumultuous  wife  said:  'Doctor,  it  is  impossible.  We  are 
traveling  on  a  time  limited  ticket,  and  we  have  got  several  more  places 
to  go  to.7  So  she  carried  him  off.  The  next  station  they  got  to  the 
poor  man  died,  and  the  sympathetic  hotel  proprietor  said:  'Poor 
madam,  what  shall  we  do?7  She  said:  'Box  him  up.  I  have  got  a  time- 
limited  ticket  and  several  more  places  to  go  to.'  Now,  we  buried  16  to  1 
in  1896.  We  put  a  monument  over  it  weighing  as  many  tons  as  the 
Sierra  Nevada,  when  gold  was  put  into  the  statutes  by  a  Republican 
Congress  and  the  signature  of  William  McKinley. 

"I  recall  that  two  years  ago  to-day  as  many  men  as  there  are  men 
and  women  in  this  great  hall  were  on  board  sixty  transports  lying  off 
Santiago  Harbor  in  full  view  of  the  bay  with  Morro  Castle  looming  up 
upon  the  right  and  another  prominence  upon  the  left  with  the  opening 
of  the  channel  between.  On  board  those  transports  were  twenty  thou 
sand  soldiers  that  had  gone  away  from  our  shores  to  liberate  another 
race,  to  fulfill  no  obligation  but  that  of  humanity. 

"On  the  ship  Yucatan  was  that  famous  regiment  of  Rough  Riders 
of  the  far  West  and  the  Mississippi  Valley.  In  command  of  that  regi 
ment  was  that  fearless  young  American,  student,  scholar,  plainsman, 
historian,  statesman,  soldier,  of  the  Middle  West  by  adoption,  of  New 
York  by  birth.  That  fleet  sailing  around  the  point,  coming  to  the  place 
of  landing,  stood  off  the  harbor,  two  years  ago  to-morrow,  and  the  navy 
bombarded  that  shore  to  make  a  place  for  landing,  and  no  man  who 
lives,  who  was  in  that  campaign  as  an  officer,  as  a  soldier  or  as  a  camp 
follower,  can  fail  to  recall  the  spectacle;  and,  if  he  closes  his  eyes-  he 
sees  the  awful  scenes  in  that  campaign  in  June  and  July,  1898.  There 
were  those  who  stood  upon  the  shore  and  saw  these  indomitable  men 
landing  in  small  boats  through  the  waves  that  dashed  against  the  shore, 
landing  without  harbor,  but  land  they  did,  with  their  accoutrements  on, 
and  their  weapons  by  their  sides.  And  those  who  stood  upon  that  shore 
and  saw  these  men  come  on  thought  they  could  see  in  their  faces : 


THE   SECOND   NOMINATION.  171 

"  'Stranger,  can  you  tell  me  the  nearest  road  to  Santiago ?'  That  is 
the  place  they  were  looking  for.  And  the  leader  of  one  of  those  regi 
ments  in  that  campaign  shall  be  the  name  that  I  shall  place  before  this 
convention  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States." 

Senator  Depew's  speech,  which  was  not  on  the  program,  but  can  not 
be  omitted  from  the  history  of  the  Convention,  seconding  the  nomination 
of  Governor  Roosevelt,  was  one  of  the  features  of  the  Convention.  His 
character  and  career  sketches  of  McKinley  and  Roosevelt  were  irresist 
ibly  fetching.  This  was  in  the  best  possible  form. 

"McKinley,  a  young  soldier,  and  coming  out  a  major;  McKinley,  a 
Congressman,  and  making  a  tariff;  McKinley,  a  President,  elected 
because  he  represented  the  protection  of  American  industries,  and 
McKinley,  after  four  years'  development,  in  peace,  in  war,  in  prosperity 
and  in  adversity,  the  greatest  President  save  one  or  two  that  this 
country  ever  had,  and  the  greatest  ruler  in  Christendom  to-day.  So 
with  Colonel  Roosevelt — we  call  him  Teddy. 

"He  was  the  child  of  New  York,  of  New  York  City,  the  place  that  you 
gentlemen  from  the  West  think  means  'coupons,  clubs  and  eternal 
damnation  for  every  one/  Teddy,  this  child  of  Fifth  avenue — he  was 
the  child  of  the  clubs;  he  was  the  child  of  the  exclusiveness  of  Harvard 
College,  and  he  went  West  and  became  a  cowboy;  and  then  he  went  into 
the  Navy  Department  and  became  an  assistant  secretary. 

"He  gave  an  order,  and  the  old  chiefs  of  bureaus  came  to  him  and 
said:  'Why,  Colonel,  there  is  no  authority  and  no  requisition  to  burn 
this  powder.'  'Well/  said  the  Colonel,  'we  have  got  to  get  ready  when 
war  comes,  and  powder  was  manufactured  to  be  burned.'  And  the  burn 
ing  of  that  powder  sunk  Cervera's  fleet  outside  of  Santiago  Harbor,  and 
the  fleet  in  Manila  Bay. 

"At  Santiago  a  modest  voice  was  heard,  exceedingly  polite,  addressing 
a  militia  regiment,  lying  upon  the  ground,  while  the  Spanish  bullets 
were  flying  over  them.  This  voice  said:  'Get  one  side,  gentlemen, 
please,  one  side,  gentlemen,  please,  that  my  men  can  get  out,'  And 
•when  this  polite  man  got  his  men  out  in  the  open,  where  they  could 
face  the  bayonet  and  face  the  bullet,  there  was  a  transformation,  and 
the  transformation  was  that  the  dude  had  become  a  cowboy,  the  cowboy 
had  become  a  soldier,  the  soldier  had  become  a  hero,  and  rushing  up 
the  hill,  pistol  in  hand,  the  polite  man  shouted  to  the  militiamen  lying 
down:  'Give  them  hell,  boys.  Give  them  hell.'" 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  OF   1900. 

McKinley's  Ohio  Home— His  Notification  at  Canton  of  His  Nomination  for  a  Second  Term  or 
the  Presidency— The  Significance  and  Scenery  of  the  Event— The  Twenty-fifth  President's 
Speech  Accepting  His  Second  Nomination  and  Reviewing  the  Promises  His  Adminis 
tration  Redeemed. 

Notification  day  brought  to  the  home  of  President  McKinley,  the 
brick-paved,  maple-treed,  shaded  city  of  homelike  beauty,  Canton,  Ohio, 
delegations  from  surrounding  towns,  including  some  thousands  of  men 
from  the  shops.  The  farmers  left  their  fields  to  go  to  see  Canton  once 
more  as  it  was  in  the  brave  days  of  '96.  Again  the  national  airs  were 
resonant;  the  processions  moved,  the  carriages  and  horsemen  were 
heard  on  the  clean  brick  pavements — the  streets  were  crowded  about  the 
McKinley  home,  and  the  turf  of  the  pretty  front  yard  was  trampled  once 
more  by  enthusiasts  whose  irrepressible  enthusiasm  was  irresistible. 
Again  was  heard  the  voice  so  familiar  in  other  years,  silent  under  the 
strain  of  surpassing  reponsibilities;  and  now  the  wrords  spoken  wrere 
those  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  one  of  the  great  Powers  of  the  world, 
and  would  be  of  interest  and  importance  to  all  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  his  audience  waited  far  beyond  the  shady  streets,  the  handsome  and 
tidy  homes  and  the  green  fields  of  Ohio,  in  the  great  cities  of  the  land, 
the  superb  capitals  of  Europe,  and  beyond  the  ancient  walls  of  Asia. 

It  is  the  fashion  on  such  occasions  as  that  of  the  notification  of 
President  McKinley  of  the  action  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  that 
he  shall  be  advised  some  days  in  advance  in  that  which  is  to  be  said 
in  the  address  of  announcement,  that  no  point  may  be  neglected;  and 
there  was  evidence  in  the  address  by  Senator  Lodge  and  the  President's 
reply,  that  they  were  in  close  sympathy  and  harmony,  entirely  under 
standing  the  situation  and  themselves.  The  two  speeches  were  as  one, 
for  there  was  a  single  purpose,  and  through  two  utterances  there  was  a 
dominant  characteristic — that  of  frank  language.  There  was  not  only 
no  "scuttle,"  but  no  evasion,  no  slighting.  There  was  simple,  clear,  sin 
cere,  strong  business  talks,  going  into  all  the  great  state  subjects  thor 
oughly.  There  was  in  the  President's  speech  the  ring  of  understanding 

172 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900.  173 

that  he  was  master  of  the  situation,  for  he  had  told  the  people  the  truth 
and  gained  their  confidence,  and  was  conscious  of  the  splendor  of  their 
response.  In  what  was  said  of  all  the  great  questions  there  are  no 
double  meanings.  The  latest  of  the  new  problems, — that  of  China,— 
was  treated  in  as  plain  spoken  a  way  as  were  the  Philippines.  Follow 
ing  the  President  came  Senator  Fairbanks,  who  gave  the  keynote  on 
the  silver  question;  Senator  Hanna,  who  called  upon  all  men  to  do  their 
duty;  Postmaster-General  Smith,  who  gave  a  brief,  but  profound  analy 
sis  of  the  illusions  of  the  Democratic  party;  Senator  Lodge  once  more, 
this  time  informally  and  with  refreshing  effect,  and  the  representative 
from  Hawaii.  The  substance  of  the  speaking  was  the  prominent  pre 
sentation  of  the  fact  that  the  policy  of  the  Opposition  was  further  strife 
to  unsettle  the  standard  of  value  and  take  backward  and  downward 
steps  as  to  the  character  of  money  and  the  elevation  of  credit;  and  the 
certainty  that  the  advance  points  of  Republican  progress  fairly  won  are 
to  be  maintained  at  all  hazards  and  against  all  comers  with  a  point- 
blank  fire. 

The  address  of  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  at  the  McKinley  home, 
formally  notifying  the  President  of  his  nomination,  follows : 

Mr.  President: — This  committee,  representing  every  state  in  the 
Union,  and  the  organized  territories,  of  the  United  States,  was  duly  ap 
pointed  to  announce  to  you,  formally,  your  nomination  by  the  Repub 
lican  National  Convention,  which  met  in  Philadelphia  on  June  19  last, 
as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United 
States  for  the  term  beginning  March  4,  1901.  To  be  selected  by  the 
Republican  party  as  their  candidate  for  this  great  office  is  always  one 
of  the  highest  honors  which  can  be  given  to  any  man.  This  nomina 
tion,  however,  comes  to  you,  sir,  under  circumstances  which  give  it  a 
higher  significance  and  make  it  even  a  deeper  expression  of  honor  and 
trust  than  usual.  You  were  nominated  unanimously  at  Philadelphia. 
You  received  the  unforced  vote  of  every  delegate,  from  every  state  and 
every  territory. 

The  harmony  of  sentiment  which  appears  on  the  face  of  the  result 
was  but  the  reflection  of  the  deeper  harmony  which  existed  in  the  hearts 
and  minds  of  the  delegates.  Without  friction,  without  dissent,  with 
profound  satisfaction  and  eager  enthusiasm  you  were  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  by  the  united  voice  of  the  representatives  of  our  great 
party,  in  which  there  is  neither  sign  of  division  nor  shadow  of  turning. 


174  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 

Such  unanimity,  always  remarkable,  is  here  the  more  impressive,  be 
cause  it  accompanies  a  second  nomination  to  the  great  office  which  you 
have  held  for  four  years.  It  is  not  the  facile  triumph  of  hope  over  ex 
perience,  but  the  sober  approval  of  conduct  and  character  tested  in 
many  trials  and  tried  by  heavy  and  extraordinary  responsibilities. 

With  the  exception  of  the  period  in  which  Washington  organized  the 
Nation  and  built  the  state,  and  of  those  other  awful  years  when  Lincoln 
led  his  people  through  the  agony  of  civil  war  and  saved  from  destruction 
the  work  of  Washington,  there  has  never  been  a  Presidential  term  in 
our  history  so  crowded  with  great  events,  so  filled  with  new  and  mo 
mentous  questions,  as  that  which  is  now  drawing  to  its  end. 

True  to  the  declarations  which  were  made  at  St.  Louis  in  1896,  you, 
sir,  united  with  the  Kepublicaus  in  Congress  in  the  reunion  of  the  tariff 
and  the  re-establishment  of  the  protective  policy.  You  maintained  our 
credit  and  upheld  the  gold  standard,  leading  the  party  by  your  advice 
to  the  passage  of  the  great  measure  which  is  today  the  bulwark  of  both. 
You  led  again  the  policy  which  has  made  Hawaii  a  possession  of  the 
United  States.  On  all  these  questions  you  fulfilled  the  hopes  and  justi 
fied  the  confidence  of  the  people,  who  four  years  ago  put  trust  in  our 
promises.  But  on  all  these  questions,  also,  you  had  as  guides,  not  only 
your  own  principles,  the  well  considered  results  of  years  of  training  and 
reflection,  but,  also,  the  plain  declarations  of  the  National  Convention 
wThich  nominated  you  in  1896.  Far  different  was  it  when  the  Cuban 
question,  which  we  had  promised  to  settle,  brought  first  war  and  then 
peace,  with  Spain.  Congress  declared  war,  but  you,  as  Commander-in- 
Chief,  had  to  carry  it  on.  You  did  so  and  history  records  unbroken  vic 
tory  from  the  first  shot  of  the  "Nashville"  to  the  day  when  the  protocol 
was  signed.  The  peace  you  had  to  make  alone,  Cuba,  Porto  I\ico,  the 
Philippines.  You  had  to  assume  alone  the  responsibility  of  taking  them 
all  from  Spain.  Alone,  and  weighted  with  the  terrible  responsibility  of 
the  unchecked  war  powers  of  the  constitution,  you  were  obliged  to  govern 
these  islands,  and  to  repress  disorder  and  rebellion  in  the  Philippines. 
No  party  creed  defined  the  course  you  were  to  follow.  Courage,  fore 
sight,  comprehension  of  American  interests,  both  now  and  in  the  un 
charted  future,  faith  in  the  American  people  and  in  their  fitness  for 
great  tasks  were  then  your  only  guides  and  counsellors. 

Thus,  you  framed  and  put  in  operation  this  great  new  policy  which 
has  made  us  at  once  masters  of  the  Antilles  and  a  great  eastern  power, 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1900.  175 

holding  firmly  our  possessions  on  both  sides  of  the  Pacific.  The  new 
and  strange  ever  excite  fear,  and  the  courage  and  prescience  which 
accept  them  always  arouse  criticism  and  attack.  Yet  a  great  departure 
and  a  new  policy  were  never  more  quickly  justified  than  those  under 
taken  by  you.  On  the  possession  of  the  Philippines  rests  the  admirable 
diplomacy  which  warned  all  nations  that  American  trade  was  not  to  be 
shut  out  from  China.  It  is  to  Manila  that  we  owe  the  ability  to  send 
troops  and  ships  in  this  time  of  stress  to  the  defense  of  our  ministers, 
our  missionaries,  our  consuls  and  our  merchants  in  China,  instead  of  be 
ing  compelled  to  leave  our  citizens  to  the  casual  protection  of  other  pow 
ers,  as  would  have  been  unavoidable,  had  we  flung  the  Philippines  away 
and  withdrawn  from  the  Orient. 

Rest  assured,  sir,  that  the  vigorous  measure  which  you  have  thus 
been  enabled  to  take,  and  that  all  further  measures  in  the  same  direc 
tion  which  you  may  take,  for  the  protection  of  American  lives  and  prop 
erty,  will  receive  the  hearty  support  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
who  are  now,  as  always,  determined  that  the  American  citizen  shall  be 
protected  at  any  cost  in  all  his  rights,  everywhere,  and  at  all  times.  It 
is  to  Manila  again,  to  our  fleet  in  the  bay  and  our  army  on  the  land,  that 
we  shall  owe  the  power,  when  these  scenes  of  blood  in  China  are  closed, 
to  exact  reparation,  to  enforce  stern  justice,  and  to  insist,  in  the  final 
settlement,  upon  an  open  door  to  all  that  vast  market  for  our  fast 
growing  commerce. 

Events,  moving  wTith  terrible  rapidity,  have  been  swift  witnesses  to 
the  wisdom  of  your  action  in  the  east.  The  Philadelphia  Convention 
has  adopted  your  policy  both  in  the  Antilles  and  the  Philippines  and 
has  made  it  their  own  and  that  of  the  Republican  party. 

Your  election,  sir,  next  November  assures  to  us  the  continuance  of 
that  policy  abroad  and  in  our  new  possessions.  To  entrust  these  diffi 
cult  and  vital  questions  to  other  hands,  at  once  incompetent  and  hostile, 
Would  be  a  disaster  to  us  and  a  still  more  unrelieved  disaster  to  our 
posterity. 

Your  election  means  not  only  protection  to  our  industries  but  the 
•maintenance  of  a  sound  currency  and  of  the  gold  standard,  the  very 
cornerstone  of  our  economic  and  financial  welfare.  Should  these  be 
shaken,  as  they  would  be  by  the  success  of  our  opponents,  the  whole 
fabric  of  our  business  confidence  and  prosperity  would  fall  to  ruin.* 
Your  defeat  would  be  the  signal  of  the  advance  of  the  free  trade,  for  the 


176  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 

anarchy  of  a  debased  and  unstable  currency,  for  business  panic,  de 
pression  and  hard  times  and  for  the  wreck  of  our  foreign  policy.  Your 
election  and  the  triumph  of  the  Kepublican  party — which  we  believe 
to  be  as  sure  as  the  coming  of  the  day — will  make  certain  the  steady 
protection  of  our  industries,  sound  money,  and  a  vigorous  and  intelli 
gent  foreign  policy.  They  will  continue  those  interests  of  the  govern 
ment  and  wise  legislation  so  essential  to  the  prosperity  and  well  being 
which  have  blessed  our  country  in  such  abundance  during  the  past  four 
years. 

Thus  announcing  to  you,  sir,  your  nomination  as  the  Kepublican  can 
didate,  we  have  the  honor  also  to  submit  to  you  the  declaration  of  prin 
ciples  made  by  the  National  Convention,  which,  we  trust,  will  receive 
your  approval.  We  can  assure  you  of  the  faithful  and  earnest  support 
of  the  Kepublican  party  in  every  state,  and  we  beg  you  to  believe  that 
we  discharge  here  today,  with  feelings  of  the  deepest  personal  gratifica 
tion,  this  honorable  duty  imposed  upon  us  by  the  convention. 

President  McKinley,  responding  to  Senator  Lodge,  said: 

Senator  Lodge  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Notification  Committee: 

The  message  which  you  bring  to  me  is  one  of  signal  honor.  It  is  also 
a  summons  to  duty.  A  single  nomination  for  the  office  of  President  by 
a  great  party  which  in  thirty-two  years  out  of  forty  has  been  triumph 
ant  at  National  elections,  is  a  distinction  which  I  gratefully  cherish. 
To  receive  a  unanimous  re-nomination  by  the  same  party  is  an  expres 
sion  of  regard  and  a  pledge  of  continued  confidence  for  which  it  is  dif 
ficult  to  make  adequate  acknowledgment. 

If  anything  exceeds  the  honor  of  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  the  responsibility  which  attaches  to  it.  Having  been  in 
vested  with  both,  I  do  not  under-appraise  either. 

Anyone  who  has  borne  the  anxieties  and  burdens  of  the  Presidential 
office,  especially  in  time  of  National  trial,  cannot  contemplate  assuming 
it  a  second  time  without  profoundly  realizing  the  severe  exactions  and 
the  solemn  obligations  which  it  imposes,  and  this  feeling  is  accentuated 
by  the  momentous  problems  which  now  press  for  settlement.  If  niy 
countrymen  shall  confirm  the  action  of  the  convention  at  our  National 
election  in  November,  I  shall,  craving  Divine  guidance,  undertake  the 
exalted  trust,  to  administer  it  for  the  interest  and  honor  of  the  country,1 


THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1900.  177 

and  the  well  being  of  the  new  peoples  who  have  become  the  objects  of 
our  care.  The  declaration  of  principles  adopted  by  the  convention  has 
rny  hearty  approval.  At  some  future  date  I  will  consider  its  subjects 
in  detail  and  will  by  letter  communicate  to  your  chairman  a  more  formal 
acceptance  of  the  nomination. 

On  a  like  occasion  four  years  ago,  I  said: 

"The  party  that  supplied  by  legislation  the  vast  revenues  for  the 
conduct  of  our  greatest  war;  that  promptly  restored  the  credit  of  the 
country  at  its  close;  that  from  its  abundant  revenues  paid  off  a  large 
share  of  the  debt  incurred  by  this  war,  and  that  resumed  specie  pay 
ments  and  placed  our  paper  currency  upon  a  sound  and  enduring  basis, 
can  be  safely  trusted  to  preserve  both  our  credit  and  currency,  with 
honor,  stability  and  inviolability.  The  American  people  hold  the  finan 
cial  honor  of  our  government  as  sacred  as  our  flag,  and  can  be  relied 
upon  to  guard  it  with  the  same  sleepless  vigilance.  They  hold  its 
preservation  above  party  fealty,  and  have  often  demonstrated  that  party 
ties  avail  nothing  when  the  spotless  credit  of  our  country  is  threatened. 

«*  *  *  rpke  Collar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage-earner,  and  the 
pensioner  must  continue  forever  equal  in  purchasing  and  debt-paying 
power  to  the  dollar  paid  to  any  government  creditor. 

"*  *  *  Our  industrial  supremacy,  our  productive  capacity,  our 
business  and  commercial  prosperity,  our  labor  and  its  rewards,  our  Na 
tional  credit  and  currency,  our  proud  financial  honor  and  our  splendid 
free  citizenship,  the  birthright  of  every  American,  are  all  involved  in 
the  pending  campaign,  and  thus  every  home  in  the  land  is  directly  and 
intimately  connected  with  their  proper  settlement. 

"*  *  *  Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back  and  our  idle  work 
ing  people  employed  in  gainful  occupations  at  American  wages.  Our 
home  market  must  be  restored  to  its  proud  rank  of  first  in  the  world,  and 
our  foreign  trade,  so  precipitately  cut  off  by  adverse  national  legislation, 
reopened  on  fair  and  equitable  terms  for  our  surplus  agricultural  and 
manufacturing  products. 

"*  *  *  Public  confidence  must  be  resumed  and  the  skill,  energy 
and  the  capital  of  our  country  find  ample  employment  at  home. 

"  *  *  *  The  government  of  the  United  States  must  raise  money 
enough  to  meet  both  its  current  expenses  and  increasing  needs.  Its  rev 
enues  should  be  so  raised  as  to  protect  the  material  interests  of  our  peo 
ple,  with  the  lightest  possible  drain  upon  their  resources  and  maintain- 


178  THE   CAMPAIGN  Of  1900. 

ing  that  high  standard  of  civilization  which  has  distinguished  our  coun 
try  for  more  than  a  century  of  its  existence. 

«*  »  *  r£he  national  credit,  which  has  thus  far  fortunately  re 
sisted  every  assault  upon  it,  must  and  will  be  upheld  and  strengthened. 
If  sufficient  revenues  are  provided  for  the  support  of  the  government 
there  will  be  no  necessity  for  borrowing  money  and  increasing  the  public 
debt." 

Three  and  one-half  years  of  legislation  and  administration  have  been 
concluded  since  these  words  were  spoken.  Have  those  to  whom  was  con 
fided  the  direction  of  the  government  kept  their  pledges?  The  record  is 
made  up.  The  people  are  not  unfamiliar  with  what  has  been  accom 
plished.  The  gold  standard  has  been  reaffirmed  and  strengthened.  The 
endless  chain  has  been  broken  and  the  drain  upon  our  gold  reserve  no 
longer  frets  us.  The  credit  of  the  country  has  been  advanced  to  the 
highest  place  among  all  nations.  We  are  refunding  our  bonded  debt, 
bearing  three  and  four  and  five  per  cent  interest,  at  two  per  cent,  a  lower 
rate  than  that  of  any  other  country,  and  already  more  than  three  hun 
dred  millions  have  been  so  funded,  with  a  gain  to  the  government  of 
many  millions  of  dollars.  Instead  of  16  to  1,  for  which  our  opponents 
contended  four  years  ago,  legislation  has  been  enacted  which,  while 
utilizing  all  forms  of  our  money,  secures  one  fixed  value  for  every  dollar 
and  that  the  best  known  to  the  civilized  world. 

A  tariff  which  protects  American  labor  and  industry  and  provides 
ample  revenues  has  been  written  in  public  law.  We  have  lower  interest 
and  higher  wages;  more  money  and  fewer  mortgages.  The  world's  mar 
kets  have  been  opened  to  American  products,  which  go  now  where  they 
have  never  gone  before.  We  have  passed  from  a  bond-issuing  to  a  bond- 
paying  nation;  from  a  nation  of  borrowers  to  a  nation  of  lenders;  from  a 
deficiency  in  revenue  to  a  surplus;  from  fear  to  confidence;  from  en 
forced  idleness  to  profitable  employment.  The  public  faith  has  been  up 
held;  public  order  has  been  maintained.  We  have  prosperity  at  home 
and  prestige  abroad. 

Unfortunately  the  threat  of  1896  has  just  been  renewed  by  the  allied 
parties  without  abatement  or  modification.  The  gold  bill  has  been  de 
nounced  and  its  repeal  demanded.  The  menace  of  16  to  1,  therefore,  still 
hangs  over  us  with  all  its  dire  consequences  to  credit  and  confidence,  to 
business  and  industry.  The  enemies  of  sound  currency  are  rallying  their 


THE   CAMPAIGN   OF  1900.  179 

scattered  forces.  The  people  must  once  more  unite  and  overcome  the  ad 
vocates  of  repudiation  and  must  not  relax  their  energy  until  the  battle 
for  public  honor  and  honest  money  shall  again  triumph.  A  congress 
which  will  sustain  and  if  need  be  strengthen  the  present  law  can  prevent 
a  financial  catastrophe  which  every  lover  of  the  republic  is  interested  to 
avert. 

Not  satisfied  with  assaulting  the  currency  and  credit  of  the  govern 
ment,  our  political  adversaries  condemn  the  tariff  law  enacted  at  the 
extra  session  of  Congress  in  1897,  known  as  the  Dingley  act,  passed  in 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  people  expressed  at  the  election  in  the  pre 
ceding  November,  a  law  which  at  once  stimulated  our  industries,  opened 
the  idle  factories  and  mines  and  gave  to  the  laborer  and  to  the  farmer 
fair  returns  for  their  toil  and  investment.  Shall  we  go  back  to  a  tariff 
which  brings  deficiency  in  our  revenues  and  destruction  to  our  industrial 
enterprises? 

Faithful  to  its  pledges  in  these  internal  affairs,  how  has  the  govern 
ment  discharged  its  international  duties? 

Our  platform  of  1896  declared:  "The  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  con 
trolled  by  the  United  States,  and  no  foreign  power  should  be  permitted 
to  interfere  with  them."  This  purpose  has  been  fully  accomplished  by 
annexation,  and  delegates  from  these  beautiful  islands  participated  in 
the  convention  for  which  you  speak  to-day.  In  the  great  conference  of 
nations  at  The  Hague  we  reaffirmed  before  the  world  the  Monroe  doc 
trine  and  our  adherence  to  it  and  our  determination  not  to  participate 
in  the  complications  of  Europe.  We  have  happily  ended  the  European 
alliance  in  Samoa,  securing  to  ourselves  one  of  the  most  valuable  har 
bors  in  the  Pacific  ocean;  while  the  open  door  in  China  gives  to  us  fair 
and  equal  competition  in  the  vast  trade  of  the  Orient. 

Some  things  have  happened  which  were  not  promised,  nor  even 
foreseen,  and  our  purpose  in  relation  to  them  must  not  be  left  in  doubt. 
A  just  war  has  been  waged  for  humanity  and  with  it  have  come  new 
problems  and  responsibilities.  Spain  has  been  ejected  from  the  western 
hemisphere  and  our  flag  floats  over  her  former  territory.  Cuba  has 
been  liberated  and  our  guarantees  to  her  people  will  be  sacredly  exe 
cuted.  A  beneficent  government  has  been  provided  for  Porto  Rico. 
The  Philippines  are  ours  and  American  authority  must  be  supreme 
throughout  the  archipelago.  There  will  be  amnesty  broad  and  liberal 
but  no  abatement  of  our  rights,  no  abandonment  of  our  duty.  There 


180  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1900. 

must  be  no  scuttle  policy.  We  will  fulfill  in  the  Philippines  the  obli 
gations  imposed  by  the  triumphs  of  our  arms  and  by  the  treaty  of  peace; 
by  international  law;  by  the  Nation's  sense  of  honor;  and  more  than 
all  by  the  rights,  interests  and  conditions  of  the  Philippine  people 
themselves.  No  outside  interference  blocks  the  way  to  peace  and  a 
stable  government.  The  obstructionists  are  here,  not  elsewhere.  They 
may  postpone,  but  they  cannot  defeat  the  realization  of  the  high  pur 
pose  of  this  nation  to  restore  order  to  the  islands  and  establish  a  just 
and  generous  government  in  which  the  inhabitants  shall  have  the 
largest  participation  for  which  they  are  capable.  The  organized  forces 
which  have  been  misled  into  rebellion  have  been  dispersed  by  our  faith 
ful  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  the  people  of  the  islands,  delivered  from 
anarchy,  pillage  and  oppression,  recognize  American  sovereignty  as 
the  symbol  and  pledge  of  peace,  justice,  law,  religious  freedom,  educa 
tion,  the  security  of  life  and  property,  and  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  their  several  communities. 

We  assert  the  early  principles  of  the  Republican  party,  sustained 
by  unbroken  judicial  precedents,  that  the  representatives  of  the  people 
in  congress  assembled,  have  full  legislative  power  over  territory  belong 
ing  to  the  United  States,  subject  to  the  fundamental  safeguards  of  lib 
erty,  justice  and  personal  rights,  and  are  vested  with  ample  authority  to 
act  "for  the  highest  interests  of  our  Nation  and  the  people  entrusted  to 
its  care."  This  doctrine,  first  proclaimed  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  will 
never  be  used  as  a  weapon  for  oppression. 

I  am  glad  to  be  assured  by  you  that  what  we  have  done  in  the  far 
east  has  the  approval  of  the  country.  The  sudden  and  terrible  crisis  in 
China  calls  for  the  gravest  consideration,  and  you  will  not  expect  from 
me  now  any  further  expression  than  to  say  that  my  best  efforts  shall  be 
given  to  the  immediate  purpose  of  protecting  the  lives  of  our  citizens 
who  are  in  peril,  with  the  ultimate  object  of  the  peace  and  welfare  of 
China,  the  safeguarding  of  all  our  treaty  rights,  and  the  maintenance  of 
those  principles  of  impartial  intercourse  to  which  the  civilized  world  is 
pledged. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  congratulating  my  countrymen  upon 
the  strong  National  Sentiment  which  finds  expression  in  every  part  of 
our  common  country  and  the  increased  respect  with  which  the  Ameri 
can  name  is  greeted  throughout  the  world. 

We  have  been  moving  in  untried  paths,  but  our  steps  have  been 


THE    CAMPAIGN   OF  1900.  181 

guided  by  honor  and  duty.  There  will  be  no  turning  aside,  no  waver 
ing,  no  retreat.  No  blow  has  been  struck  except  for  liberty  and  human 
ity  and  none  will  be.  We  will  perform  without  fear,  every  National 
and  international  obligation.  The  Eepublican  party  was  dedicated  to 
freedom  forty-four  years  ago.  It  has  been  the  party  of  liberty  and 
emancipation  from  that  hour;  not  of  profession  but  of  performance.  It 
broke  the  shackles  of  4,000,000  slaves  and  made  them  free,  and  to  the 
party  of  Lincoln  has  come  another  supreme  opportunity  which  it  has 
bravely  met  in  the  liberation  of  10,000,000  of  the  human  family  from 
the  yoke  of  imperialism.  In  its  solution  of  great  problems,  in  its  per 
formance  of  high  duties,  it  has  had  the  support  of  members  of  all  parties 
in  the  past  and  confidently  invokes  their  co-operation  in  the  future. 

Permit  me  to  express,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  most  sincere  appreciation 
of  the  complimentary  terms  in  which  you  convey  the  official  notice  of 
my  nomination,  and  my  thanks  to  the  members  of  the  committee  and  to 
the  great  constituency  which  they  represent,  for  this  additional  evi 
dence  of  their  favor  and  support. 

i 

This  speech  had  particular  interest  because  it  was  not  the  policy  of 
the  managers  of  the  campaign  that  the  President  should  take  the 
stump,  and  the  response  to  the  notification  was  a  review  of  the  first 
term  of  the  presidency  and  important  for  the  indication  of  the  lines 
to  be  pursued. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HOW   PKESIDENT    McKINLEY    FACED    THE    PEOPLE. 

His  Speeches  to  the  Returned  Soldiers  from  the  Philippines  and  to  the  Men  of  Organized 
Labor— He  Spoke  in  the  Cities  of  the  South,  the  Clubs  and  on  Antietam  Battlefield. 

Addressing  the  Tenth  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  on  their  return  from 
the  Philippines,  in  a  Pittsburg  park,  President  McKinley  told  them: 
"You  added  new  glory  to  American  arms.  You  and  your  brave  com 
rades  engaged  on  other  fields  of  conflict  have  enlarged  the  map  of  the 
United  States  and  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  American  liberty.  The 
Eighth  Army  Corps  in  the  Philippines  has  made  a  proud  and  excep 
tional  record.  Privileged  to  be  mustered  out  in  April,  when  the  ratifica 
tions  of  the  treaty  of  peace  were  exchanged,  they  did  not  claim  the 
privilege. 

"They  did  not  stack  arms.  They  did  not  run  away.  They  were  not 
serving  the  insurgents  in  the  Philippines  or  their  sympathizers  at 
home.  They  had  no  part  or  patience  with  the  men,  few  in  number, 
happily,  who  would  have  rejoiced  to  see  them  lay  down  their  arms  in 
the  presence  of  an  enemy  whom  they  had  just  emancipated  from  Span 
ish  rule. 

"They  furnished  an  example  of  devotion  and  sacrifice  which  will 
brighten  the  glorious  record  of  American  valor.  They  have  secured  not 
alone  the  gratitude  of  the  government  and  the  people,  but  for  them 
selves  and  their  descendants  an  imperishable  distinction.  They  may 
not  fully  appreciate,  and  the  country  may  not,  the  heroism  of  their 
conduct  and  its  important  support  to  the  government,  I  think  I  do, 
and  so  I  am  here  to  express  it." 

President  McKinley's  speeches  to  the  people  during  his  travels  have 
been  very  notable  and  acceptable  on  account  of  their  manly  candor. 
His  greetings  to  the  returned  soldiers  from  the  Philippines  were  most 
hearty  and  affectionate  and  full  of  gratitude  for  their  patriotic  devo 
tion,  especially  to  those  who  remained  at  the  front  longer  than  the  terms 
of  their  enlistment  required,  until  a  new  army  could  be  prepared  to 
meet  the  difficulty  that  was  unexpected.  He  said  at  Fargo,  North 
Dakota,  October  13th,  1899,  addressing  the  North  Dakota  Volunteers : 

182 


JAMES    ABRAM    GARFIELD,    ASSASSINATED    1881. 

James  Abram  Garfield,  twentieth  President  of  the  United  States,  was  the  second 
Chief  Executive  to  fall  under  the  bullet  of  the  assassin.  His  sufferings  from  the 
day  he  was  shot— July  2,  1881— to  the  time  of  his  death  were  frightful.  President 
Garfield  lingered  until  the  night  of  September  19th.  He  was  born  of  poor  parents, 
drove  a  canal  boat,  secured  an  education  solely  by  his  own  efforts;  was  a  college 
president  at  twenty-six  and  Major-General  of  Volunteers  in  the  Civil  War  at 
thirty-two.  He  was  also  a  Congressman  at  the  same  age,  going  direct  from  the 
field  of  battle  to  the  National  Capitol  at  Washington.  He  was  born  in  Ohio  in 
1831,  and  was  less  than  sixty  years  of  age  when  he  died. 


HOW  MoKINLEY  FACED    THE   PEOPLE.  185 

"I  have  come  especially  that  I  might  look  into  the  faces  of  the  North 
Dakota 'Volunteers — the  two  battalions  who  saw  service  on  the  battle- 
line  in  Luzon.  I  came  that  I  might  speak  to  them  the  welcome  and  the 
'Well  done.'  You  did  your  duty  and  you  filled  my  heart  with  joy  when 
you,  with  the  other  volunteers  and  regulars  of  the  Eighth  Corps,  sent 
me  word  as  President  that  you  would  remain  at  the  battle-front  in 
Luzon  until  a  new  army  could  be  created  to  take  your  place.  You 
refused  to  beat  retreat  or  strike  your  colors  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy, 
no  matter  who  advised  you  to  come  home.  You  said,  'We  will  stay  and 
keep  the  flag  stainless  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy.7  And,  my  fellow- 
citizens,  no  soldier  ever  had  a  more  delicate  or  trying  duty.  This  army, 
of  which  this  fragment  from  your  State  formed  a  part,  remained  in 
Luzon,  waiting,  first  for  the  treaty  of  peace  which  was  being  negotiated 
in  Paris,  then  for  its  ratification  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
then  until  the  exchange  of  ratifications  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain — waiting  through  all  that  long  period,  accepting  the  inso 
lence  of  the  insurgents  with  a  patient  dignity  which  characterized  the 
American  soldiers,  who*  were  under  the  orders  of  the  Executive  that 
they  must  not  strike  a  blow,  pending  the  treaty  of  peace,  except  in 
defense.  I  say  they  bore  these  taunts  with  a  patience  sublime.  We 
never  dreamed  that  the  little  body  of  insurgents  whom  we  had  just 
emancipated  from  oppression — we  never  for  a  moment  believed  that 
they  would  turn  upon  the  flag  that  had  sheltered  them  against  Spain. 
So  our  soldiers  patiently  bore,  through  the  long  months,  the  insults  of 
that  band  of  misguided  men  under  the  orders  of  an  ambitious  leader. 
Then  the  insurgent  chief  ordered  an  attack  upon  our  line,  and  our 
boys  made  a  gallant  defense.  But  I  want  to  do  them  the  credit  to  say, 
here  in  the  presence  of  their  neighbors  and  their  friends,  their  fathers 
and  their  mothers,  that  they  forbore  all  things  rather  than  disobey  an 
order  from  the  government  they  were  serving." 

Here  the  President  referred  to  his  order  forbidding  the  United  States 
troops  to  fire  upon  the  insurgent  Filipinos,  except  in  self-defense. 
Speaking  of  this,  in  Iowa,  he  said : 

"The  American  soldiers  did  not  begin  hostilities  against  the  insur 
gents  pending  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace  in  the  Senate,  great 
as  was  their  justification,  because  their  orders  from  Washington  for 
bade  it.  I  take  all  the  responsibility  for  that  direction.  Otis  only 
executed  the  orders  of  his  government,  and  the  soldiers,  under  great 


186  HOW   McKINLEY   FACED    THE   PEOPLE. 

provocation  to  strike  back,  obeyed.  The  first  blow  was  struck  by  the 
insurgents,  and  it  was  a  foul  blow.  Our  kindness  was  reciprocated  with 
cruelty,  our  mercy  with  a  Mauser.  The  flag  of  truce  was  invoked  only 
to  be  dishonored.  Our  soldiers  were  shot  down  while  ministering  to  the 
wounded  Filipinos,  our  dead  were  mutilated;  our  humanity  was  inter 
preted  as  weakness,  our  forbearance  as  cowardice. 

"They  assailed  our  sovereignty ;  and  there  will  be  no  useless  parley, 
no  pause,  until  the  insurrection  is  suppressed,  and  American  authority 
acknowledged  and  established. 

"The  leader  of  the  insurgent  forces  says  to  the  American  govern 
ment,  'You  can  have  peace  if  you  will  give  us  independence/  Peace  for 
independence,  he  says.  He  had  another  price  than  that  for  peace  once 
before,  but  the  United  States  pays  no  gold  for  peace.  We  never  gave 
a  bribe  in  all  our  history,  and  we  will  not  now  commence  to  do  it." 

The  President  referred  to  the  fact  that  Aguinaldo  was  bribed  by 
the  Spanish  to  leave  his  country,  and  was  notoriously  susceptible  to 
bribery,  and  that  he  would  dare  the  Filipinos  and  conspire  with  the 
Spanish  during  the  siege  of  Manila  against  the  United  States.  The 
Philippine  insurgents  did  not  want  independence  for  any  other  reason 
than  to  take  up  the  Spanish  role  of  tyranny  and  spoliation. 

At  Aberdeen  the  President  said  to  the  First  South  Dakota  Volun 
teers  : 

"I  can  never  express  to  you  the  cheer  you  gave  my  heart  when  you 
sent  word  that  you  would  remain  until  a  new  army  could  be  formed  to 
take  your  places.  The  members  of  the  First  South  Dakota  and  their 
comrades  furnished  an  example  of  personal  sacrifice  and  public  conse 
cration  rarely  known  in  the  annals  of  history.  But  it  is  just  like  the 
American  soldier,  no  matter  where  he  comes  from.  He  never  lays  down 
his  arms  in  the  presence  of  an  enemy,  and  never  falters,  never  lowers 
the  flag  of  his  country,  nor  leaves  the  field  till  victory  comes. 

"I  am  glad  to  see  the  veterans  of  1861  welcome  the  veterans  of  1898. 
It  is  the  same  kind  of  patriotism.  You  got  it  from,  your  fathers;  and  it 
is  a  patriotism  that  never  deserts  and  never  encourages  desertion." 

Explaining  the  critical  condition  of  the  army,  the  President  said : 

"April,  1899,  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  ratifications,  there  were 
only  27,000  regulars  subject  to  the  unquestioned  direction  of  the  Execu 
tive,  and  they  for  the  most  part  on  duty  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Kico>, 
or  invalided  at  home  after  their  severe  campaign  in  the  tropics.  Even 


HOW   McKINLEY   FACED    THE   PEOPLE.  187 

had  they  been  available,  it  would  have  required  months  to  transport 
them  to  the  Philippines.  Practically  a  new  army  had  to  be  created. 
These  loyal  volunteers  in  the  Philippines  said:  'We  will  stay  until 
the  government  can  organize  an  army  at  home  and  transport  it  to 
the  seat  of  hostilities/ 

"They  did  stay,  cheerfully,  uncomplainingly,  patriotically.  They 
suffered  and  sacrificed,  they  fought  and  fell,  they  drove  back  and  pun 
ished  the  rebels  who  resisted  federal  authority,  and  who  with  force 
attacked  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  in  its  newly  acquired 
territory.  Without  them  then  and  there  wTe  would  have  been  practi 
cally  helpless  on  land,  our  flag  would  have  had  its  first  stain,  and  the 
American  name  its  first  ignominy.  The  brilliant  victories  of  the  army 
and  navy  in  the  bay  and  city  of  Manila  would  have  been  won  in  vain, 
our  obligations  to  civilization  would  have  remained  temporarily  unper 
formed,  chaos  would  have  reigned,  and  whatever  government  there  was 
would  have  been  by  the  will  of  one  man,  and  not  with  the  consent  of 
the  governed.  Who  refused  to  sound  the  retreat?  Who  stood  in  the 
breach  when  others  weakened?  Who  resisted  the  suggestions  of  the 
unpatriotic  that  they  should  come  home? 

"Let  me  call  the  roll  of  honor — let  me  name  the  regiments  and  bat 
talions  that  deserve  to  be  perpetuated  in  the  nation's  annals.  Their 
action  was  not  a  sudden  impulse  born  of  excitement,  but  a  deliberate 
determination  to  sustain,  at  the  cost  of  life,  if  need  be,  the  honor  of 
their  government  and  the  authority  of  its  flag. 

"First  California,  California  Artillery,  First  Colorado,  First  Idaho, 
Fifty-first  Iowa,,  Twentieth  Ka,nsa,s,  Thirteenth  Minnesota,  First  Mon 
tana,  First  Nebraska,  First  North  Dakota,  Nevada  Cavalry,  Second 
Oregon,  Tenth  Pennsylvania,  First  South  Dakota,  First  Tennessee, 
Utah  Artillery,  First  Washington,  First  Wyoming,  Wyoming  Battery, 
First,  Eighteenth,  and  Nineteenth  Companies  Volunteer  Signal  Corps." 

Here  the  President  referred  to  regulars  and  marines,  who  deserved 
the  credit  given  the  volunteers. 

'Addressing  the  Chicago  Bricklayers  and  Stone  Masons,  Chicago, 
October  10,  1899,  President  McKinley  said: 

"The  labor  of  the  United  States  is  better  employed,  better  paid,  and 
commands  greater  respect  than  that  of  any  other  nation  in  the  world. 
What  I  would  leave  with  you  here  to-night,  in  the  moment  I  shall 
occupy,  is  the  thought  that  you  should  improve  all  the  advantages  and 


188  HOW   McKINLEY   FACED    THE   PEOPLE. 

opportunities  of  this  free  government.  Your  families,  your  boys  and 
girls,  are  very  close  to  your  heartr strings,  and  you  ought  to  avail  your 
selves  of  the  opportunity  offered  your  children  by  the  excellent  schools 
of  the  city  of  Chicago.  Give  your  children  the  best  education  obtain 
able,  and  that  is  the  best  equipment  you  can  give  any  American.  In 
tegrity  wins  its  way  anywhere,  and  what  I  do  not  want  the  working- 
men  of  this  country  to  do  is  to  establish  hostile  camps  and  divide  the 
people  of  the  United  States  into  classes.  I  do  not  want  any  wall  built 
against  the  ambitions  of  your  boy,  nor  any  barrier  put  in  the  way  of  his 
occupying  the  highest  places  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 

"I  have  no  sympathy  with  that  sentiment  which  would  divide  my 
countrymen  into  classes.  I  have  no  sympathy  with  that  sentiment 
which  would  put  the  rich  man  on  the  one  side  and  the  poor  man  on 
the  other, — labor  on  the  one  side  and  capital  on  the  other,^ — because 
all  of  them  are  equal  before  the  law,  all  of  them  have  equal  power  in 
the  conduct  of  the  government.  Every  man's  vote  in  the  United  States 
is  the  equal  of  every  other's  on  that  supreme  day  when  we  choose  rulers 
and  Congresses  and  governors  and  legislatures. 

"Our  citizens  may  accumulate  great  wealth,  and  many  of  them  do; 
but  they  cannot  take  it  with  them,  nor  can  they  entail  it  from  genera 
tion  to  generation.  He  who  inherits  must  keep  it  by  his  own  prudence 
or  sagacity.  If  he  does  not,  it  is  divided  up  among  his  fellows." 

"Every  boy  and  girl  can  have  a  good  education — one  that  will  .equip 
them  for  every  duty  and  occupation  of  life.  Not  only  are  they  thus 
educated  by  the  State  and  the  nation,  but  when  once  educated  they 
have  open  to  them,  and  to  every  one  of  them,  the  highest  opportunities 
for  advancement.  They  are  not  prevented  from  aspiring  to  the  highest 
places  in  the  gift  of  the  government  because  they  are  poor.  We  have 
no  classes.  No  matter  what  their  creed,  their  party,  no  matter  what 
rnay  be  their  condition,  no  matter  about  their  race  or  their  nationality, 
they  all  have  an  equal  opportunity  to  secure  private  and  public  posi 
tions  of  honor  and  profit. 

"The  government  of  the  United  States  rests  in  the  hearts  and  con 
sciences  of  the  people.  It  is  defended,  whenever  it  is  assailed,  by  its 
citizen  soldiery;  and  it  furnishes  education  free  to  all  the  young,  that 
they  may  take  upon  themselves  the  great  trust  of  carrying  forward, 
without  abatement  of  vigor,  this  fabric  of  government. 

"Side  by  side  with  education  must  be  character.    Do  not  forget  that. 


SOW   McKINLEY   FACED    THE   PEOPLE.  189 

There  is  nothing  in  this  world  that  lasts  so  long  or  wears  so  well  as 
good  character;  and  it  is  something  everybody  can  have.  It  is  just 
as  easy  to  get  into  the  habit  of  doing  good  as  it  is  to  get  into  the  habit 
of  doing  evil.  With  education  and  integrity  every  avenue  of  honor, 
every  door  of  usefulness,  every  pathway  of  fame  and  favor  are  open 
to  all  of  you." 

The  following  paragraph  is  an  extract  from  a  speech  delivered  at 
Racine,  Wisconsin,  October  17,  1899 : 

"This  is  a  nation  of  high  privilege  and  great  opportunity.  W^e  have 
the  free  school,  the  open  Bible,  freedom  of  religious  worship  and  con 
viction.  We  have  the  broadest  opportunity  for  advancement,  with 
every  door  open.  The  humblest  among  you  may  aspire  to  the  highest 
place  in  public  favor  and  confidence.  As  a  result  of  our  free  institutions 
the  great  body  of  the  men  who  control  public  affairs  in  State  and 
Nation,  who  control  the  great  business  enterprises  of  the  country,  the 
railroads  and  other  industries,  came  from  the  humble  American  home 
and  from  the  ranks  of  the  plain  people  of  the  United  States." 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  SPEECHES  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  CAPITALS. 

Montgomery:  "To  be  welcomed  here  in  the  City  of  Montgomery, 
the  first  capital  of  the  Confederate  States,  warmly  and  enthusiastically 
welcomed  as  the  President  of  a,  common  country,  has  filled  and  thrilled 
me  with  emotion.  Once  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy,  now  the  cap 
ital  of  a  great  State,  one  of  the  indestructible  States  of  an  indestructible 
Union! 

"The  governor  says  he  has  nothing  to  take  back.  We  have  nothing 
to  take  back  for  having  kept  you  in  the  Union.  We  are  glad  you  did 
not  go  out,  and  you  are  glad  you  stayed  in. 

"Alabama,  like  all  the  States  of  the  Union,  North  and  South,  has 
been  loyal  to  the  flag  and  steadfastly  devoted  to  the  American  name 
and  to  American  honor.  There  never  has  been  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States  such  a  demonstration  of  patriotism,  from  one  end  of 
this  country  to  the  other,  a,s  in  the  year  just  passing;  and  never  has 
American  valor  been  more  brilliantly  illustrated  in  the  battle-line  on 
shore  and  on  the  battle-ship  at  sea  than  by  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
of  the  United  States.  Everybody  is  talking  of  Hobson,  and  justly  so; 
but  I  want  to  thank  Mother  Hobson  in  this  presence.  Everybody  is 


190  HOW   McKINLEY   FACED    THE   PEOPLE. 

talking  about  General  Wheeler,  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  brave;  but 
I  want  to  speak  of  that  sweet  little  daughter  who  followed  him  to 
Santiago  and  ministered  to  the  sick  soldiers  at  Montauk." 

Kichmond:  "For  thirty-seven  of  the  sixty-one  years  from  1789  to 
1850,  sons  of  Virginia  occupied  the  presidential  office  with  rare  fidelity 
and  distinction — a,  period  covering  more  than  one-fourth  of  our  national 
existence.  What  State,  what  nation  can  have  a  greater  heritage  than 
such  names  as  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  Marshall? 
Their  deeds  inspire  the  old  and  the  young.  They  are  written  in  our 
histories.  They  are  a  part  of  the  education  of  every  child  of  the  land. 
They  enrich  the  school-books  of  the  country.  They  are  cherished  in 
every  American  home,  and  will  be  so  long  as  liberty  lasts  and  the 
Union  endures. 

"My  countrymen,  the  sacred  principles  proclaimed  in  Philadelphia 
in  1776,  advanced  to  glorious  triumph  at  ^forktown,  made  effective 
in  the  formation  of  the  Federal  Union  in  1787,  sustained  by  the  heroism! 
of  all  our  people  in  every  foreign  conflict,  sealed  in  solemn  covenant  at 
Appomattox  Court  House,  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  the  men  of  the 
South  and  of  the  North  at  Manila,  and  Santiago  and  in  Porto  Rico, 
have  lost  none  of  their  force  and  virtue. 

"I  heartily  rejoice  with  the  people  of  this  great  city  upon  its  indus 
trial  revival  and  upon  the  notable  prosperity  it  is  feeling  in  all  of  its 
business  enterprises.  A  universal  love  of  country  and  a  noble  national 
spirit  animate  all  the  people. 

"I  could  not  forget  in  this  presence  to  make  my  acknowledgment 
to  the  men  of  Virginia  for  their  hearty  and  patriotic  support  of  the 
government  in  the  war  with  Spain,  and  for  their  continued  and  unflinch 
ing  loyalty  in  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection  in  Luzon  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States.  They  came  in  swift  response  to  the  call 
of  country, — the  best  blood  of  the  State,  the  sons  of  noble  sires, — ask 
ing  for  service  at  the  battle-front  where  the  fighting  was,  the  hardest 
and  the  danger  the  greatest.  The  rolls-  of  the  Virginia  volunteers  con 
tain  the  names  of  the  bravest  and  best,  some  of  them  the  descendants 
of  the  most  illustrious  Virginians.  They  have  shed  their  blood  for  the 
flag  of  their  faith,  and  are  now  defending  it  with  their  lives  in  the 
distant  islands  of  the  sea. 

"My  fellow-citizens,  two  great  historical  events,  separated  by  a 
period  of  eighty-four  years,  affecting  the  life  of  the  republic,  and  of 


HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE.  191 

awful  import  to  mankind,  took  place  on  the  soil  of  Virginia.  Both  were 
participated  in  by  Virginians,  and  both  marked  mighty  epochs  in  the 
history  of  the  nation.  The  one  was  at  Yorktown  in  1781,  when  Corn- 
wallis  surrendered  to  Washington,  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  end 
of  the  war  with  Great  Britain  and  the  dawning  of  independence  and 
union.  The  great  Virginian,  sage  and  patriot,  illustrious  commander 
and  wise  statesman,  installed  the  republic  in  the  family  of  nations. 
It  has  withstood  every  shock  in  war  or  peace  from  without  or  within, 
experiencing  its  gravest  crisis  in  the  Civil  War.  The  other,  at  Appo- 
mattox,  was  the  conclusion  of  that  crisis  and  the  beginning  of  a  unifica 
tion  now  happily  full  and  complete,  resting  in  the  good  will  and  ira- 
ternal  affection  one  toward  another  of  all  the  people.  Washington's 
terms  of  peace  with  Cornwallis  secured  the  ultimate  union  of  the  col 
onies,  those  of  Grant  with  Lee  the  perpetual  union  of  the  States.  Both 
events  were  mighty  gains  for  the  human  family,  and  a  proud  record  for 
a  nation  of  freemen.  Both  were  triumphs  in  which  we  all  have  a  share, 
both  are  a  common  heritage.  The  one  made  the  nation  possible,  the 
other  made  the  nation  imperishable.  Now  no  jarring  note  mars  the 
harmony  of  the  Union.  The  seed  of  discord  has  no  sower  and  no  soil 
upon  which  to  live.  The  purveyor  of  hate,  if  there  be  one  left,  is  with 
out  a  follower.  The  voice  which  would  kindle  the  flame  of  passion 
and  prejudice  is  rarely  heard  and  no  longer  heeded  in  any  part  of  our 
beloved  country. 

"Lord  of  the  Universe, 
Shield  us  and  guide  us, 
Trusting  Thee  always 
Through  shadow  and  sun. 
Thou  hast  united  us, 
Who  shall  divide  us? 
Keep  us,  oh,  keep  us 
The  'Many  in  One.' 

"Associated  with  this  great  commonwealth  are  many  of  the  most 
sacred  ties  of  our  national  life.  From  here  came  forth  many  of  our 
greatest  statesmen  and  heroes  who  gave  vigor  and  virtue  and  glory 
to  the  republic." 

Atlanta:     "Sectional  lines  no  longer  mar  the  map  of  the  United 


192  HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE. 

States,  Sectional  feeling  no  longer  holds  back  the  love  we  bear  each 
other.  Fraternity  is  the  national  anthem,  sung  by  a  chorus  of  forty-five 
States  and  our  Territories!  at  home  and  beyond  the  seas.  The  Union 
is  once  more  the  common  altar  of  our  love  and  loyalty,  our  devotion 
and  sacrifice.  The  old  flag  again  waves  over  us  in  peace,  with  new 
glories  which  your  sons  and  ours  have  this  year  added  to  its  sacred 
folds.  What  an  army  of  silent  sentinels  we  have,  and  with  what  loving 
care  their  graves  are  kept!  Every  soldier's  grave  made  during  our 
unfortunate  Civil  War  is  a  tribute  to  American  valor.  And  while, 
when  those  graves  were  made,  we  differed  widely  about  the  future  of 
tMs  government,  those  differences  were  long  ago  settled  by  the  arbitra 
ment  of  arms;  and  the  time  has  now  come,  in  the  evolution  of  sentiment 
and  feeling  under  the  providence  of  God,  when  in  the  spirit  of  fraternity 
we  should  share  with  you  in  the  care  of  the  graves  of  the  Confederate 
soldiers. 

"The  cordial  feeling  now  happily  existing  between  the  North  and 
South  prompts  this  gracious  act,  and  if  it  needed  further  justification, 
it  is  found  in  the  gallant  loyalty  to  the  Union  and  the  flag  so  conspicu 
ously  shown  in  the  year  just  past  by  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  these 
heroic  dead. 

"What  a  glorious  future  awaits  us  if  unitedly,  wisely,  and  bravely 
we  face  the  new  problems  now  pressing  upon  us,  determined  to  solve 
them  for  right  and  humanity! 

"That  flag  has  been  planted  in  two  hemispheres,  and  there  it  remains 
the  symbol  of  liberty  and  law,  of  peace  and  progress.  Who  will  with 
draw  from  the  people  over  whom  it  floats  its  protecting  folds?  Who 
will  haul  it  down?  Answer  me,  ye  men  of  the  South,  who  is  there  in 
Dixie  who  will  haul  it  down? 

"Reunited!  Glorious  realization!  It  expresses  the  thought  of  my 
mind  and  the  long-deferred  consummation  of  my  heart's  desire  as  I 
stand  in  this  presence.  It  interprets  the  hearty  demonstration  here 
witnessed,  and  is.  the  patriotic  refrain  of  all  sections  and  of  all  lovers 
of  the  republic. 

"Reunited — one  country  again  and  one  country  forever!  Proclaim 
it  from  the  press  and  pulpit;  teach  it  in  the  schools;  write  it  across 
the  skies!  The  world  sees  and  feels  it;  it  cheers  every  heart  North  and 
South,  and  brightens  the  life  of  every  American  home." 

Speaking  to  colored  people  in  Alabama :     "Remember  that  in  acquir- 


HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE.  193 

ing  knowledge  there  is  one  thing  equally  important,  and  that  is 
character.  Nothing  in  the  whole  wide  world  is  wor.th  so  much,  will  last 
so  long,  and  serve  its  possessor  so  well  as  good  character.  It  is  some 
thing  that  no  one  can  take  from  you,  that  no  one  can  give  to  you.  You 
must  acquire  it  for  yourself. 

"There  is  another  thing.  Do  not  forget  the  home.  The  home  is  the 
foundation  of  good  individual  life  and  of  good  government.  Cultivate 
good  homes,  make  them  pure  and  sweet,  elevate  them,  and  other  good 
things  will  follow. 

"It  is  better  to  be  a  skilled  mechanic  than  a  poor  orator  or  an 
indifferent  preacher.  In  a  word  each  of  you  must  want  to  be  best  in 
whatever  you  undertake.  Nothing  in  the  world  commands  more  respect 
than  skill  and  industry.  Every  avenue  is  open  to  them. 

"At  San  Juan  hill  and  at  El  Caney — but  General  Wheeler  is  here; 
I  know  he  can  tell  you  better  than  I  can  of  the  heroism  of  the  black 
regiments  which  fought  side  by  side  with  the  white  troops  on  those 
historic  fields. 

"Mr.  Lincoln  was  right  when,  speaking  of  the  black  men,  he  said 
that  the  time  might  come  when  they  would  help  to  preserve  and  extend 
freedom.  And  in  a  third  of  a  century  you  have  been  among  those  who 
have  given  liberty  in  Cuba  to  an  oppressed  people." 


THE    NATIONAL    PROSPERITY,    VICTORY,    OPPORTUNITY    AND    RESPONSIBILITY. 

At  a  speech  at  the  banquet  of  the  Ohio  Society  of  New  York,  New 
York,  March  3,  1900,  President  McKinley  said:  "It  is  proper  that  I 
should  say  that  the  Managing  Board  of  the  Ohio  Society  has  kept  the 
promise  made  to  me  some  months  ago,  that  I  would  not  be  expected  or 
required  to  speak  at  this  banquet;  and  because  of  that  promise  I  have 
made  some  preparation. 

"We  will  soon  have  legislative  assurance  of  the  continuance  of  the 
gold  standard  with  which  we  measure  our  exchanges,  and  we  have  the 
open  door  in  the  far  East  through  which  to  market  our  products.  We, 
are  neither  in  alliance  nor  antagonism  nor  entanglement  with  any  for 
eign  power,  but  on  terms  of  amity  and  cordiality  with  all.  We  buy 
from  all  of  them  and  sell  to  all  of  them,  and  in  the  last, two  years  our 
sales  have  exceeded  our  purchases  by  over  one  billion  dollars.  Markets 


194  HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE. 

have  been  increased  and  mortgages  have  been  reduced.  Interest  has 
fallen  and  the  wages  of  labor  have  advanced.  Our  public  debt  is  dimin 
ishing  and  our  surplus  in  the  Treasury  holds  its  own.  It  is  no  exagger 
ation  to  say  that  the  country  is  well-to-do.  Its  people  for  the  most 
part  are  happy  and  contented.  They  have  good  times  at  home  and  are 
on  good  terms  with  the  nations  of  the  world.  There  are,  unfortunately, 
those  among  us,  few  in  number,  I  am  sure,  and  none  in  the  Ohio  Society, 
who  seem  to  thrive  best  under  bad  times,  and  who,  when  good  times 
overtake  them  in  the  United  States,  feel  constrained  to  put  us  on  bad 
terms  with  the  rest  of  mankind.  With  them  I  have  no  sympathy.  I 
would  rather  give  expression  in  this  presence  to  what  I  believe  to  be  the 
nobler  and  almost  universal  sentiment  of  my  countrymen  in  the  wish 
not  only  for  peace  and  prosperity  here,  but  for  peace  and  prosperity 
to  all  the  nations  and  peoples  of  the  earth.  After  thirty-three  years 
of  unbroken  peace  came  an  unavoidable  war.  Happily  the  conclusion 
was  quickly  reached,  without  a  suspicion  of  unworthy  motive  or  prac 
tice  or  purpose  on  our  part,  and  with  fadeless  honor  to  our  arms.  I 
cannot  forget  the  quick  response  of  the  people  to  the  country's  need, 
and  the  quarter  of  a  million  men  who  freely  offered  their  lives  to  their 
country's  service.  It  was  an  impressive  spectacle  of  national  strength. 
It  demonstrated  our  mighty  reserve  power,  and  taught  us  that  large 
standing  armies  are  unnecessary  when  every  citizen  is  a  'minute  man,' 
ready  to  join  the  ranks  in  his  country's  defense. 

"Out  of  these  recent  events  have  come  to  the  United  States  grave 
trials  and  responsibilities.  As  it  was  the  nation's  war,  so  are  its  results 
the  nation's  problems.  Its  solution  rests  upon  us  all.  It  is  too  serious 
to  stifle.  It  is  too  earnest  for  repose.  No  phrase  or  catchword  can 
conceal  the  sacred  obligation  it  involves.  No  use  of  epithets,  no  asper 
sion  of  motives  by  those  who  differ  will  contribute  to  that  sober  judg 
ment  so  essential  to  right  conclusions.  No  political  outcry  can  abrogate 
our  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain,  or  absolve  us  from  its  solemn  engage 
ments.  It  is  the  people's  question,  and  will  be  until  its  determination 
is  written  out  in  their  conscientious  and  enlightened  judgment.  We 
must  choose  between  manly  doing  and  base  desertion.  It  will  never  be 
the  latter.  It  must  be  soberly  settled  in  justice  and  good  conscience, 
and  it  will  be.  Righteousness,  which  exalteth  a  nation,  must  control 
in  its  solution.  No  great  emergency  has  arisen  in  this  nation's  history 
and  progress  which  has  not  been  met  by  the  sovereign  people  with 


HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE.  195 

high  capacity,  with  ample  strength,  and  with  unflinching  fidelity  to 
every  public  and  honorable  obligation.  Partisanship  can  hold  few  of  us 
against  solemn  public  duty.  We  have  seen  this  so  often  demonstrated 
in  the  past  as  to  mark  unerringly  what  it  will  be  in  the  future.  The 
national  sentiment  and  the  national  conscience  were  never  stronger 
or  higher  than  now.  Within  two  years  there  has  been  a  reunion  of 
the  people  around  the  holy  altar  consecrated  to  country  and  newly  sanc 
tified  by  common  sacrifices.  The  followers  of  Grant  and  Lee  have 
fought  under  the  same  flag  and  fallen  for  the  same  faith.  Party  lines 
have  loosened  and  the  ties  of  union  have  been  strengthened.  Section 
alism  has  disappeared  and  fraternity  and  union  have  been  rooted  in 
the  hearts  of  the  American  people.  Political  passion  has  altogether 
subsided,  and  patriotism  glows  with  inextinguishable  fervor  in  every 
home  of  the  land.  The  flag — our  flag — has  been  sustained  on  distant 
seas  and  islands  by  the  men  of  all  parties  and  sections  and  creeds  and 
races  and  nationalities,  and  its  stars  are  only  those  of  radiant  hope  to 
the  remote  peoples  over  whom  it  floats. 

"There  can  be  no  imperialism.  Those  who  fear  it  are  against  it. 
Those  who  have  faith  in  the  republic  are  against  it.  So  that  there  is 
universal  abhorrence  for  it  and  unanimous  opposition  to  it.  Our  only 
difference  is  that  those  who  do  not  agree  with  us  have  no  confidence  in 
the  virtue  or  capacity  or  high  purpose  or  good  faith  of  this  free  people 
as  a  civilizing  agency,  while  we  believe  that  the  century  of  free  gov 
ernment  which  the  American  people  have  enjoyed  has  not  rendered 
them  irresolute  and  faithless,  but  has  fitted  them  for  the  great  task 
of  lifting  up  and  assisting  to  better  conditions  and  larger  liberty  those 
distant  peoples  who,  through  the  issue  of  battle,  have  become  our 
wards.  Let  us  fear  not!  There  is  no  occasion  for  faint  hearts,  no  excuse 
for  regrets.  Nations  do  not  grow  in  strength,  and  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  law  is  not  advanced;  by  the  doing  of  easy  things.  The  harder 
the  task  the  greater  will  be  the  result,  the  benefit,  and  the  honor.  To 
doubt  our  power  to  accomplish,  it  is  to  lose  our  faith  in  the  soundness 
and  strength  of  our  popular  institutions. 

"The  liberators  will  never  become  the  oppressors,  A  self-governed 
people  will  never  permit  despotism  in  any  government  which  they  foster 
and  defend. 

"Gentlemen,  we  have  the  new  care  and  cannot  shift  it.  And,  break 
ing  up  the  camp  of  ease  and  isolation,  let  us  bravely  and  hopefully 


196  HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE. 

and  soberly  continue  the  march,  of  faithful  service,  and  falter  not  until 
the  work  is  done.  It  is  not  possible  that  seventy-five  millions  of  Amer 
ican  freemen  are  unable  to  establish  liberty  and  justice  and  good  gov 
ernment  in  our  new  possessions.  The  burden  is  our  opportunity.  The 
opportunity  is  greater  than  the  burden.  May  God  give  us  strength  to 
bear  the  one,  and  wisdom  so  to  embrace  the  other  that  we  may  carry 
to  our  new  acquisitions  the  guaranties  of  'life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness!7  r 

Before  the  Boston  Home  Market  Club,  the  President  spoke  of  those 
who  had  been  fierce  for  war,  and  then  mad  because  we  had  gained 
ground  for  the  people.  He  said: 

"Many  who  were  impatient  for  the  conflict  a  year  ago,  apparently 
heedless  of  its  larger  results,  are  the  first  to  cry  out  against  the  far- 
reaching  consequences  of  their  own  act.  Those  of  us  who  dreaded  war 
most,  and  whose  every  effort  was  directed  to  prevent  it,  had  fears  of 
new  and  grave  problems  which  might  follow  its  inauguration. 

"The  evolution  of  events,  which  no  man  could  control,  has  brought 
these  problems  upon  us.    Certain  it  is  that  they  have  not  come  through 
any  fault  on  our  own  part,  but  as  a  high  obligation;  and  we  meet  them 
with  clear  conscience  and  unselfish  purpose,  and  with  good  heart  re 
solve  to  undertake  their  solution." 

Touching  the  Philippine  question,  the  President  said:  "There  is 
universal  agreement  that  the  Philippines  shall  not  be  turned  back  to 
Spain.  No  true  American  consents  to  that.  Even  if  unwilling  to  accept 
them  ourselves,  it  would  have  been  a  weak  evasion  of  duty  to  require 
Spain  to  transfer  them  to  some  other  power  or  powers,  and  thus  shirk 
our  own  responsibility.  Even  if  we  had  had,  as  we  did  not  have,  the 
power  to  compel  such  a  transfer,  it  could  not  have  been  made  without 
the  most  serious  international  complications.  Such  a  course  could  not 
be  thought  of.  And  yet,  had  we  refused  to  accept  the  cession  of  them, 
we  should  have  had  no  power  over  them,  even  for  their  own  good. 
We  could  not  discharge  the  responsibilities  upon  us  until  these  islands 
became  ours  either  by  conquest  or  treaty.  There  was  but  one  alter 
native,  and  that  was  either  Spain  or  the  United  States  in  the  Philip 
pines.  The  other  suggestions — first,  that  they  should  be  tossed  into 
the  arena  of  contention  for  the  strife  of  nations;  or,  second,  be  left 
to  the  anarchy  and  chaos  of  no  protectorate  at  all — were  too  shameful 
to  be  considered. 


HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE   PEOPLE.  197 

"The  treaty  gave  them  to  the  United  States.  Could  we  have  re 
quired  less  and  done  our  duty?  Could  we,  after  freeing  the  Filipinos 
from  the  domination  of  Spain,  have  left  them  without  government  and 
without  power  to  protect  life  or  property  or  to  perform  the  interna 
tional  obligations  essential  to  an  independent  state?  Could  we  have 
left  them  in  a  state  of  anarchy  and  justified  ourselves  in  our  own  con 
sciences  or  before  the  tribunal  of  mankind?  Could  we  have  done  that 
in  the  sight  of  God  or  man? 

''Our  concern  was  not  for  territory  or  trade  or  empire,  but  for  the 
people  whose  interests  and  destiny,  without  our  willing  it,  had  been 
put  in  our  hands.  It  was  with  this  feeling  that,  from  the  first  day  to  the 
last,  not  one  word  or  line  went  from  the  Executive  in  Washington  to 
our  military  and  naval  commanders. 

"That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines  will  be  benefited  by  this 
republic  is  my  unshaken  belief.  That  they  will  have  a  kindlier  govern 
ment  under  our  guidance,  and  that  they  will  be  aided  in  every  possible 
way  to  be  a  self-respecting  and  self-governing  people,  is  as  true  as  that 
the  American  people  love  liberty  and  have  an  abiding  faith  in  their 
own  government  and  in  their  own  institutions.  No  imperial  designs 
lurk  in  the  American  mind.  They  are  alien  to  American  sentiment, 
thought,  and  purpose.  Our  priceless  principles  undergo  no  change 
under  a  tropical  sun.  They  go  with  the  flag. 

"Why  read  ye  not  the  changeless  truth, 
The  free  can  conquer  but  to  save?" 

At  Ocean  Grove,  New  Jersey:  "That  flag  does  not  mean  one  thing 
in  the  United  States  and  another  thing  in  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip 
pines.  There  has  been  doubt  expressed  in  some  quarters  as  to  the  pur 
pose  of  the  government  respecting  the  Philippines.  I  can  see  no  harm 
in  stating  it  in  this  presence.  Peace  first;  then,  with  charity  for  all,  the 
establishment  of  a  government  of  law  and  order,  protecting  life  and 
property  and  occupation  for  the  well-being  of  the  people,  in  which  they 
will  participate  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes." 

THE    DUTY    OP    DESTINY. 

The  President  said  in  Iowa:  "We  have  added  some  new  territory. 
It  is  no  longer  a  question  of  expansion  with  us;  we  have  expanded.  If 


198  HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE. 

there  is  any  question  at  all  it  is  a  question  of  contraction;  and  who  is 
going  to  'contract'?" 

In  Chicago :  "Duty  determines  destiny.  Destiny  which  results  from 
duty  performed  may  bring  anxiety  and  perils,  but  never  failure  and 
dishonor.  Pursuing  duty  may  not  always  lead  by  smooth  paths.  An 
other  course  may  look  easier  and  more  attractive,  but  pursuing  duty 
for  duty's  sake  is  always  sure  and  safe  and  honorable. 

"It  is  not  within  the  power  of  man  to  foretell  the  future  and  to  solve 
unerringly  its  mighty  problems.  Almighty  God  has  his  plans  and 
methods  for  human  progress,  and  not  infrequently  they  are  shrouded 
for  the  time  being  in  impenetrable  mystery.  Looking  backward,  we  can 
see  how  the  hand  of  destiny  builded  for  us  and  assigned  us  tasks  whose 
full  meaning  was  not  apprehended  even  by  the  wisest  statesmen  of  their 
times.  Our  colonial  ancestors  did  not  enter  upon  their  war  originally 
for  independence.  Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  start  out  to  free  the  slaves, 
but  to  save  the  Union." 

In  South  Dakota:  "I  not  only  bring  salutations,  but  congratula 
tions.  You  have  made  wonderful  progress.  You  have  been  enjoying 
in  the  last  twenty-four  months  an  unexampled  prosperity.  Good  crops 
and  fair  prices  have  lifted  the  mortgage  and  lowered  the  interest;  and 
while  the  interest  has  been  lowered  to  the  borrower,  the  standard  of 
the  money  loaned  has  not  been  lowered." 

In  Ohio:  "The  country  everywhere  is  prosperous.  The  idle  mills 
of  three  years  ago  have  been  opened,  the  fires  have  been  rebuilt,  and 
heart  and  hope  have  entered  the  homes  of  the  people." 

In  Minnesota:  "I  am  glad  you  have  prosperity  here.  You  all  look 
like  it.  You  act  like  it,  and  I  hope  it  has  come  to  stay." 

Addressing  the  Catholic  Summer  School,  Cliff  House,  New  Jersey: 
"Our  patriotism  is  neither  sectional  nor  sectarian.  We  may  differ  in 
our  political  and  religious  beliefs,  but  we  are  united  for  country.  Loy 
alty  to  the  government  is  our  national  creed.  We  follow,  all  of  us,  one 
flag.  It  symbolizes  our  purposes  and  our  aspirations;  it  represents 
what  we  believe  and  what  we  mean  to  maintain;  and  wherever  it  floats, 
it  is  the  flag  of  the  free,  the  hope  of  the  oppressed;  and  wherever  it  is 
assailed,  at  any  sacrifice,  it  will  be  carried  to  a  triumphant  peace.  We 
have  more  flags  here  than  we  ever  had  before.  They  are  in  evidence 
everywhere.  I  saw  them  carried  by  the  little  ones  on  your  lawn." 


HOW  McKINLEY  FACED  THE  PEOPLE.  199 


SPEECH  AT  ANTIETAM  BATTLEFIELD,  MARYLAND,   MAY  30,   1900. 

"Mr.  Chairman  and  my  Fellow-Citizens:  I  appear  only  for  a  mo 
ment  that  I  may  make  acknowledgment  of  your  courteous  greeting  and 
express  my  sympathy  with  the  patriotic  occasion  for  which  we  have 
assembled  to-day. 

"In  this  presence  and  on  this  memorable  field  I  am  glad  to  meet  the 
followers  of  Lee  and  Jackson  and  Longstreet  and  Johnston,  with  the 
followers  of  Grant  and  McClellan  and  Sherman  and  Sheridan,  greeting 
each  other,  not  with  arms  in  their  hands  or  malice  in  their  souls,  but 
with  affection  and  respect  for  each  other  in  their  hearts.  Standing  here 
to-day,  one  reflection  only  has  crowded  my  mind — the  difference  be 
tween  this  scene  and  that  of  thirty-eight  years  ago.  Then  the  men  wrho 
wore  the  blue  and  the  men  who  wore  the  gray  greeted  each  other  with 
shot  and  shell,  and  visited  death  upon  their  respective  ranks.  We  meet, 
after  these  intervening  years,  as  friends,  with  a  common  sentiment,— 
that  of  loyalty  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  love  for  our  flag 
and  our  free  institutions, — and  determined,  men  of  the  North  and  men 
of  the  South,  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  the  honor  and  perpetuity  of  the 
American  nation. 

"My  countrymen,  I  am  glad,  and  you  are  glad  also,  of  that  famous 
meeting  between  Grant  and  Lee  at  Appomattox  Court  Housp.  I  am 
glad  we  were  kept  together — aren't  you? — glad  that  the  Union  was 
saved  by  the  honorable  terms  made  between  Grant  and  Lee  under  the 
famous  apple-tree;  and  there  is  one  glorious  fact  that  must  be  gratify 
ing  to  all  of  us — American  soldiers  never  surrendered  but  to  Ameri 
cans. 

"The  past  can  never  be  undone.  The  new  day  brings  its  shining  sun 
to  light  our  duty  now.  I  am  glad  to  preside  over  a  nation  of  nearly 
eighty  million  people,  more  united  than  they  have  ever  been  since  the 
formation  of  the  Federal  Union.  I  account  it  a  great  honor  to  partici 
pate  on  this  occasion  with  the  State  of  Maryland  in  its  tribute  to  the 
valor  and  heroism  and  sacrifices  of  the  Confederate  and  Union  armies. 
The  valor  of  the  one  or  the  other,  the  valor  of  both,  is  the  common 
heritage  of  us  all.  The  achievements  of  that  war,  every  one  of  them, 
are  just  as  much  the  inheritance  of  those  who  failed  as  those  who  pre 
vailed  ;  and  when  we  went  to  war  two  years  ago  the  men  of  the  South 


200  HOW  McKINLEY  FACED   THE  PEOPLE. 

and  the  men  of  the  North  vied  with  each  other  in  showing  their  devo 
tion  to  the  United  States.  The  followers  of  the  Confederate  generals 
with  the  followers  of  the  Federal  generals  fought  side  by  side  in  Cuba, 
in  Porto  Rico,  and  in  the  Philippines,  and  together  in  those  far-off 
islands  are  standing  to-day  fighting  and  dying  for  the  flag  they  love, 
the  flag  that  represents  more  than  any  other  banner  in  the  world,  the 
best  hopes  and  aspirations  of  mankind." 

It  had  not  been  the  purpose  of  the  President  to  speak  on  this  occa 
sion,  but  he  was  intensely  interested  in  the  scenes  and  incidents  of  the 
day  and  was  moved  to  speak  in  terms  that  came  from  the  heart  and 
reached  the  hearts  of  others. 


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CHAPTER    XIV. 

PRESIDENT   McKINLEY   AS  AN   ORATOR. 

His   Speeches   Before   the   People   Compared   with  those  of  Other  Famous  Americans- 
Extracts  that  Prove  His  Vast  Scope  of  Information  and  Power  of  Varied  Expression. 

One  of  the  traditions  of  the  American  people,  until  the  war  of  the 
States  and  sections,  held  it  unsafe  and  not  in  the  best  form  for  Presi 
dents,  or  candidates  for  the  great  office,  to  make  unofficial  addresses 
to  the  public.  The  responsibilities  of  the  Presidential  office  are  so  great 
there  has  been  a  feeling  the  President  himself  should,  with  rare  excep 
tions,  be  heard  only  in  State  papers,  and,  at  any  rate,  that  whatever 
he  might  have  to  say  should  be  reduced  to  writing,  that  there  could  be 
no  misreporting  or  uncertainty.  Of  the  earlier  Presidents,  John  Adams 
only  could  have  appeared  at  his  best  on  the  stump,  and  his  dignity,  as 
he  interpreted  it,  did  not  permit  him  to  make  so  free  with  the  people 
as  to  harangue  them  from  platforms.  The  three  great  public  speakers 
of  the  second  generation  of  American  statesmen — Webster,  Clay  and 
Calhoun — did  not  reach  the  great  office.  It  became  a  theory  largely 
accepted  that  an  orator  could  not  be  chosen  President.  Henry  Clay's 
failure  in  that  particular  was  the  example  most  cited  to  prove  that 
oratory  did  not  go  with  the  Presidency,  but  Clay's  weakness  as  a  candi 
date  was  letter  writing,  and  it  is  a  legend  still  afloat  that  he  wrote 
himself  out  of  the  Presidency  in  explanation  of  his  position  touching  the 
annexation  of  Texas.  He  damaged  himself  aiding  the  Free  Soil  defec 
tion  from  the  Whig  ranks,  in  a  speech  at  Richmond,  Indiana,  referring 
in  a  spirit  of  levity  to  the  fact  that  a  slave — his  property — accompanied 
him  as  a  servant.  He  offered  to  make  a  present  of  this  intelligent  black 
man  to  a  prominent  Abolitionist,  of  Richmond,  if  the  young  man  him 
self  would  approve  of  it.  This  was  a  startling  proposition  in  a  Quaker 
community.  Martin  Van  Buren  was  a  facile  writer  and  speaker,  but 
not  an  orator.  His  son,  "Prince  John,"  was  an  orator. 

As  a  public  speaker,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  far  superior  to  any  of  his 
predecessors  with  the  exception  of  John  Quincy  Adams;  but  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  as  President,  rarely  talked  directly  to  the  people.  He  read  his 
Gettysburg  speech  from  two  slips  of  paper  upon  which  he  had  written 

203 


204  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR. 

with  a  lead  pencil  what  he  had  to  say.  He  spoke  from  a  White  House 
window  after  the  surrender  of  Lee,  and  called  upon  the  band  of  music 
in  attendance  to  play  "Dixie,"  as  the  tune  had  been  "annexed"  to  our 
National  airs. 

Andrew  Johnson  had  some  reputation  and  conceit  of  oratory,  was 
exuberant  in  speech  and  often  strong,  but  his  swing  around  the  circle 
in  which  he  appealed  to  the  country  in  behalf  of  his  "policy"  as  against 
Congress,  was  not  a  fortunate  adventure.  It  lacked  dignity  in  the  eyes 
of  the  people,  but  failed  of  success. 

General  Grant's  reputation  when  he  became  President  was  that  of 
"the  silent  soldier,"  but  he  developepd  a  talent  for  pithy  conversational 
sayings  and  speeches  brief  and  telling,  so  that  he  became  a  good,  though 
by  no  means  gaudy,  after-dinner  speaker,  and  actually  took  the  stump 
for  Garfield,  winning  back  to  himself  all  hearts  that  had  turned  away 
from  him  on  account  of  the  third  term  candidacy.  Nothing  displayed 
in  a  more  pleasing  way  than  this  incident  illustrates,  the  greatness  and 
generosity  of  his  good  sense  and  the  genuineness  of  his  patriotic  sensi 
bility. 

President  Hayes  was  a  forcible  and  pleasing  public  speaker,  but 
not  to  be  classed  as  an  orator,  though  often  strong  and  effective.  He 
commanded  an  excellent  style,  but  his  best  faculty  in  preparing  public 
papers  was  his  ability  in  condensation. 

Presidential  eloquence  has  been  almost  a  Republican  peculiarity. 
The  oratorical  power  of  John  Quincy  Adams  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  combating  slavery  increase,  holds  him  in  the  remembrance 
of  the  American  people,  while  his  Presidential  literature  is  forgotten, 
though  it  was  excellent  of  its  kind,  and  he  is  hardly  to  be  named  among 
the  eloquent  Presidents,  for  he  developed  his  faculty  of  speaking  when 
in  advanced  years  he  became  a  member  of  the  House. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  indebted  to  his  debates  with  Douglas  for 
National  reputation  and  advancement  to  the  first  place;  and  this  was 
enhanced  by  his  messages,  letters  and  the  Gettysburg  oration. 

James  A.  Garfield  was  a  born  orator  of  immense  capacity,  and 
after  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  made  a  series  of  speeches 
along  the  Erie  Railroad  from  New  York  to  Warren,  Ohio,  including  a 
stop  and  speech  at  Chaufauqua,  This  was  regarded  a  daring  expedi 
tion,  but  proved  a  successful  movement,  though  he  was  assailed  with 
bitter  vehemence. 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR.  205 

Horace  Greeley,  in  1872,  made  a  series  of  speeches  during  a  tour  in 
the  Ohio  Valley  that  proved  his  intellect  was  never  brighter  or  his 
remarkable  command  of  language  greater  than  just  before  the  darkly 
shadowed  end  of  his  career. 

Mr.  Elaine  well  knew,  when  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  that 
the  chances  were  against  him,  but  his  Western  tour  was  a  splendid 
showing  of  his  potentiality,  and  he  believed  with  great  confidence  it  would 
turn  the  tide  and  win  the  fight.  The  idea  has  seized  many  that  he 
lost  the  Presidency  through  errors  on  the  stump,  but  it  is  not  true. 
The  famous  Delmonico  banquet  was  opposed  to  his  judgment,  and  he 
yielded  with  extreme  reluctance  to  the  urgency  of  his  friends,  repeat 
edly  exercised,  to  accept  the  invitation  to  attend  the  function;  and 
the  banquet  itself  was  gotten  up  to  aid  in  replenishing  the  campaign 
fund.  The  mistake  involving  him  in  the  Birchard  incident  was  simply 
an  omission  while  the  Doctor  was  speaking  to  listen  to  what  he  was 
saying — Mr.  Elaine  at  the  moment  thinking  of  what  he  was  himself  to 
say,  and  framing  his  sentences;  and  so  the  celebrated  alliteration  es 
caped  his  notice,  but  the  stenographers  of  the  Democratic  Committee 
caught  the  fatal  phrase,  and  in  a  few  hours  were  using  it  loudly,  and 
they  made  it  flamboyant  in  posters  all  over  the  country.  Mr.  Elaine, 
in  his  speeches  as  a  Presidential  candidate,  reached  on  several  occasions 
a  great  height  and  rare  felicity.  There  is  a  masterly  appeal  in  his 
speech  near  his  birthplace,  when,  pointing  to  the  Monongahela,  he 
opened  with  the  words,  "I  was  born  on  the  banks  of  yonder  river;"  and 
continued  in  a  fascinating  strain  of  reminiscence  and  application  of 
the  principles  that  he  advocated,  to  the  wants  of  the  country. 

President  Benjamin  Harrison  was  exceedingly  able  and  enlightened 
in  discretion,  as  well  as  courage,  when  he  received  the  delegations  of 
Republicans  that  crowded  upon  him  at  his  residence  in  Indianapolis. 
His  policy  of  speech-making  was  to  have  one  thought,  point  or  idea 
before  him  as  a  text,  whenever,  and  that  was  very  often — half  a  dozen, 
even  a  dozen  times  a  day — he  faced  a  multitude  gathered  in  his  door- 
yard  and  filling  the  street;  and,  of  course,  a  speech  was  insisted  upon. 
At  last  all  the  country  wondered  at  his  versatility — his  constant  fresh 
ness  of  study,  theme  and  expression  and  the  Aptitude  and  power  of  his 
utterances.  His  friends  were  for  a  while  timid  about  his  much  speak 
ing,  but  found  him  so  admirably  equipped  that  apprehension  gave  way 
to  applause  and  adulation.  President  Harrison  exceeded  all  his  prede- 


206  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR. 

cessors  in  his  wayside  speaking,  crossing  the  Continent,  making  speeches 
in  nearly  all  the  Southern,  Central  and  all  the  Pacific  States.  Perhaps 
that  which  is  best  remembered  is  his  poetic  apostrophe  to  the  cornfields, 
when  he  returned  to  "the  land  of  the  cornstalk." 

Governor  McKinley  met  the  delegations  at  Canton  when  first  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency,  as  Harrison  met  them  at  Indianapolis, 
and  his  front  yard  flowers  and  grasses  and  shrubbery  and  fences,  and 
gradually  the  lower  limbs  of  the  trees,  passed  away  as  those  of  his  pre 
decessor,  in  like  manner,  but  the  delegations  multiplied  on  McKinley 
and  swarmed  so  that  on  several  occasions  he  addressed  thirty  in  a  day. 
His  energy  and  variety  in  this  work  were  astonishing ;  and  he  increased 
his  labors  by  insisting  all  through  upon  knowing  what  was  to  be  said  to 
him  by  the  passionate  orators  who  came  to  introduce  their  fellow  citi 
zens,  and  were  prone  to  flights  of  eloquence.  This  painstaking  was  that 
he  might  not  meet  a  Birchard  disaster.  His  vigilance  was  ceaseless. 
He  got  through  marvelously,  without  having  any  mischief  done  by 
those  who  talked  to  him,  or  saying  anything  himself  that  could  Ke 
turned  against  him,  though  his  freedom  and  force  were  noticeable.  He 
was  guarded  by  an  invisible,  but  impenetrable  armor — that  of  the 
inherent  integrity  of  his  character,  the  purity  of  his  private  life,  the 
ready  stores  of  information  of  public  affairs  gathered  in  his  education 
of  four  years  in  the  army  and  twenty  years  in  public  service,  sixteen  in 
Congress  and  four  as  Governor  of  his  State.  There  was  a  transparency 
about  him,  as  well  as  a  translucency  in  his  treatment  of  themes,  and  he 
spoke  right  on  with  all  sincerity  and  good  will,  while  the  flight  of 
arrows  poured  upon  him  never  scratched  him — perhaps  partly  because 
he  was  insensible  to  the  cautions  of  fear,  and  there  were  no  records  he 
cared  to  obscure.  His  strong  point  as  a  public  speaker  had  been  from 
the  days  of  his  first  prominence  in  affairs,  the  note  of  sincerity  in  all 
his  sayings.  The  people  knew  he  was  glad,  happy,  pleased,  when  he  said 
he  was.  He  confided  in  them  and  they  believed  in  him.  Since  the  duties 
of  the  President  became  his  official  burden,  he  was  personally  very 
much  in  contact  with  the  people  at  large — to  a  greater  extent  than  any 
other  President  of  the  United  States  during  his  term  of  service.  Owing 
to  the  feebleness  of  the  health  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  the  President  did  not 
visit  the  Pacific  States  during  his  first  term;  but  he  was  repeatedly 
in  the  Southern  States  speaking  in  the  old  Confederate  capitals,  Mont 
gomery  and  Eichmond — also  in  Atlanta  and  Savannah  and  through 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR.  207 

Missouri,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  the  Virginias  and  Kentucky.  He  fre 
quently  visited  Ohio,  the  old  Middle  and  the  New  England  States. 
Boston,  New  York  and  Philadelphia  knew  him  well,  and  so  did  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Wabash  countries,  the  great  cities  of  Pittsburg 
and  Chicago,  and  all  the  principal  places  in  the  Northwestern  States. 
He  was  long  a  familiar  figure  in  Wisconsin,  Iowa,,  Kansas,  Nebraska 
and  the  Dakotas;  and  the  unofficial  speeches  delivered  from  platforms 
—the  President  talking  to  the  people — are  voluminous  and  of  the  great 
est  variety,  covering  all  subjects  of  serious  public  concern  aptly  and 
amply. 

The  President  adhered  throughout  to  his  original  purpose  not  to 
make  speeches  during  the  campaign,  that  determined  often  a  tre 
mendous  struggle  that  his  administration  was  to  be  of  the  old  pattern 
of  two  terms.  His  deeds  spoke  for  him.  In  a  degree  most  unusual  in 
the  life  of  a  public  man,  the  policy  with  which  he  had  been  identified 
had  completely  triumphed,  and  as  it  has  prevailed  the  country  has  pros 
pered  ;  and  the  war  forced  upon  him  was  a  phenomenon  of  military  suc 
cess.  His  fortunate  career  covers  events  of  the  greatest  magnitude, 
both  in  peace  and  war,  and  the  glory  of  his  victories  is  so  clear  there 
was  an  effort  to  cloud  them  with  the  word  "imperialism,"  which  in  our 
affairs  becomes  an  epithet  without  application,  unless  by  common  con 
sent  it  is  held  to  mean  that  the  power  of  our  country  gives  us  foremost 
rank  among  the  empires  of  the  world.  That  rank  belongs  to  us  by  vir 
tue  of  our  great  population,  almost  equal  to  that  of  Germany  and 
France  together,  to  the  natural  resources  of  our  country,  greater  than 
all  Europe,  to  the  adventurous  spirit  of  our  citizens,  their  enormous 
works  of  internal  improvement,  the  gigantic  development  through  their 
handiwork  of  the  riches  of  the  continent  we  occupy;  and  with  these 
resources,  advantages  that  are  unparalleled,  and  in  our  situation,  com 
manding  both  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  Oceans,  we  are  at  last  simply 
accepting  the  manifest  destiny  that  was  before  the  eyes  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Revolution  and  has  been  developing  through  the  decades  of  our 
advancement  for  more  than  a  century.  This  pre-eminence  of  an  Ameri 
can  Power  has  at  last  become  so  obvious  that  it  is  taken  into  account 
by  all  other  nations,  and  there  is  no  harmful  ambition  in  recognizing 
the  fact  that  pertains  to  ourselves,  and  certainly  nothing  that  affects 
the  Republicanism  of  our  institutions,  because  they  have  developed  a 
majesty  of  force  that  is  more  than  imperial,  as  that  word  is  applied  to 


208  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR. 

empires,  and  has  given  a  free  people  a  government  that  is  stronger 
than  any  which  rests  upon  a  dynasty  or  is  supported  by  millions  of 
bayonets. 

A  collection  has  been  made  of  the  President's  speeches  from  the  time 
he  left  his  home  at  Canton  to  enter  upon  his  duties  of  the  Presidency, 
to  his  speech  of  May  30th,  1900,  on  the  Antietam  battlefield.  They  are 
in  book  form,  placed  in  chronological  order,  published  as  they  were 
spoken,  and  "most  of  them  from  the  stenographers'  notes."  We  propose 
here  to  present  the  essentials  of  this  mass  of  matter  arranged  with  a 
view  of  grouping  the  utterances  so  as  to  present  in  historical  associa 
tion  themes  rather  than  times,  and  these  speeches  are  the  proof  always 
of  his  breadth  and  fertility  of  mind. 

Leaving  his  home,  Canton,  Ohio,  for  Washington,  March  1st,  1897, 
President  McKinley  said,  such  was  the  gravity  of  the  Chief  Magistracy 
that  "partisanship  could  not  blind  judgment  or  accept  any  other  con 
sideration  than  the  public  good  of  all,  of  every  party  and  every  section." 

Nominated  for  a  second  term  with  a  unanimity  that  has  no  parallel 
save  in  that  of  President  Grant,  President  McKinley  returned  to 
his  old  home  as  the  most  restful  spot  in  the  land  to  pass  the  time  during 
which  occurred  the  popular  agitations  and  contentions  preceding  the 
momentous  verdict  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  whether  the 
policy  of  the  Administration  should  be  continued,  if  the  life  of  the 
President  and  his  ability  were  spared  for  a  second  term.  Since  Andrew 
Jackson,  but  two  Presidents  have  been  elected  for  two  consecutive 
terms,  Lincoln  and  Grant.  President  McKinley  was  by  force  of  events 
overruled  in  his  preference  for  retirement  at  the  close  of  his  first  term, 
in  the  course  of  which,  striving  to  keep  the  peace,  he  was  compelled  to 
lift  the  sword  and  become  a  war  President,  after  withstanding  the 
headlong  drift  and  drive  into  hostilities  so  long  that  the  rudest  of  those 
who  shouted  in  Congress  for  war  said  the  White  House  "should  be 
painted  black,"  because  the  President  shrank  from  accepting  the  issues 
as  of  a  nature  that  made  bloodshed  a  necessity.  Those  who  were  fiercest 
for  war  were  foremost  in  denouncing  the  policy  of  the  fathers  when 
they  were  victorious  in  gaining  land  for  the  people.  In  his  inaugural 
address,  March  4th,  1897,  President  McKinley  said:  "Our  faith  teaches 
that  there  is  no  safer  reliance  than  upon  the  God  of  our  fathers,  who 
has  so  singularly  favored  the  American  people  in  every  national  trial, 
and  who  will  not  forsake  us  so  long  as  we  obey  his  commandments 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR.  209 

and  walk  humbly  in  his  footsteps."  Then  he  said  his  responsibilities 
were  "augmented  by  the  prevailing  business  conditions,  entailing  idle 
ness  upon  willing  labor  and  loss  to  useful  enterprises.  The  country  is 
suffering  from  industrial  disturbances  from  which  speedy  relief  must 
be  had.  Our  financial  system  needs  some  revision;  our  money  is  all 
good  now,  but  its  value  must  not  further  be  threatened."  This  was 
sound  to  the  core,  but  did  not  satisfy  some  of  the  specialists.  What  the 
President  said  was  the  keynote  of  the  policy  of  prosperity.  The  con 
ditions  of  the  country  were  discussed  in  the  inaugural  address  calmly 
and  writh  deep  intelligence.  There  is  in  these  words  history,  prophecy 
and  promise:  "The  depression  of  the  past  four  years  has  fallen  with 
especial  severity  upon  the  great  body  of  toilers  of  the  country,  and 
upon  none  more  than  the  holders  of  small  farms.  Agriculture  has  lan 
guished  and  labor  suffered.  The  revival  of  manufacturing  will  be  a 
relief  to  both."  The  President  prepared  at  once  to  trust  Congress  to  do- 
the  work  of  the  people,  and  announced:  "I  shall  deem  it  my  duty  as 
President  to  convene  Congress  in  extraordinary  session  on  Monday,  the 
15th  day  of  March,  1897."  In  his  first  public  address  after  his  first 
inauguration  at  the  dedication  of  the  Grant  monument,  President.  Mc- 
Kinley  said:  "The  veteran  leaders  of  the  blue  and  the  gray  here  meet, 
not  only  to  honor  the  name  of  the  departed  Grant,  but  to  testify  to  the 
living  reality  of  a  fraternal  national  spirit,  which  has  triumphed  over 
the  differences  of  the  past  and  transcends  the  limitations  of  sectional 
lines.  Its  completion,  which  we  pray  God  to  speed,  will  be  the  nation's 
greatest  glory." 

Here  is  the  clear  note  of  conciliation,  the  respectful  concern  to  unite 
the  country,  that  the  sections  that  waged  war  with  each  other  should 
be  absorbed  into  the  common  country.  In  his  speech  at  Nashville,  June 
llth,  1897,  at  the  Centennial  Exposition  of  that  State,  the  President 
said  of  it,  as  a  Territory  Spain  had  sought  to  "possess  it  by  right  of 
discovery  as  a  part  of  Florida.  France  claimed  it  by  right  of  cession  as 
a  part  of  Louisiana  and  England  as  hers  by  conquest.  But  neither  con 
tention  could  for  an  instant  be  recognized."  Here  is  a  history  that 
should  be  sounded  through  the  land,  showing  that  the  original  belit- 
tlers  of  our  country  in  purpose  were  persistently  the  Spaniards,  French 
and  British.  Precisely  the  policy  of  the  Spaniards,  British  and  French 
to  force  our  country  to  be  small — tbeir  attempted  prevention  of  expan 
sion,  and  this  was  presumed  and  urged  after  our  union  was  formed; 


210  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AS  AN   ORATOR. 

and  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Belittlement  of  America  which  was  over 
come  by  the  enterprise  and  courage  of  our  countrymen,  is  that  of  the 
alleged  anti-imperialists,  who  proclaimed  the  same  old  doctrine  of  the 
Spanish,  French  and  British,  who  unitedly  were  against  permitting 
the  possibilities  of  a  great  America.  They  tried  to  withhold  the  land 
on  which  it  could  be  established.  The  wisdom  of  the  Fathers  was  too 
luminous,  courageous  and  warlike  to  allow  the  great  powers  of  Europe 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  years  ago  to  cut  down  our  country  on  this 
Continent.  We  have  had  just  such  public  enemies  to  deal  with  in  a 
small  way  ever  since.  Their  principles  had  their  origin  in  Royal  Jeal 
ousies  and  Dynastic  ambitions  and  in  the  apprehensions  of  foreign  des 
pots.  Our  friend  in  the  Revolution,  Bourbon  France,  was  opposed  when 
the  war  was  over  to  a  great  free  country  in  America.  Spain,  of  course, 
claimed  everything,  wanted  the  whole  Gulf  coast,  and  to  include  the 
State  of  Tennessee  in  her  possessions.  The  French  wanted  everything 
beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  British  wanted  the  Ohio  country,  all  the 
States  that  are  between  the  Allegheny  and  the  Mississippi  River.  The 
great  personal  influence  that  prevented  the  success  of  this  conspiracy 
of  European  powers  against  the  greatness  of  America  was  that  of  Ben 
jamin  Franklin.  He  was  an  expansionist.  He  made  an  effort  to  per 
suade  the  British  Government  that  they  would  find  their  account  in  a 
generous  policy  toward  the  English  speaking  colonies  that  were  free, 
but  wisdom  was  lacking,  for  the  idea  of  a  great,  free  America  was  not 
received  with  favor  by  any  of  the  monarchies. 

The  great  political  contest  of  1900  in  the  United  States  was  con 
ducted  with  extraordinary  energy,  and  was  regarded  with  unusual 
interest  in  all  civilized  countries,  and  its  reputation  for  uncommon  con 
sequence  spread  to  the  remote  islands.  It  was  the  feeling  of  informed 
persons  that  the  result  in  the  United  States  would  extraordinarily  im 
press  the  world  at  large  favorably  if  McKinley  was  elected,  with  a 
Congress  to  sustain  the  features  of  his  policy;  and  that  his  defeat  would 
be  reactionary  against  Republicanism  and  discredit  the  Republican 
form  of  government.  The  result  was  glorious  and  auspicious.  The 
glory  of  our  country  was  increased,  its  power  augmented,  its  character 
elevated,  and  the  march  of  human  progress  broadened  and  hastened. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE    HOME    LIFE    OP    OUR    MARTYRED    PRESIDENT. 

Its  Sacredness  and  Sorrows,  Beauty  and  Tenderness — It  was  a  Sanctuary  of  Love 
and  Devotion — How  the  News  of  His  Election  to  the  Presidency  was  Received 
at  His  Canton  Home. 

Those  who  have  had  the  privilege  of  seeing  the  home  life  of  our  late 
President  must  approach  the  subject  of  conveying  some  impression  of 
it  to  others  with  a  sense  that  this  is  a  house  of  holiness  and  with  the 
feeling  that  the  rude  shoes  should  be  taken  from  the  feet  of  one  who 
intrudes,  for  indeed  it  is  holy  ground. 

The  writer  has  been  in  the  Canton  home — the  one  best  loved  of  all— 
the  home  where  so  many  years  were  spent — the  Ebbitt  House  in  Wash 
ington — the  home  at  Columbus  for  the  two  terms  there  of  Governor 
McKinley — in  travel  in  the  Adirondacks  and  by  Lake  Champlain — and 
in  the  grand  old  White  House — and  everywhere  saw  the  President  and 
wife  one  and  inseparable,  and  felt  that  there  was  constantly  dis 
tinguishable  sweetness  and  brightness  mingled  with  the  pathos  of 
irreparable  loss,  and  that  which  was  ever  present,  never  clouded,  was 
a  fondness,  a  loveliness,  love  itself,  pure  and  true  forever,  unendless 
and  unchangeable  as  that  said  in  the  Bible  of  God — in  the  one  sentence 
that  shines  before,  above  and  beneath  the  rest,  "God  is  Love." 

When  Ida  Saxton  and  William  McKinley  were  married,  she  was 
remarkable  for  her  endowments  and  accomplishments,  the  strength  of 
her  character,  the  divine  and  the  afatal"  gift  of  beauty.  She  was  a 
sprightly  bride,  whose  father  was  the  "first  citizen"  of  the  city  of  Can 
ton,  a  most  honorable  title.  He  was  a  man  of  strength  of  will  and  char 
acter,  one  who  took  command  when  he  came  to  direct,  and  his  daughter 
Ida  was  his  idol.  He  was  opposed  to  the  way  girls  were  educated,  and 
had  Ida  trained  in  athletic  exercises.  It  is  especially  a  strange  contrast 
that  the  gentle  lady  who  shall  live  in  history  as  the  invalid  wife  of  the 
President,  the  quiet,  uncomplaining  lady  of  the  White  House,  weak  as 
a  child,  but  still  strong  as  a  child  in  winning  grace,  was  in  her  early 
youth  an  athlete.  Her  father  was  not  prejudiced  against  giving  the 
young  the  advantages  of  travel,  association  and  education  in  Europe, 

211 


212  THE  HOME  LIFE  OF  McKINLEY. 

and  he  sent  her  there,  and  when  she  returned  he  would  have  her  for  a 
clerk  in  his  banking  house,  and  through  the  window  where  her  desk 
stood  she  saw  every  day  marching  up  the  street  to  his  law  office,  a 
young  hero  from  the  great  war,  who  had  won  glory  on  the  field  of  battle, 
and,  fascinated  with  the  strenuous  life  of  warfare,  desired  to  be  a  mili 
tary  man,  but  was  dissuaded  by  his  father,  who  was  proud  of  his 
soldier  son, but  believed  first  in  the  ways  of  peace.  And  Ida  and  William 
—it  is  the  old  story  and  the  sweet  one — loved  each  other  and  were  mar 
ried,  and  the  house  in  Canton,  now  famous  forever,  was  the  wedding 
present  of  the  first  citizen  to  his  daughter,  and  there  they  spent  their 
earliest  honeymoon,  for  all  the  moons  of  their  lives  were  beautiful  to 
them.  Two  children,  Kate  and  Ida,,  came  to  them  and  tarried  but  a 
little  while  when  the  angels  came  and  carried  them  away.  The  angels 
of  the  house  were  taken  almost  in  company,  for  the  younger  lingered 
but  a  few  days  later  than  her  sister,  and  the  mother's  health  was  shat 
tered  and  she  became  what  the  world  has  known,  and  more  than  the 
world  can  know;  and  the  childless  couple  gave  their  love  to  each  other 
as  they  mingled  their  sorrows,  and  they  became  to  each  other  more 
and  more  as  the  years  came  with  burdens  and  honors,  but  over 
all  the  homes  there  was  the  shadow  of  a  cloud  that  will  pass  away  when 
the  strong  man  who  has  gone  before  the  delicate  woman  welcomes  her 
in  the  white  light  that  abides,  and  the  family  circle  is  complete  in  the 
perfect  day. 

When  that  excellent  and  admirable  woman,  the  wife  of  President 
Hayes,  was  in  the  White  House  there  was  a  young  Congressman  from 
the  same  State  who  was  a  comrade  of  President  Hayes  in  the  fierce 
battles  in  the  valley  of  Virginia  and  at  South  Mountain  and  Antietam, 
and  whenever  the  tide  of  battle  rolled  with  many  thunders  to  and  fro 
along  the  Shenandoah  and  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  Colonel  of  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry  had  marked  William  McKinley  when 
he  was  in  the  ranks  with  a  musket  for  near  two  years,  and  he  knew  his 
capacity  and  sought  to  give  the  regiment  and  the  country  the  benefit  of 
promotion  for  gallant  service  as  an  enlisted  man.  The  White  House 
was  one  of  the  homes  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  when  the  Major  was 
in  his  congressional  career. 

In  the  Ebbitt  House  was>  arranged  the  Congressman's  office,  with 
books  and  documents,  where  as  a  public  man  he  saw  constituents  and 
the  friends  that  came  from  broader  spaces.  On  the  other  side  was  the 


THE  HOME  LIFE  OF  McKINLEY.  213 

invalid  wife.  The  rooms  were  at  the  end  of  a  hall  looking  upon  Four 
teenth  street,  and  with  the  doors  open  on  both  sides  the  wife  could  knit 
and  the  husband  write. 

When  he  and  Mrs.  McKinley  entered  the  White  House  and  the 
Executive  mansion  became  their  home,  they  were  not  strangers  there, 
for  they  had  for  years  been  guests  always  sure  of  welcome  that  was 
full  of  friendship  and  affection.  Owing  to  the  Spanish  war  President 
McKinley  spent  a  great  deal  of  the  summer  time,  because  it  ^Tas  a  mili 
tary  necessity,  in  Washington.  Whenever  in  the  White  House  the  one 
certain  thing  was  that  if  he  was  seen  Mrs.  McKinley  was  not  far  away. 
In  the  summer  his  retreat  in  the  evening  with  his  cigar  and  friends  was 
the  South  Portico,  which  was  designed  to  be  the  front  of  the  house, 
overlooking  the  Potomac.  But  the  people  have  had  their  own  way  in 
Washington,  as  was  constitutional  and  becoming.  It  was  the  grand 
design  when  the  Capitol  was  located  that  Washington  city  should  grow 
eastward,  but  the  White  House  was  placed  a  mile  west  and  the  growth 
ran  that  way.  The  South  Portico  of  the  White  House  was  sometimes  a 
good  place  to  test  the  Potomac  mosquito,  and  it  took  a  good  deal  of 
cigar  smoke  to  drive  the  enterprising  insect  away. 

The  President's  way  of  speaking  to  his  wife  was  to  call  her  "Ida," 
and  as  he  called  there  was  music  in  his  voice.  There  was  not  only  love 
in  his  tone,  but  a  fine  deference,  and  her  pale  face  always  brightened 
when  he  called  her  name.  One  summer's  day  in  Canton,  it  was  the  18th 
of  June,  1896,  Waterloo  Day,  there  were  a  score  of  guests  at  the  Mc 
Kinley  home,  and  a  great  commotion  was  going  on  at  St.  Louis.  Gov 
ernor  McKinley,  he  was  called  then,  had  been  sitting  at  his  desk  on  one 
side  of  the  hall  with  half  a  dozen  men  around,  and  his  wife  was  in 
her  parlor  across  the  hall  surrounded  by  ladies,  among  them  the  Major's 
revered  mother.  As  the  President  waited  and  marked  a  card  on  which 
were  printed  the  names  of  the  States  and  numbers  of  electoral  votes 
they  had,  he  was  computing  the  number  of  votes  the  several  candidates 
for  the  Presidency  were  receiving.  A  veteran  observer  by  his  side 
noticed  that  he  was  humming  low  and  softly  an  air — and  it  was  "Ban- 
nockburn" — the  Scotch  war  blood  telling.  The  Major  did  not  know  he 
was  singing  "Welcome  to  your  gory  bed,  or  to  glorious  victory."  Over 
the  wires  came  the  Ohio  vote,  "William  McKinley  42  votes,"  and  the 
Major  arose  and  crossed  the  hall  and,  bending  over  his  wife,  said,  "Ida, 
the  vote  of  Ohio  has  nominated  me."  She  kissed  him  and  he  turned  to 


214  THE  HOME  LIFE   OF  McKINLEY. 

his  mother,  who  put  her  arms  around  his  neck,  kissed  him,  shed  a  few 
tears,  and  said  something  that  was  for  him  alone.  At  this  moment  there 
sounded  the  first  of  one  hundred  guns,  and  the  clamor  of  steam 
whistles,  the  joyous  clang  of  many  bells,  and  ten  thousand  people 
ran  for  the  McKinley  home. 

There  was  a  time  a  few  years  ago  that,  suddenly  and  out  of  a  clear 
sky,  there  lowered  upon  William  McKinley  a  dark  storm  cloud  that 
seemed  certain  for  a  time  to  sweep  away  from  him  the  ambition  to  be 
maintained  among  the  few  immortals — to  hold  the  great  office  of  our 
great  country — the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  He  had  a  friend 
who  had  been  good  to  him,  and  trusted  him  so  as  to  confer  a  sense  of 
obligation  it  was  not  unpleasing  to  feel,  and  that  it  would  be  a  grateful 
thing  to  aid  in  return.  His  friend  had  ill-fortune  and  the  then  Gov 
ernor  McKinley  supported  the  friend  by  assisting  him — "going  security." 
There  was  a  crash,  and  all  the  savings  that  had  been  thriftily  accumu 
lated  and  carefully  handled  were  wiped  out.  Mrs.  McKinley  instantly 
offered  freely  her  whole  fortune  inherited  from  her  father,  and  it  was 
enough  to  pay  all  obligations.  The  resolve  of  William  McKinley  himself 
was  to  abandon  public  life  and  devote  himself  to  paying  his  debts  by 
giving  his  whole  time  to  the  law  business.  He  felt  amply  able  to  do  this, 
and  no  doubt  the  task  would  have  been  accomplished,  for  McKinley 
was  a  strong  man  and  had  the  confidence  of  the  people.  He  was  a  good 
lawyer.  There  were  business  engagements  open  to  him,  and  his  rnind 
was  made  up  to  pay  debts  first  of  all,  and  that  was  incompatible  with 
politics.  There  must  be  no  more  office-holding  or  seeking.  But  he  had 
friends  who  felt  the  country  at  large  had  a  great  interest  in  the  continu 
ance  of  the  public  life  of  McKinley.  Three  or  four  of  them  got  together 
and  formed  a  committee,  unknown  to  the  Governor,  and  there  were  many 
who  thought  it  would  be  a,  privilege  to  aid  the  Governor  to  pay  the  obliga 
tion  that  represented  gratitude  and  generosity.  This  was  an  easy  task 
to  perform.  The  matter  was  taken  out  of  the  Governor's  hands.  The 
first  thing  was  to  refuse  Mrs.  McKinley's  money,  and  the  next  to  mention 
the  accomplished  fact  that  there  was  no  impediment,  but  the  Governor 
could  when  he  would,  as  he  did,  pay  his  debts ;  and  the  country  owes  the 
managers  of  this  affair  a  debt  for  the  delicacy  and  energy  they 
displayed  and  the  deftness  with  which  they  set  aside  self-sa,crificing 
purposes  of  Mrs.  and  Mr.  McKinley,  for  it  would  have  been  agreeable  and 


TEE  HOME  LIFE 'OF  McKINLEY.  215 

delightful  for  both  of  them  to  have  put  public  cares  away  and  been  happy 
in  each  other's  happiness. 

There  never  was  more  flagrant  injustice  done  man  or  woman  than 
in  that  public  feeling  sometimes  breaking  out  under  the  cultivation  of 
the  hostile  feeling  and  reckless  fancies  of  those  who  were  unfriendly 
to  the  McKinleys.  It  has  been  assumed,  because  Mrs.  McKinley  was  like 
a  child  in  her  unaffected  expressions,  her  swift  flashes  of  conversation, 
and  her  boundless  confidence.  One  may  say  she  was  just  a  little  irritable 
when  she  felt  her  husband  was  not  appreciated  up  to  her  standard, 
which  was  a  very  high  and  exclusive  one.  He  was  her  hero,  her  lover, 
the  ever  kind  and  gentle  and  fond  true  lover,  and  it  kindled  the  poetry 
and  the  ambition  in  her  to  know  that  her  husband  was  one  honored 
throughout  the  earth.  That  only  declared  that  people  knew  him  as 
he  was.  The  stars  differ  in  their  glory,  and  yet  there  was  but  one  that 
shone  for  her  forever  from  a  serene  and  cloudless  sky.  It  was  the  morn 
ing  and  evening  star  for  her,  and  its  rays  were  fair  as  the  sunshine  and 
mild  as  the  moonlight  for  her.  Her  husband's  eyes,  that  she  looked 
into  with  love,  shone  back  at  her  with  equal  love  and  adoration.  It 
was  often  said  that  he  sacrificed  himself  for  her,  but  that  was  only 
true  in  one  sense  and  if  he  was  making  a  sacrifice  he  never  knew  it, 
and  would  not  have  cared  if  he  had  known.  It  was  sometimes  feared 
by  those  who  knew  her  husband  well,  that  she  needed  in  the  colder 
seasons  to  be  in  so  warm  an  atmosphere,  that  he  was  in  it  so  much 
that  it  made  him  susceptible  to  colds,  and  it  was  feared  that  his  habitual 
living  in  rooms  more  heated  than  would  have  been  the  better  for  him, 
might  do  him  an  injury.  But  it  was  not  his  own  comfort  he  thought  of. 
If  his  wife  was  well  for  her  to  be,  that  was  happiness  and  healthfulness 
for  him,  and  she  was  always  sweet  as  summer  to  him  and  for  him.  If 
some  cynic  or  skeptic  ever  thought  he  played  a  part  in  his  beautiful 
attentions  to  his  wife,  the  idea  of  anything  artistic  would  have  van 
ished  forever  in  a  single  day's  journey  with  the  happy  couple.  Nat 
urally  the  President  was  much  occupied,  meeting  friends,  responding 
to  courtesies,  making  the  correct  acknowledgments  for  the  good  will 
lavished  upon  him,  but  however  occupied,  though  the  throng  was  great, 
and  the  pressure  upon  him  ceaseless,  he  found  time  very  often  to  be  at 
her  side,  to  invite  her  consideration  for  something  or  to  somebody, 
some  gift  of  flowers,  some  group  of  children,  or  of  ladies  curious  to  see 
her  and  pleased  with  her  enchanting  smile  and  bow  that  told  her  pleas- 


216  THE  HOME  LIFE   OF  McKINLEY. 

ure,  and  her  manner  that  sincere  as  the  kindly  light  of  her  eyes,  or  the 
glances  and  high-toned  politeness  to  which  she  responded,  as  if  to  say 
it  was  not  so  much  after  all  that  she  had  no  will  but  that  of  her  husband 
and  that  her  wishes  were  but  a  reflection  of  his.  There  was  an  error  in 
this  that  might  be  forgiven  if  true,  but  she  was  well  capable  of  having 
her  will  and  way.  She  had  one  ambition  that  stirred  her  to  execution 
—it  was  to  be  a  helper  of  her  husband,  to  do  her  part  in  the  functions 
that  pertained  to  his  exalted  office,  and  the  fact  that  he  was  her  husband 
and  was  the  brighter  and  stronger  when  she  was  nigh.  That  was  just  as 
certain  as  that  she  lived  for  him.  Indeed,  they  aided  each  other  to  live, 
so  that  when  apart  they  could  not  have  been  the  same  as  together.  Two 
instances  may  be  cited  of  Mrs.  McKinley's  exercise  of  her  sovereignty. 
It  was  a  dark  and  rainy  morning  on  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Champlain. 
There  was  gloom  on  the  sky  and  dashing  showers,  at  intervals  almost 
a  tempest,  with  torrents  falling,  as  is  in  summer  time  the  capricious  way 
of  the  New  England  and  New  York  mountains.  It  had  been  arranged 
that  the  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  Vice  President  Hobart  and  Mrs. 
Hobart,  Mrs.  Alger,  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  others  were  to 
travel  by  two  lines  of  rails — one  common  gauge  and  the  other  narrow 
—changing  cars,  of  course,  out  into  the  Adirondacks,  to  visit  the  grave 
of  old  John  Brown  and  see  the  lands  and  lakes,  the  streams  and  the 
forested  peaks  that  mingle  so  many  attractions.  It  seemed  like  a  most 
unsuitable  day  for  such  an  expedition.  The  President  did  not  feel  sure 
that  his  wife  should  go,  and  others  were  positive  in  saying  the  visit 
should  be  made  another  time,  but  Mrs.  McKinley  said  to  go,  of 
'course;  there  should  not  be  a  day  lost;  it  would  not,  in  all 
probability,  rain  all  day,  that  there  would  be  sunshine  enough  af 
ter  a  while.  Her  word  carried,  and  she  was  prophetic  about 
the  weather.  The  other  incident  promised  to  be  recited  as  testimony 
was  of  a  broader  bearing  and  had  in  it  a  tragic  association.  Among  her 
hard  trials  was  the  loss  of  a  beloved  brother,  who  was  the  subject 
and  victim  of  a  wild  spirit  of  vindictiveness.  The  President  was  en 
gaged  at  the  time  to  make  an  excursion,  and  she  was  to  be  with  him,  of 
course,  into  the  States  of  the  Northwest.  It  was  out  of  the  question 
under  the  circuir stances  for  her  to  make  the  journey.  She  was,  for  one 
thing,  grieved  deeply  by  the  death  of  her  brother — by  the  dreadful 
stroke  of  deadly  misfortune.  Her  rule  of  life  was  to  say,  in  the  words 
of  Ruth,  "Whithersoever  thou  goest  I  will  go,"  and  the  President  was 


THE  HOME  LIFE   OF  McKINLEY.  217 

unwilling  to  leave  her,  but  she  arose  to  the  occasion.  They  were  in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  and  she  found  what  her  duty  was  clearly,  as  she  under 
stood  it,  and  told  him  she  would  stay  and  he  must  go — it  was  her  duty 
to  stay  and  his  to  go.  She  took  the  initiative  and  changed  his  purpose, 
and,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  he  did  as  she  said ;  and  then,  as.  she  said,  she 
could  have  done  it  "only  for  his  sake,"  and  it  is  "for  his  sake"  that  she 
strives  to  bear  her  grief  and  live  on.  On  his  death  bed  he  inspired  her  to 
do  this  when  they  had  their  last  interview,  and  after  as  brave  a  struggle 
as  was  ever  endured  he  felt  at  length  the  failure  of  his  strength  and  said, 
"Thy  will  be  done." 

The  injustice  to  William  McKinley  that  has  seemed  to  those  who 
have  known  him  well  enough  to  be  sure  of  it — the  most  aggravating  that 
has  been  conceived  or  continued — is  translating  the  heroism  and  energy, 
the  glory  of  achievement,  of  his  life,  the  fame  that  has  filled  the  world, 
the  apparently  easy  tasks  have  been  fashioned  so  smoothly  that 
the  proportions  of  that  which  has  been  achieved  are  undervalued. 
There  is  even  yet  something  lacking  in  full  understanding,  that  though 
there  have  been  men  of  high  qualities,  masters  of  many  forces  about 
him,  still  the  wonderfully  successful  Administration  that  will  go  down 
to  the  remotest  generation  in  his  name,  and  that  rightfully  and  glori 
ously,  has  been  his  handiwork. 

He  saved  the  Cabinet  by  his  personal  services  in  the  three  Depart 
ments  that  especially  felt  the  pressure  of  the  war,  and  we  speak  of  the 
executive  offices  where  the  friction  was ;  and  among  those  who  lent  help 
ing  hands  when  and  where  most  needed  were  Roosevelt,  Corbin  and 
Day;  and  this  was  before  the  Cabinet  reached  the  harmony  of  organiza 
tion  and  the  efficiency  of  a  system  symmetrical  in  itself  of  the  latter 
years.  As  a  War  President  McKinley  was  of  the  first  rank,  and  if  the 
emergency  had  been  greater  there  would  have  been  a  greater  glory 
gained.  Like  other  great  men  who  have  done  great  good  works 
quietly,  he  has  been  fortunate  in  his  education  and  friends,  in  the  local 
ity  in  which  he  was  born,  in  a  nest  of  industry  in  immediate  touch  with 
the  resources  that  have  been  transmuted  into  immense  prosperity,  and  in 
this  relation  he  encountered  men  growing  out  of  the  same  soil  and 
atmosphere,  and  it  has  been  glorious  to  work  with  him.  There  are 
ample  spaces  for  those  friends  in  the  history  of  those  who  have  wrought 
success  with  honor.  There  is  an  era  in  our  country  that  will  be  known 
as  that  of  McKinley.  His  character  will  stand  forth  in  beauty  backed 


218  THE  HOME   LIFE   OF  McKINLEY. 

by  the  majesty  of  his  accomplishments,  and  will  wear  tile 
martyrdom  for  his  good  faith  and  the  wisdom  and  prosperity  with  whi^h 
he  has  materially  endowed  the  country,  that  will  remember  him  with  the 
same  pathos  that  came  with  the  remembrance  of  Garfield,  and  his  fig 
ure  will  be  lifted  up  among  the  august  group  of  Presidents  among 
whom  we  recognize  Washington,  Jefferson,  Lincoln  and  Grant.  Room 
there  for  McKinley;  and  the  pale  face  of  his  wife  will  be  always  in  re 
membrance  for  having  placed  around  his  illustrious  life  a  halo  of  the 
radiant  graces  and  sweetnesses  of  a  fond  and  beautiful  womanhood, 
which  will  be  one  of  the  choice  traditions  and  histories  that  enrich  the 
annals  of  the  nation. 


IDA  SAXTON  (MRS.  WILLIAM  McKINLEY). 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

McKINLEY'S    FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 

Opens  with  Courteous  Expressions  to  Foreign  Representatives — Praises  the  Exposition-- 
The  Beneficent  Use  of  the  Telegraph  in  Peace  and  War — A  Word  for  Reciprocal 
Treaties— A  Plea  for  the  Isthmian  Canal  and  a  Pacific  Cable. 

For  many  reasons  President  McKinley's  speech  at  the  Pan- American 
Exposition,  Thursday,  September  5th,  will  be  long  remembered  and  hold 
a  place  in  history.  It  was  the  last  day  of  the  President's  activity,  his 
last  public  utterance  and  one  of  the  most  important  of  his  addresses, 
remarkable  for  its  far  and  clear  look  into  the  future,  the  final  expres 
sion  of  his  pride  and  happiness  in  the  progress  of  the  country,  the 
prosperity  of  the  people,  and  our  standing  as  the  foremost  of  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  This  speech  was  the  farewell  address  of  President  McKin- 
ley,  and  if  it  had  been  known  to  him  that  it  was  to  be  his  leave-taking 
of  his  countrymen,  it  would  hardly  have  been  more  dignified  and 
impressive.  While  this  noble  speech  was  being  delivered,  the  appointed 
murderer,  who  gave  him  his  mortal  wound  the  next  day,  was  gliding  about 
the  Exposition  grounds  seeking  the  opportunity  to  assassinate  the  Presi 
dent,  The  knowledge  of  this  circumstance  will  forever  place  upon  this 
speech  the  distinction  of  delivery  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shadow  of  Death. 
It  was  a  day  on  which  his  beloved  wife  was  constantly  with  him. 

The  President  was  received  at  the  Exposition  with  all  the  ceremonial 
honors,  civil  and  military,  due  to-  his  office. 

Although  the  time  announced  for  the  departure  of  the  President  from 
the  home  of  Mr.  Milburn  in  Delaware  avenue  was  10  o'clock,  crowds 
began  to  assemble  in  front  of  the  house  as  early  as  9  o'clock.  A  detail 
of  police  kept  the  crowd  back  from  the  sidewalk  in  front  of  the  house, 
but  those  most  eager  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  President  and  Mrs.  McKin- 
ley  indiscriminately  invaded  the  lawns  of  the  adjoining  residences,  and 
some  even  went  so  far  as  to  climb  upon  the  verandas. 

Promptly  at  10  o'clock  the  President  emerged  from  the  home  of  Mr. 
Milburn,  Mrs.  McKinley  accompanying  him,  walking  by  his  side  with 
out  assistance.  A  burst  of  cheers  greeted  them,  which  the  President 
acknowledged  by  bowing  and  raising  his  hat. 

221 


222  McKlNLEY'S    FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 

An  escort  of  mounted  police  and  members  of  the  signal  corps  sur 
rounded  the  carriages,  and  the  cavalcade  set  out  for  the  Exposition 
grounds. 

At  the  entrance  to  the  Exposition  grounds  the  President  was  met  by 
detachments  of  the  United  States  marines  and  the  Seacoast  Artillery 
and  the  Sixty-fifth  and  Seventy- fourth  New  York  Regiments.  A  Presi 
dent's  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  was  fired.  The  President  was  at  once 
escorted  to  the  stand  erected  in  the  esplanade,  where  probably  the  great 
est  crowd  ever  assembled  there  greeted  him  with  repeated  cheers. 

There  was  almost  absolute  quiet  when  President  Milburn  arose  and 
introduced  the  President  as  follows: 

"Ladies  and  gentlemen,  the  President." 

The  great  audience  then  broke  out  with  a  mighty  cheer,  which  con 
tinued  as  President  McKinley  arose,  and  it  was  some  minutes  before  he 
was  able  to  proceed.  When  quiet  was  restored  the  President  spoke  as 
follows : 

"I  am  glad  to  be  again  in  the  City  of  Buffalo  and  exchange  greetings 
with  her  people,  to  whose  generous  hospitality  I  am  not  a  stranger,  and 
with  whose  good  will  I  have  been  repeatedly  and  signally  honored. 
To-day  I  have  additional  satisfaction  in  meeting  and  giving  welcome  to 
the  foreign  representatives  assembled  here,  whose  presence  and  partici 
pation  in  this  Exposition  have  contributed  in  so  marked  a  degree  to  its 
interests  and  success. 

"To  the  commissioners  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  the  British 
colonies,  the  French  colonies,  the  republics  of  Mexico  and  of  Central 
and  South  America,  and  the  commissioners  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  who 
share  with  us  in  this  undertaking,  we  give  the  hand  of  fellowship  and 
felicitate  with  them  upon  the  triumphs  of  art,  science,  education,  and 
manufacture  which  the  old  has  bequeathed  to  the  new  century. 

"Expositions  are  the  timekeepers  of  progress.  They  record  the  world's 
advancement.  They  stimulate  the  energy,  enterprise,  and  intellect  of  the 
people  and  quicken  human  genius.  They  go  into  the  home.  They  broaden 
and  brighten  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  They  open  mighty  storehouses 
of  information  to  the  student. 

"Every  exposition,  great  or  small,  has  helped  to  some  onward  step. 
Comparison  of  ideas  is  always  educational;  and  a®  such  instructs  the 
brain  and  hand  of  man.  Friendly  rivalry  follows,  which  is  the  spur  to 
industrial  improvement,  the  inspiration  to  useful  invention  and  to  high 


McKINLEY'S   FAREWELL   ADDRESS.  223 

endeavor  in  all  departments  of  human  activity.  It  exacts  a  study  of  the 
wants,  comforts,  and  even  the  whims  of  the  people  and  recognizes  the 
efficacy  of  high  quality  and  new  prices  to  win  their  favor. 

"The  quest  for  trade  is  an  incentive  to  men  of  business  to  devise, 
invent,  improve,  and  economize  in  the  cost  of  production.  Business  life, 
whether  among  ourselves  or  with  other  people,  is  ever  a  sharp  struggle 
for  success.  It  will  be  none  the  less  so  in  the  future.  Without  competi 
tion  we  would  be  clinging  to  the  clumsy  and  antiquated  process  of  farm 
ing  and  manufacture  and  the  methods  of  business  of  long  ago,  and  the 
twentieth  would  be  no  farther  advanced  than  the  eighteenth  century. 
But  though  commercial  competitors  we  are,  commercial  enemies  we  must 
not  be. 

"The  Pan-American  Exposition  has  done  its  work  thoroughly,  present 
ing  in  its  exhibits  evidences  of  the  highest  skill  and  illustrating  the 
progress  of  the  human  family  in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  This  portion  of 
the  earth  has  no  cause  for  humiliation  for  the  part  it  has  performed  in 
the  march  of  civilization.  It  has  not  accomplished  everything;  far  from 
it.  It  has  simply  done  its  best,  and  without  vanity  or  bashfulness,  and, 
recognizing  the  manifold  achievements  of  others,  it  invites  the  friendly 
rivalry  of  all  the  powers  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  trade  and  commerce, 
and  will  co-operate  with  all  in  advancing  the  highest  and  best  interests 
of  humanity.  The  wisdom  and  energy  of  all  the  nations  are  none  too 
great  for  the  world's  work.  The  success  of  art,  science,  industry,  and 
invention  is  an  international  asset  and  a  common  glory. 

"After  all,  how  near  one  to  the  other  is  every  part  of  the  world! 
Modern  inventions  have  brought  into  close  relation  widely  separated 
peoples  and  made  them  better  acquainted.  Geographic  and  political 
divisions  will  continue  to  exist,  but  distances  have  been  effaced.  Swift 
ships  and  fast  trains  are  becoming  cosmopolitan.  They  invade  fields 
which  a  few  years  ago  were  impenetrable.  The  world's  products  are 
changed  as  never  before,  and  with  increasing  transportation  facilities 
come  increasing  knowledge  and  trade.  Prices  are  fixed  with  mathe 
matical  precision  by  supply  and  demand.  The  world's  selling  prices  are 
regulated  by  market  and  crop  reports.  We  travel  greater  distances  in 
a  shorter  space  of  time  and  with  more  ease  than  was  ever  dreamed  of 
by  the  fathers. 

"Isolation  is  no  longer  possible  or  desirable.  The  same  important 
news  is  read,  though  in  different  languages,  the  same  day  in  all  Christen- 


224  McKINLEY'S   FAREWELL   ADDRESS. 

dom.  The  telegraph  keeps  us  advised  of  what  is  occurring  everywhere, 
and  the  press  foreshadows,  with  more  or  less  accuracy,  the  plans  and 
purposes  of  the  nations.  Market  prices  of  products  and  of  securities  are 
hourly  known  in  every  commercial  mart,  and  the  investments  of  the 
people  extend  beyond  their  own  national  boundaries  into  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  earth. 

"Vast  transactions  are  conducted  and,  international  exchanges  are 
made  by  the  tick  of  the  cable.  Every  event  of  interest  is  immediately 
bulletined.  The  quick  gathering  and  transmission  of  news,  like  rapid 
transit,  are  of  recent  origin,  and  are  only  made  possible  by  the  genius 
of  the  inventor  and  the  courage  of  the  investor. 

"It  took  a  special  messenger  of  the  Government  with  every  facility 
known  at  the  time  for  rapid  transit  nineteen  days  to  go  from  the  City  of 
Washington  to  New  Orleans  with  a  message  to  General  Jackson  that 
the  war  with  England  had  ceased  and  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed. 
How  different  now. 

"We  reached  General  Miles  in  Porto  Eico  by  cable  and  he  was  able 
through  the  military  telegraph  to  stop  his  army  on  the  firing  line  with 
the  message  that  the  United  States  and  Spain  had  signed  a  protocol  sus 
pending  hostilities.  We  knew  almost  instantly  of  the  first  shots  fired  at 
Santiago,  and  the  subsequent  surrender  of  the  Spanish  forces  was  known 
at  Washington  within  less  than  an  hour  of  its  consummation.  The  first 
ship  of  Cervera's  fleet  was  hardly  emerged  from  that  historic  harbor 
when  the  fact  was  flashed  to  our  capital,  and  the  swift  destruction  that 
followed  was  announced  immediately  through  the  wonderful  medium 
of  telegraphy. 

"So  accustomed  are  we  to  safe  and  easy  communication  with  distant 
lands  that  its  temporary  interruption  even  in  ordinary  times  results  in 
loss  and  inconvenience.  We  shall  never  forget  the  days  of  anxious  wait 
ing  and  awful  suspense  when  no  information  was  permitted  to  be  sent 
from  Pekin,  and  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  nations  in  China., 
cut  off  from  all  communication  inside  and  outside  of  the  walled  capital, 
were  surrounded  by  an  angry  and  misguided  mob  that  threatened  their 
lives;  nor  the  joy  that  thrilled  the  world  when  a  single  message  from 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  brought  through  our  Minister  the 
first  news  of  the  safety  of  the  besieged  diplomats. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  not  a  mile  of 
steam  railroad  on  the  globe.  Now  there  are  enough  miles  to  make  its 


McKlNLEY'S   FAREWELL   ADDRESS.  225 

circuit  many  times.  Then  there  was  not  a  line  of  electric  telegraph; 
now  we  have  a  vast  mileage  traversing  all  lands  and  all  seas.  God  and 
man  have  linked  the  nations  together.  No  nation  can  longer  be  indiffer 
ent  to  any  other.  And  as  we  are  brought  more  and  more  in  touch  with 
each  other  the  less-  occasion  is  there  for  misunderstanding  and  the 
stronger  the  disposition,  when  we  have  differences,  to  adjust  them  in  the 
court  of  arbitration,  which  is  the  noblest  forum  for  the  settlement  of 
international  disputes. 

"My  fellow  citizens,  trade  statistics  indicate  that  this  country  is  in 
a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  figures  are  almost  appalling. 
They  show  that  we  are  utilizing  our  fields  and  forests  and  mines  and 
that  we  are  furnishing  profitable  employment  to  the  millions  of  work- 
ingmen  throughout  the  United  States,  bringing  comfort  and  happiness  to 
their  homes  and  making  it  possible  to  lay  by  savings  for  old  age  and 
disability. 

"That  all  the  people  are  participating  in  this  great  prosperity  is  seen 
in  every  American  community  and  shown  by  the  enormous  and  unprece 
dented  deposits  in  our  savings  banks.  Our  duty  is  the  care  and  security 
of  these  deposits,  and  their  safe  investment  demands  the  highest  integrity 
and  the  best  business  capacity  of  those  in  charge  of  these  depositories  of 
the  people's  earnings. 

"We  have  a  vast  and  intricate  business  built  up  through  years  of  toil 
and  struggle,  in  which  every  part  of  the  country  has  its  stake,  which  will 
not  permit  of  either  neglect  or  of  undue  selfishness.  No  narrow,  sordid 
policy  will  subserve  it.  The  greatest  skill  and  wisdom  on  the  part  of  the 
manufacturers  and  producers  will  be  required  to  hold  and  increase  it. 

"Our  industrial  enterprises  which  have  grown  to  such  great  propor 
tions  affect  the  homes  and  occupations  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  of 
the  country.  Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously  and 
our  products  have  so  multiplied  that  the  problem  of  more  markets 
requires  our  urgent  and  immediate  attention. 

"Only  a  broad  and  enlightened  policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No 
other  policy  will  get  more.  In  these  times  of  marvelous  business  energy 
and  gain  we  ought  to  be  looking  to  the  future,  strengthening  the  weak 
places  in  our  industrial  and  commercial  systems  that  we  may  be  ready 
for  any  storm  or  strain. 

"By  the  sensible  trade  arrangements  which  will  not  interrupt  our 
home  production,  we  shall  extend  the  outlets  for  our  increasing  surplus. 


226  McKINLEY'S   FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 

"A  system  which  provides  a  mutual  exchange  of  commodities  is  mani 
festly  essential  to  the  continued  healthful  growth  of  our  export  trade. 
We  must  not  repose  in  fancied  security  that  we  can  forever  sell  every 
thing  and  buy  little  or  nothing.  If  such  a  thing  were  possible  it  would 
not  be  best  for  us  or  for  those  with  whom  we  deal.  We  should  take  from 
our  customers  such  of  their  products  as  we  can  use  without  harm  to  our 
industries  and  labor. 

"Reciprocity  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  industrial 
development  under  the  domestic  policy  now  firmly  established.  What 
we  produce  beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must  have  a  vent  abroad. 
The  excess  must  be  relieved  through  a  foreign  outlet,  and  we  should  sell 
everywhere  we  can,  and  buy  wherever  the  buying  will  enlarge  our  sales 
and  productions,  and  thereby  make  a  greater  demand  for  home  labor. 

"The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past.  The  expansion  of  our  trade  and 
commerce  is  the  pressing  problem.  Commercial  wars  are  unprofitable.  A 
policy  of  good  will  and  friendly  trade  relations  will  prevent  reprisals. 
Reciprocity  treaties  are  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the  times;  meas 
ures  of  retaliation  are  not. 

"If,  perchance,  some  of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed  for  revenue 
or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why  should  they  not 
be  employed  to  extend  and  promote  our  markets  abroad? 

"Then,  too,  we  have  inadequate  steamship  service.  New  lines  of 
steamers  have  already  been  put  in  commission  between  the  Pacific  coast 
ports  of  the  United  States  and  those  on  the  western  coasts  of  Mexico  and 
Central  and  South  America.  These  should  be  followed  up  with  direct 
steamship  lines  between  the  eastern  coast  of  the  United  States  and  South 
American  ports. 

"One  of  the  needs  of  the  times  is  direct  commercial  lines  from  our 
vast  fields  of  production  to  the  fields  of  consumption  that  we  have  but 
barely  touched.  Next  in  advantage  to  having  the  thing  to  sell  is  to  have 
the  convenience  to  carry  it  to  the  buyer. 

"We  must  encourage  our  merchant  marine.  We  must  have  more 
ships.  They  must  be  under  the  American  flag,  built  and  manned  and 
owned  by  Americans.  These  will  not  only  be  profitable  in  a  commercial 
sense,  they  will  be  messengers  of  peace  and  amity  wherever  they  go. 

"We  must  build  the  Isthmian  Canal,  which  will  unite  the  two  oceans 
and  give  a  straight  line  of  water  communication  with  the  western  coasts 


McKINLEY'S   FAREWELL    ADDRESS.  227 

of  Central  and  South  America  and  Mexico.  The  construction  of  a 
Pacific  cable  cannot  be  longer  postponed. 

"In  the  furtherance  of  these  objects  of  national  interest  and  concern 
you  are  performing  an  important  part.  This  exposition  would  have 
touched  the  heart  of  that  American  statesman  whose  mind  was  ever  alert 
and  thought  ever  constant  for  a  larger  commerce  and  a  truer  fraternity 
of  the  republics  of  the  new  world.  His  broad  American  spirit  is  felt  and 
manifested  here.  He  needs  no  identification  to  an  assembly  of  Americans 
anywhere,  for  the  name  of  Blaine  isi  inseparably  associated  with  the 
Pan-American  movement  which  finds  this  practical  and  substantial 
expression,  and  which  we  all  hope  will  be  firmly  advanced  by  the  Pan- 
American  congress  that  assembles  this  autumn  in  the  capital  of  Mexico. 

"The  good  work  will  go>  on.  It  cannot  be  stopped.  These  buildings 
will  disappear;  this  creation  of  art,  and  beauty,  and  industry  will 
perish  from  sight,  but  their  influence  will  remain  to 

Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving. 

"Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been  awakened,  the  ambi 
tions  fired,  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be  wrought  through  this 
exposition?  Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember  that  our  interest  is  in  con 
cord,  not  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence  rests  in  the  victories  of 
peace,  not  those  of  war.  We  hope  that  all  who  are  represented  here  may 
be  moved  to  higher  and  nobler  effort  for  their  own  and  the  world's  good, 
and  that  out  of  this  city  may  come  not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade 
for  us  all,  but  more  essential  than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect, 
confidence,  and  friendship,  which  will  deepen  and  endure. 

"Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  prosperity, 
happiness,  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors  and  like  blessings  to  all  the 
people  and  powers  of  the  earth." 

The  President's  speech  was  frequently  interrupted  with  applause, 
his  words  referring  to  the  establishment  of  reciprocal  treaties  with  other 
countries,  the  necessity  of  the  American  people  building  an  Isthmian 
canal  and  a  Pacific  cable,  and  his  reference  to  the  work  of  Blaine  in 
developing  the  Pan-American  idea,  bringing  forth  especially  enthusias 
tic  cheers. 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  address  a  large  number  of  people  broke 


\ 


228  McKINLEY'S   FAREWELL    ADDRESS. 


through  the  lines  around  the  stand,  and  the  President  held  an  impromptu 
reception  for  fifteen  minutes,  shaking  hands  with  thousands. 

The  carriages  were  then  brought  to  the  steps  of  the  stand,  and  the 
President,  accompanied  by  the  diplomatic  corps  and  specially  invited 
guests,  was  taken  to  the  stadium.  When  the  President  arrived  there  at 
11 :45  that  structure  was  crowded  to  the  last  inch  of  standing-room.  The 
troops  stood  at  attention,  while  the  President,  accompanied  by  Colonel 
Chapin  and  the  officers  in  command,  reviewed  them.  Cheer  after  cheer 
from  the  vast  assemblage  greeted  the  Chief  Executive  as  he  walked  from 
one  end  of  the  tribune  to  the  other  and  back  to  the  reviewing  stand. 

The  troops  then  marched  past  the  stand  and  performed  intricate 
maneuvers  for  fifteen  minutes. 

Mrs.  McKinley  left  that  stand  at  the  conclusion  of  the  speechmaking 
and  was  taken  to  the  Women's  Building,  where  she  was  entertained  by 
the  women  managers. 

From  the  stadium  the  President  proceeded  to  the  Canadian  Building, 
where  he  was.  met  by  the  Canadian  Commissioners  and  viewed  the  Cana 
dian  exhibits.  He  next  visited  the  Agricultural  Building,  where  he  was 
met  by  such  foreign  commissioners  as  have  no  buildings  of  their  own, 
but  have  exhibits  in  that  building.  From  the  Agricultural  Building  he 
visited  in  order  the  buildings  of  Honduras,  Cuba,  Chile,  Mexico,  Domin 
ican  Republic,  Porto  Rico,  and  Ecuador,  where  he  was  received  by  the 
commissioners  of  the  respective  countries. 

The  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  visited  the  grounds  that  evening 
to  view  the  illumination  and  fireworks. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  FUNERAL  AT  BUFFALO,  WASHING 
TON    AND   CANTON. 

The  Last  View  of  the  Martyr  President's  Face— Pathetic  Scenes  of  Sorrow — The  Simple 
Solemnities  at  Buffalo  and  the  Tremendous  Outpourings  of  People— A  Sombre  Day  at 
Washington— The  Farewell  to  President  McKinley  at  Canton. 

The  funeral  of  William  McKinley  really  began  in  the  house  where 
he  died,  on  Sunday  morning,  September  15th,  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  was 
continued  for  a  week.  In  the  drawing  room  of  the  Milburn  House  the 
casket  lay.  It  had  been  carried  down  from  the  upper  room  where  Mr. 
McKinley  had  breathed  his  last  and  was  placed  between  two  windows 
in  the  library.  The  silken  folds  of  an  American  flag  were  drawn  about 
the  bier. 

The  upper  lid  was  drawn  back  and  the  face  bared  for  the  parting 
gaze  of  those  who  were  soon  to  assemble.  Red  roses,  white  chrysanthe 
mums  and  wreaths  of  purple  violets  lay  at  the  foot  of  the  bier.  At  the 
doors  and  windows  opening  into  the  library  stood  soldiers  and  marines, 
the  guardians  of  the  dead.  Before  the  ceremony  Mrs.  McKinley  was  led 
into  the  chamber  by  her  physician,  Dr.  Rixey,  and  had  sat  awhile  alone 
with  him  who  had  supported  and  comforted  her  through  all  their  years 
of  wedded  life. 

Her  support  was  gone,  but  she  had  not  broken  down.  Dry-eyed,  she 
gazed  upon  him.  She  fondled  his  face.  She  did  not  seem  to  realize 
he  was  dead. 

President  Roosevelt  then  came  and  stood  near  the  casket.  There 
had  been  a  wait  of  a  minute  for  this.  Then  the  President  advanced  one 
step.  He  bowed  his  head  and  looked.  Long  he  gazed,  standing  immov 
able,  save  for  a  twitching  of  the  muscles  of  the  chin.  At  last  he  stepped 
back.  Tears  were  in  his  eyes  as  he  went  to  the  chair  reserved  for  him, 

Another  dramatic  scene  came  when  the  service  was  over  and  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Locke  had  pronounced  the  benediction.  Before  any  one  had 
moved,  and  while  there  was  the  same  perfect  stillness,  Senator  Hanna, 
who  had  not  before  found .  courage  to  look  upon  the  dead  face  of  his 

220 


230  PRESIDENT   McKINLETS   FUNERAL. 

friend,  stepped  out  from  where  he  had  been  standing  behind  Governor 
Odell.  It  was  his  last  chance  to  see  the  features  of  President  McKinley. 
There  wras  a  look  on  his  face  that  told  more  than  sobs  would  have  done. 
It  was  the  look  of  a  man  whose  grief  was  pent  up  within  him. 

The  Senator  had  quite  a  few  steps  to  take  to  get  to  the  head  of  the 
casket.  When  he  got  to  the  head  of  the  bier,  by  President  Boosevelt, 
he  stood  with  his  head  resting  on  his  breast  and  his  hands  clasped 
behind  his  back,  looking  down  on  the  face  of  his  friend.  He  stood  there 
possibly  a  minute,  but  to  every  one  it  seemed  more  like  five.  No  one 
stirred  while  he  stood.  The  scene  was  beyond  expression. 

As  the  Senator  turned  his  head  around,  those  in  the  room  saw  his 
face,  and  there  were  tears  trickling  down  it.  One  of  the  Cabinet  mem 
bers  put  out  his  arm  and  the  Senator  instinctively  seemed  to  follow  it. 
He  went  between  Secretary  Long  and  Attorney-General  Knox  and  sat 
down  in  a  chair  near  the  wall;  then  he  bowed  his  head. 

Mrs.  McKinley  sat  at  the  head  of  the  stairs,  a  wan,  white  figure,  in 
a  black  gown,  listening  to  every  song  and  spoken  word,  to  hymns  and 
prayers.  The  new  President  stood  at  the  head  of  the  dead  President 
and  grouped  around  the  coffin  were  the  members  of  the  cabinet  and  the 
members  of  the  family  and  Senator  Hanna.  The  services  consisted  of 
two  hymns,  a  chapter  from  the  Bible,  a  prayer — all  lasting  twenty-five 
minutes. 

The  chapter  read  was  1  Corinthians.  The  Doctor  read  it  to  the  con 
clusion. 

There  was  a  moment's  pause  after  he  had  finished,  and  theu_the 
quartet  sang  the  four  verses  of  that  other  hymn,  so  dear  to  the  man 
about  whose  bier  the  mourners  stood,  that  as  he  passed  into  the  last 
unconsciousness,  his  lips  formed  its  words  after  the  strength  to  speak 
had  gone. 

Silently  the  assembled  men  and  women  framed  with  their  lips  the 
words  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  as  the  choir  sang  it  through.  Dr. 
Locke  raised  his  hands  as  the  music  died  away.  He  made  this  eloquent 
appeal:  "Let  us  pray: 

"O  God,  our  help  in  ages  past, 

Our  hope  for  years  to  come, 
Our  shelter  from  the  stormy  blast 

And  our  eternal  home." 


PRESIDENT   McKINLETS   FUNERAL.  231 

The  following  official  statement  was  given  the  press: 

"In  compliance  with  the  earnest  wishes  of  Mrs.  McKinley  that  the 
body  of  her  husband  shall  rest  in  her  home  at  Canton  Wednesday  night, 
the  following  changes  in  the  obsequies  of  the  late  President  will  be 
made : 

"Funeral  services  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol  will  be  held  Tuesday 
morning  on  the  arrival  of  the  escort  which  will  accompany  the  remains 
from  the  White  House. 

"The  body  of  the  late  President  will  lie  in  state  in  the  rotunda  for 
the  remainder  of  Tuesday  and  will  be  escorted  to  the  railroad  station 
Tuesday  evening.  The  funeral  train  will  leave  Washington  at  or  about 
8  o'clock  Tuesday  evening  and  thus  will  arrive  at  Canton  during  the 
day  Wednesday.  "JOHN  HAY, 

"Secretary  of  State. 
"EtLIHU  BOOT, 

Secretary  of  War. 
"JOHN  D.  LONG, 

"Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
"HENKY  F.  MACFAELAND, 
"President  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia." 

Prior  to  the  issuing  of  the  foregoing  announcement  Secretary  Hay 
had  issued  a  formal  statement  substantially  as  follows: 

"The  remains  of  the  late  President  of  the  United  States,  after  lying 
in  state  in  the  city  hall  of  Buffalo  during  the  afternoon  of  Sunday, 
September  15,  will  be  removed  to  Washington  by  special  train  on 
Monday,  September  1G,  leaving  Buffalo  at  8:30  a.  m.  and  reaching 
Washington  at  9  p.  m. 

"The  remains  will  then  be  carried,  under  the  auspices  of  a  squadron 
of  United  States  cavalry,  to  the  executive  mansion,  where  they  will  rest 
until  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  September  17. 

"They  will  then  be  carried  to  the  capitol,  accompanied  by  a  military 
and  civil  escort,  the  details  of  which  will  be  given  in  a  separate  notice. 
The  remains  will  there  lie  in  state. 

"No  ceremonies  are  expected  in  the  cities  and  towns  along  the  route 
of  the  funeral  train  beyond  the  tolling  of  bells." 

There  were  three  remarkable  funerals  of  President  McKinley:  in 
Buffalo,  the  city  where  the  assassin  slew  him;  Washington  City,  where 
was  his  post  of  public  duty,  filling  the  office  the  most  exalted  in  the 
country  and  the  most  varied  and  vast  in  its  potentialities  in  the  world; 
and  Canton,  Ohio,  the  city  of  his  home,  where  his  father  and  mother 


232 


PRESIDENT   McKINLIWS   FUNERAL. 


and  children  are  buried.    The  route  of  the  funeral  train  from  Buffalo 
to  Washington  and  from  Washington  to  Canton,  is  made  plain  below: 


F7U-0 


V   O  R 


fELNHSYl-VANlA 


CAWOH 


X 
O 


WASHINGTON 


ROUTE  or  THE  FUNERAL  TRAIN  BEARING  THE  BODY  OF  PRESIDENT  MCKINLEY. 

Mrs.  McKinley  seemed  to  have  found  strength  in  the  last  days  of  her 
sorrows  in  Buffalo.  She  seemed  to  be  lifted  up  by  the  masterful  kindli 
ness  of  her  husband,  who  turned  to  her  as  he  was  passing  away.  It  is 
infinitely  pathetic  that  the  President,  when  shot,  first  thought  of  her, 
and  commanded  that  she  should  a,s  far  as  possible  be  saved  from  the 
dreadful  knowledge,  and  when  at  length  his  failure  of  force  to  rally 
appeared  to  him,  he  sent  for  her.  and  they  clasped  hands  and  had  their 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S    FUNERAL.  233 

simple  and  sublime  good-bye  talk.  In  a  few  words  he  gave  Christendom 
a  new  chapter  and  song  of  faith  and  love,  and  she  was  able  to  go 
away  exalted  to  endure.  When  she  knew  she  was  to  go  away  in  a 
funeral  train,  she  was  brought  to  an  awful  realization  of  her  loss,  and 
the  strain  became  beyond  her  fortitude,  and  she  had  paroxysms  of 
weeping  and  could  not  be  comforted.  Her  journey  from  Buffalo  to 
Washington  and  the  return  to  Canton  was  like  a  hideous  dream.  It 
was  in  Niagara,  Square,  Buffalo,  that  the  public  gathered  to  honor  the 
dead  before  the  departure  for  Washington.  The  funeral  train  was 
run  according  to  the  wish  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  that  the  body  of  her 
husband  should  rest  in  her  home  at  Canton  Wednesday  night,  and 
changes  wrere  made  accordingly. 

Solemn  and  impressive,  full  of  the  lessons  that  the  President  had 
sought  to  live  out  in  their  fullness,  there  was  no  pomp  or  circumstance 
to  the  closing  scenes  in  the  now  famous  Milburn  house. 

With  the  sacred  hymns  that  had  been  his  favorite  music,  with  the 
loving  words  of  those  who  had  known  him  only  to  love  him,  with  just 
a  few  of  the  nearest  and  the  dearest  of  the  countless  men  and  women 
who  had  been  proud  to  call  him  their  friend  gathered  at  the  side  of  his 
bier,  the  noble  victim  of  a  wanton  wretch  was  prepared  for  his  last 
journey. 

Then  the  casket  was  closed  over  its  precious  burden  and  borne 
through  the  streets  of  the  city  to  where  the  multitude  might  pass  in  one 
long,  sad  procession  for  the  last  view  of  the  kindly  face,  and  ninety 
thousand  people  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  when  the  move- 
ment  from  the  historical  house  was  begun.  Senator  Hanna  was  the 
last  man  to  look  upon  the  President's  face,  and  saw  it  thinned  and 
stern  lines  seemingly  engraven  in  it,  while  the  Senator  looked  weary 
and  aged.  The  casket  was  closed  and  the  soldiers  and  sailors  advanced 
from  the  points  where  they  had  been  stationed.  Lifting  it  gently  on 
their  broad  shoulders  they  slowly  began  their  solemn  march  to  the 
hearse,  which  stood  waiting  outside.  Close  behind  the  casket  followed 
President  Roosevelt,  with  Secretary  Root  on  his  left  and  the  other 
members  of  the  Cabinet  following.  Slowly,  very  slowly,  they  took  their 
way  into  the  hall,  out  of  the  front  door,  down  the  steps  and  down  the 
walk  to  the  hearse,  while  the  band  posted  across  the  street  softly  played, 
"Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 


234  PRESIDENT   McKINLETS   FUNERAL. 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee; 
E'en  though  it  be  a  cross, 

That  raiseth  me, 
Still  all  my  song  shall  be 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee! 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee. 

Tho'  like  the  wanderer, 

The  sun  gone  down, 
Darkness  be  over  me, 

My  rest  a  stone; 
Yet  in  my  dreams  Fd  be 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee! 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee. 

There  let  the  way  appear, 

Steps  unto  heaven; 
All  that  Thou  send'st  to  me, 

In  mercy  given, 
Angels  to  beckon  me, , 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee! 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

•Nearer  to  Thee. 

Then  with  my  waking  thoughts 
Bright  with  Thy  praise, 

Out  of  my  stony  griefs 
Bethel  I'll  raise; 

So  by  my  woes  to  be 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee! 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 
Nearer  to  Thee. 

Or  if  on  joyful  wing, 

Cleaving  the  sky, 
Sun,  moon  an«I  stars  forgot, 

Upward  I  fly, 
Still  all  my  song  shall  be, 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee! 
Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee. 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S    FUNERAL.  235 

In  the  first  carriage  President  Roosevelt,  Secretary  Root,  Postmas 
ter-General  Smith  and  Attorney-General  Knox  took  seats,  and  started 
out  on  their  long  drive  to  the  city  hall.  In  the  second  carriage  sat 
Secretaries  Wilson,  Hitchcock  and  Long  and  Secretary  Cortelyou.  Gen 
eral  Brooke  sat  alone  in  the  third  carriage,  and  Dr.  and  Mrs.  Locke 
occupied  the  fourth. 

Then  came  the  hearse,  drawn  by  four  great,  black  horses.  Walking 
beside  the  hearse  were  the  active  pallbearers,  the  soldiers  and  marines 
and  a  detail  from  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  following  close 
behind.  Next  came  a  company  of  marines  from  Camp  Haywood  at  the 
Pan- American  Exposition,  then  the  Sixty-fifth  Regiment  Band,  a  com 
pany  of  the  Fourteenth  Regiment  stationed  at  Fort  Porter,  a  company 
each  from  the  Sixty-fifth  and  Seventy-fourth  regiments  and  a  detail 
of  sailors  and  marines  from  the  steamship  Michigan. 

The  funeral  cortege  left  the  Milburn  house  at  11 :45  o'clock.  Slowly 
and  solemnly,  in  time  to  the  funeral  march,  it  moved  between  two 
huge  masses  of  men,  women  and  children,  stretching  away  two  miles 
and  a  half  to  the  city  hall.  Nearly  two  hours  were  required  to  traverse 
the  distance. 

Fully  fifty  thousand  people  saw  it  pass.  They  were  packed  into 
windows,  perched  on  roofs,  massed  on  verandas,  and  compressed  into 
solid  masses  covering  the  broad  sidewalks  and  grass  plots. 

Directly  above  the  spot  where  the  coffin  was  to  lie  there  was  a  dome 
of  black  bunting,  within  which  hung  straight  down  above  the  coffin 
four  American  flags,  forming  wTith  their  lower  edges  a  cross  which 
pointed  to  the  four  points  of  the  compass. 

President  Roosevelt  and  the  Cabinet  ranged  themselves  about  the 
spot  where  the  body  was  to  rest.  Mr.  Roosevelt  stood  at  the  foot  of 
the  coffin  on  its  right  hand,  with  Secretary  Root  opposite  and  facing 
him.  On  President  Roosevelt's  left  were  Attorney-General  Knox,  Sec 
retary  Long  and  Secretary  Wilson.  On  Mr.  Root's  right  hand  were 
Postmaster-General  Smith,  Secretary  Hitchcock  and  Mr.  Cortelyou. 

The  casket's  upper  half  was  open.  The  lower  half  was  draped  in 
a  flag  upon  which  were  masses  of  red  and  wrhite  roses.  The  body  of 
the  President  lay  on  its  back  and  was  clad  in  a  black  frock  coat,  with 
the  left  hand  resting  across  the  breast.  One  glance  at  the  face,  start- 
lingly  changed  from  its  appearance  in  life,  told  the  story  of  the  suffer 
ing  which  had  been  endured. 


236  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FUNERAL. 

More  than  twice  as  many  as  could  hope  to  get  through  the  lines  in 
that  time  came  from  all  over  western  New  York  until  fully  200,000 
were  massed  during  the  morning.  In  the  face  of  such  a  concourse  the 
limit  was  extended,  but  the  patient  thousands  did  not  know  it.  They 
merely  stayed  on  through  the  storms  and  hoped. 

For  nearly  ten  hours  they  streamed  through  the  city  hall  corridor 
where  the  President  lay,  passing  ii}  two  lines  which  formed  faster  than 
they  melted.  Ten  thousand  an  hour  flowed  past  until  weather  and 
physical  collapse  wore  out  other  thousands  and  the  thinned  lines  ended 
at  eleven  o'clock  at  night. 

In  preparation  for  the  arrival  at  Washington  the  sergeant-at-arms 
had  the  catafalque  which  supported  the  remains  of  Lincoln,  Garfield 
and  other  statesmen  brought  out  of  the  crypt.  It  was  covered  with 
new  black  cloth.  Upon  this  gloomy  furniture  the  remains  of  three 
murdered  Presidents  have  been  placed,  the  three  most  liberal,  kind, 
gentle  statesmen  who  ever  filled  the  great  office — all  of  them  massa 
cred  for  their  virtues,  their  good  will  to  man,  and  loyalty  to  the  Con 
stitution. 

Somber  weather  greeted  the  funeral  train  at  Washington.  The  day 
on  which  the  National  Capital  paid  its  last  respects  to  the  third  mar 
tyred  President  was  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Antietam,  the 
bloodiest  single  day's  fighting  in  the  great  civil  war.  This  comparison 
is  made  between  the  pageantry  on  the  4th  of  March  last  and  the  day 
of  bereavement : 

The  universal  sadness  was  too  deep  to  be  turned  back  by  the  force 
of  the  elements,  and  the  sorrowful  multitudes  which  viewed  the  funeral 
pageant  to-day  were  almost  as  great  as  those  which,  on  a  more  joyous 
occasion,  six  months  ago,  saw  President  McKinley  driven  to  the  Capitol 
for  his  second  inauguration.  The  weather  on  the  two  occasions  was 
similar,  with  a  difference  only  in  temperature,  but  the  crowds  which 
cheered  and  applauded  on  March  4  were  silent  and  weeping  to-day. 

The  distance  from  the  White  House  to  the  Capitol  is  one  mile,  and 
along  the  whole  route  of  the  funeral  procession  crowds  packed  the 
broad  sidewalks  from  building  to  curb.  Rain  fell  almost  incessantly, 
but  the  numbers  of  spectators  were  continued  undiminished  during  the 
hours  while  the  melancholy  parade  was  passing. 

There  was  nothing  that  recalled  the  reason  of  the  procession  more 
forcibly  to  mind  than  the  tolling  of  bells.  If  anything  had  been  needed 


PHILIP    H.    SHERIDAN 

This  book,  on  the  life  of  William  McKinley,  would  not  be  complete  without 
a  picture  of  "Phil"  H.  Sheridan.  At  the  end  of  Sheridan's  ride  from  Winchester, 
to  the  sound  of  the  Confederate  guns,  slowly  driving  the  U.  S.  Army  and  desper 
ately  striving  to  put  it  to  rout,  the  first  soldier  who  met  him  and  gave  a  clear 
account  of  the  fight,  and  spread  the  news  that  Sheridan  was  on  the  field,  was 
William  McKinley. 


s 


s 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY-'S    FUNERAL.  239 

to  subdue  the  minds  of  the  crowds,  it  should  have  been  found  in  this 
tolling.  From  the  moment  the  strokes  began,  at  the  start  of  the  pro 
cession  from  the  White  House,  the  great  crowds  were  hushed. 

So  great  was  the  desire  of  those  in  every  walk  of  life  who  assembled 
for  the  purpose  to  see  the  body  of  the  late  President  lying  in  state 
that  a  tremendous  crush  occurred  under  the  shadow  of  the  tall  white 
dome.  As  a  result  many  persons  were  injured,  some  perhaps  fatally, 
and  a  scene  was  enacted  on  the  broad  piazza  in  front  of  the  Capitol  that 
struck  horror  to  the  hearts  of  those  who  saw  it. 

As  the  sweet  notes  of  Mr.  McKinley's  favorite  hymn,  "Lead,  Kindly 
Light/'  floated  through  the  great  rotunda  the  assemblage  rose  to  its 
feet.  Bared  heads  were  bowed  and  eyes  streamed  with  tears.  At  the 
close  of  the  hymn,  as  the  Rev.  Dr.  Naylor,  presiding  elder  of  the  Wash 
ington  district,  rose  to  offer  prayer,  the  hush  that  fell  upon  the  people 
was  profound.  When,  in  ending,  he  repeated  the  immortal  words  of  the 
Lord's  prayer,  the  great  audience  joined  solemnly  with  him.  The  mur 
mur  of  their  voices  resembled  the  roll  of  far  distant  surf. 

Scarcely  had  the  word  amen  been  breathed  when  the  liquid  tone 
of  that  sweetly  pleading  song,  "Some  Time  We'll  Understand,"  went 
straight  to  the  heart  of  every  auditor. 

The  venerable  Bishop  Edwin  G.  Andrews  of  Ohio,  the  oldest  Bishop 
of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  then  took  his  position  at  the  head 
of  the  bier.  A  gentle  breeze  through  the  rotunda  stirred  the  delicate 
blooms  which  lay  upon  the  coffin,  and  the  "peace  that  passeth  all  under 
standing"  seemed  to  rest  upon  the  venerable  man's  countenance  as  he 
began  his  eulogy  of  the  life  and  works  of  William  McKinley.  His 
words  were  simple,  but  his  whole  heart  wras  in  every  one  of  them. 

At  the  end  of  the  sermon  the  audience,  as  if  by  prearrangement, 
joined  the  choir  in  singing  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee."  All  present 
seemed  to  be  imbued  with  a  sentiment  of  hallowed  resignation  as  the 
divine  blessing  was  asked  by  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Chapman,  acting  pastor 
of  the  Metropolitan  M.  E.  Church,  upon  both  the  living  and  the  dead. 

Mrs.  McKinley,  bereft  of  husband  and  prostrated  by  her  overwhelm 
ing  sorrow,  did  not  attend  the  services  at  the  Capitol.  It  was  deemed 
wise  by  those  now  nearest  and  dearest  to  her  that  she  should  not 
undergo  the  ordeal  her  attendance  would  entail  upon  her.  She  remained 
at  the  White  House  comforted  by  every  attention  that  loving  thought- 
fulness  could  suggest. 


240  PRESIDENT   McKlNLEY'S   FUNERAL. 

One  of  the  thousands  of  incidents  showing  the  grief  of  the  people 
over  the  death  of  McKinley  occurred  in  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  when  the 
services  on  the  Sunday  after  the  President's  death  were  interrupted 
by  an  outburst  of  sorrowful  emotion. 

As  the  pastor  ceased  speaking,  Mrs.  F.  H.  Lyford,  the  soprano, 
started  to  lead  the  choir  in  the  hymn,  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee,"  but 
faltered,  and  her  voice  sank  to  a  whisper.  She  attempted  the  second 
time,  but  sank  into  a  seat  sobbing.  The  others  in  the  quartet  were  so 
affected  that  they  could  not  proceed. 

Soon  Mrs.  Lyford  became  hysterical,  and  the  pastor  went  from  the 
pulpit  to  the  choir  loft  to  quiet  her.  His  efforts  were  unavailing,  and 
Mrs.  Lyford,  still  sobbing,  was  taken  home. 

The  congregation  was  affected  almost  as  deeply  as  Mrs.  Lyford,  and 
it  was  ten  minutes  before  the  pastor  could  proceed  with  the  service. 
After  a  few  words  Pastor  Cheney  was  obliged  to  dismiss  the  congre 
gation,  and  every  member  was  w^eeping. 

There  was  placed  upon  the  bier  of  the  President  at  Washington  a 
white  shield  in  flowers,  with  the  Eighth  Army  Corps  badge  in  the  center. 
This  was  in  response  to  General  Chaffee's  cable: 

"Manila,  September  15. — The  officers  and  the  soldiers  of  the  Division 
of  the  Philippines  beg  the  department  to  place  an  appropriate  floral 
design  on  the  bier  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  as  a  token  of 
a  great  sorrow.  They  offer  their  deepest  sympathy  to  Mrs.  McKinley. 

— Chaff  ee." 

The  train  leaving  Buffalo  at  8:30  a.  m.,  September  16th,  reached 
Washington  at  9  p.  m.  The  remains  were  carried,  under  the  escort  of 
a  squadron  of  United  States  cavalry,  to  the  Executive  Mansion,  where 
they  rested  until  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  September  17th, 
and  were  then  carried  to  the  Capitol,  accompanied  by  a  military  and 
civil  escort. 

The  following  special  order  was  issued  by  the  Navy  Department : 

"Navy  Department, 

"Washington.  September  15. 
"Special  Order  No.  13: 

"All  officers  on  the  active  list  of  the  navy  and  marine  corps  on  duty 
in  Washington  will  assemble  in  full  dress  uniform  at  7:30  o'clock  Mon 
day  evening,  September  16th,  at  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Station,  for 
the  purpose  of  meeting  the  remains  of  the  late  President  of  the  United 
States.  They  will  again  assemble  in  the  same  uniform  in  the  grounds 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FUNERAL.  241 

of  the  Executive  Mansion  and  near  the  eastern  gate  at  9  a.  m.  on  Tues 
day,  September  17th,  to  march  as  guard  of  honor  in  the  procession  from 
the  Executive  Mansion  to  the  Capitol.  They  will  again  assemble  in  the 
same  uniform  at  the  east  front  of  the  Capitol  at  1  o'clock  p.  m.,  Septem 
ber  18th,  to  march  as  guard  of  honor  in  the  procession  from  the  Capitol 
to  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Station. 

"The  following  special  guard  of  honor  is  hereby  appointed:  The 
Admiral  of  the  Navy,  Rear  Admiral  A.  S.  Crowninshield,  Rear  Admiral 
Charles  O'Neil,  Paymaster-General  A.  S.  Kenny  and  Brigadier-General 
Charles  Heyward,  U.  S.  M.  C. 

"The  special  guard  of  honor  will  assemble  in  special  full  dress  uni 
form  at  the  Executive  Mansion  at  8  p.  m.,  Monday,  September  16th,  to 
receive  the  remains  of  the  late  President,  and  will  again  assemble  in 
the  same  uniform  at  the  Capitol  at  10  a.  m.,  Tuesday,  September 
17th.  On  Wednesday,  September  18th,  the  special  guard  of  honor  will 
assemble  at  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Station  at  2  p.  m.,  and  will 
thence  accompany  the  remains  of  President  McKinley  to  their  final  rest 
ing  place,  in  Canton,  Ohio. 

"All  officers  of  flag  rank  will  constitute  an  additional  special  guard 
of  honor  and  will  assemble  at  the  places  hereinbefore  mentioned  for 
the  special  guard  of  honor.  The  additional  special  guard  of  honor  will 
not,  however,  accompany  the  remains  of  the  late  President  to  Canton. 

"F.  W.  HACKETT,  Acting  Secretary." 

The  following  was  the  order  of  procession  for  Tuesday : 

SECTION    1. 

Funeral  escort,  under    command  of  Major-General    John  R.  Brooke, 

U.  S.  A.  Artillery  Band. 

Squadron  of  Cavalry. 
Battalion  of  Light  Artillery. 
Company  A,  United  States  Engineers. 
Two  Battalions  Coast  Artillery. 

Marine  Band. 
Battalion  of  Marines. 
Battalion  of  United  States  Seamen. 
Brigade  of  National  Guard  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

SECTION  2. 

Civic  Procession,  under  Command  of  Chief  Marshal,  Gen.  Henry  V. 

Boynton. 


242  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FUNERAL. 

Clergymen  in  attendance. 

Physicians  who  attended  the  late  President. 

Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the  United  States. 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 


BEAKERS. 


GUARD 


OF 


HONOR. 


HEARSE. 


GUARD 


OF 
HONOR. 


BEARERS. 


[Officers  of  the  Army,  Navy  and  Marine  Corps,  who  were  not 
on  duty  with  the  troops  forming  the  escort,  formed,  in  full  dress, 
right  in  front,  on  either  side  of  the  hearse,  the  Army  on  the  right  and 
the  Navy  and  Marine  Corps  on  the  left,  and  compose  the  Guard  of 
Honor.] 

Family  of  the  late  President. 

Relatives  of  the  late  President. 

The  Ex-President  of  the  United  States. 

SECTION    3. 

The  President. 

Members  of  the  Cabinet. 

The  Diplomatic  Corps. 

The  Chief  Justice  and  Associate  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 

United  States. 

Senators  of  the  United  States. 

Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States. 
Governors  of  the  States  and  Territories,  and  the  Commissioners  of  the 

District  of  Columbia. 
Judges  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  the  Judiciary  of  the  District  of  Columbia 

and  Judges  of  the  United  States  Courts. 
The  Assistant  Secretaries  of  State,  Treasury,  War,  Navy,  Interior  and 

Agriculture. 
The  Assistant  Postmasters-General. 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'8    FUNERAL.  243 

The  Solicitor-General  and  the  Assistant  Attorneys-General. 
Eepresentatives  of  the  Departments  and  Commissions  of  the 

Government. 

Organized  Societies. 

Citizens. 

The  Military  Guard  escorted  the  remains  from  the  Capitol  to  the 
railroad  station. 

At  the  close  of  the  day  of  the  funeral  of  William  McKinley  at  Can 
ton,  his  home  city,  there  was  on  the  hillside  in  which  the  receiving 
vault  is  built  a  great  mound  of  flowers,  covering  the  hill. 

Amid  impressive  scenes  the  flag-covered,  flower-laden  coffin  was  car 
ried  through  the  gates  of  the  tomb  to  wait  until  the  time  comes  for  it 
to  be  placed  in  its  final  resting  place  in  the  late  President's  family  lot 
in  the  cemetery,  where  his  father  and  mother,  his  brother  and  sister, 
and  his  two  children  are  sleeping.  A  guard  of  United  States  soldiers 
will  keep  watch  over  the  tomb.  Their  vigil  has  begun;  a  sentry  is  to 
pace  through  the  nights  to  and  fro  before  its  grated  fence. 

The  McKinley  burial  plot  is  at  the  crest  of  a  knoll,  the  highest  spot 
in  the  old  cemetery.  It  faces  the  main  driveway  and  is  prettily  shaded 
by  great  oak  trees.  Fronting  to  the  north  and  east  is  a  bed  of  living 
plants  into  which  has  been  worked  "McKinley."  The  tombstones  that 
have  been  erected  there  mark  the  tragedies  of  the  President's  life.  In 
that  plot  are  buried  his  father  and  his  mother,  a  brother  and  a  sister. 
There,  too,  lie  buried  the  babes,  sorrow  because  of  whose  death  first 
caused  Mrs.  McKinley's  break  in  health. 

Marking  the  graves  of  William  McKinley  the  elder  and  of  his  wife, 
President  McKinley's  mother,  are  marble  shafts  of  considerable  size. 
Small  granite  obelisks  stand  at  the  head  of  the  graves  of  the  children. 
On  the  first  is  inscribed : 


IDA  MCKINLEY, 

DAUGHTER   OP   WILLIAM   AND  IDA,  ! 

DIED  AUG.  23,  1873, 

AGED   FOUR    MONTHS   TWEN-          ! 
TY-TWO   DAYS. 


244  PRESIDENT   McKINLEY^   FUNERAL. 

On  the  second  obelisk  is  inscribed: 


KATIE  McKINLEY, 
DAUGHTER   OF   WILLIAM   AND  IDA, 

DIED  JUNE  25,   1875, 

AGED  THREE  YEARS  AND  SIX 

MONTHS. 


On  still  another  tombstone  is  marked : 


ANNIE   McKINLEY. 


On  another: 


JAMES   McKINLEY. 


These  two  were  sister  and  brother  of  the  President.    The  shafts  for 
his  father  and  mother  are  simply  inscribed  thus: 


WILLIAM   McKINLEY,   1807-1892. 


N.  A.   McKINLEY,   1809-1897. 


There  were  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  people  present  in  Can 
ton  on  the  funeral  day. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  escorted  by  the  same  troop,  A  of 
Cleveland,  which  acted  as  the  bodyguard  of  the  President,  McKinley, 
living  and  dead,  started  back  to  Washington,  accompanied  by  his  Cab 
inet. 

With  majestic  solemnity,  surrounded  by  his  countrymen  and  his 
townspeople,  in  the  presence  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FUNERAL.  245 

Cabinet,  Justices  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  Senators  and 
Representatives  in  Congress,  the  heads  of  the  military  and  naval  estab 
lishments,  the  governors  of  States,  and  a  great  concourse  of  people  who 
had  known  and  loved  him,  all  that  is  mortal  of  the  third  President  to 
fall  by  an  assassin's  bullet  was  committed  to  the  grave.  It  was  a  spec 
tacle  of  mournful  grandeur. 

The  service  at  the  church  consisted  of  a  brief  oration,  prayers  by  the 
clergymen  of  three  denominations,  and  singing  by  a  quartet.  The  body 
was  taken  to  the  Westlawn  Cemetery  and  placed  in  the  receiving  vault, 
pending  the  time  when  it  will  be  finally  laid  to  rest. 

One  of  the  most  pathetic  features  of  the  day  was  the  absence  of  Mrs. 
McKinley  from  the  funeral  services  at  the  church  and  cemetery,  when 
the  body  of  her  husband  was  laid  to  rest.  Since  the  first  shock  of  the 
shooting,  then  of  death,  and  through  the  ordeal  of  state  ceremonies,  she 
had  borne  up  bravely.  But  there  was  a  limit  to  human  endurance,  and 
when  the  last  day  came  it  found  her  too  weak  to  pass  through  the  trials  of 
the  final  ceremonies. 

Those  very  near  to  her  are  not  so  much  alarmed  by  her  passionate 
weeping  and  shedding  of  tears  as  they  were  by  her  unnatural  compo 
sure  for  a  time. 

In  the  Canton  procession  there  were  6,000  Ohio  troops  and  a  still 
larger  body  of  men  not  of  the  Ohio  National  Guard  marched  in  the  pro 
cession.  The  order  of  parade  was  as  follows  and  the  march  was  be 
tween  walls  of  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands: 

Squad  of  police. 
Chief  Marshal  Doll  of  Canton  and  aids. 

FIKST    DIVISION. 

General  Eli  Torrence,  national  commander  G.  A.  R.,  commanding  staff. 

Grand  Army  Band. 

E.  F.  Taggert,  department  commander  G.  A.  R.  of  Ohio,  and  staff. 

Canton  Post,  Canton,  Ohio. 

Buckley  Post,  Akron,  Ohio. 

Bell-Harmon  Post,  Warren,  Ohio. 

C.  G.  Chamberlain  Post,  East  Palestine,  Ohio. 

Given  Post,  Wooster,  Ohio. 
Union  Veteran  Legion,  Canton,  Ohio. 


246  PRESIDENT    McKlNLETS   FUNERAL. 

SECOND    DIVISION. 

Major  General  Charles  F.  Dick  commanding. 

Detachments  of  Ohio  National  Guard. 

Troop  A  of  O.  N.  G.,  guard  of  honor. 

Survivors  of  Twenty-third  Ohio,  President  McKinley's  regiment. 

President  Eoosevelt  and  Cabinet. 
Honorary  bearers,  generals  of  army  and  admirals  of  navy. 

Officiating  clergymen. 
Officers  of  the  army  and  navy. 

Funeral  car. 
Family  and  relatives  of  President  McKinley. 

Loyal  Legion. 

President  of  Senate  and  United  States  Senators. 
Speaker  of  House  of  Eepresentatives  and  Congressmen. 

Governors  of  States,  with  staffs. 
Louisiana   delegation,    representing    State    and    United    Confederate 

Veterans. 

Governor  Nash  of  Ohio  and  other  State  officers. 

Circuit  Court  Judges  of  the  State  of  Ohio. 

Governor  McKinley's  former  staff  officers. 

Federal  officials  of  Cleveland,  Chicago,  Canton  and  Massillon,  Ohio. 

Board  of  Directors  of  Pan- American  Exposition. 

Board  of  Cook  County  Commissioners,  Chicago. 

THIKD    DIVISION. 

Captain  H.  S.  Moses  commanding. 
Gate  City  Guards,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

Cleveland  Greys. 
Cleveland  Scots  Guards. 

William  McKinley  command  Spanish- American  War  Veterans. 

Sons  of  Veterans. 

FOUETH    DIVISION. 

A.  B.  Foster,  grand  commander  of  Ohio,  commanding. 

Knights  Templar. 

Commanderies  from  following  cities:  Louisville,  Canton,  Massillon,  To 
ledo,  Zanesville,  Steubenville,  Cleveland,  Painesville,  Lima,  Cincin- 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'8   FUNERAL.  247 

nati,  Youngstown,  Mansfield,  Pomeroy,  Akron,  Circleville,  Mar 
ion,  Warren,  Hamilton,  Salem,  Wooster,  Marietta, 
Uhrichsville  and  East  Liverpool,  Ohio. 
Grand  Lodge  State  of  Ohio. 

FIFTH    DIVISION. 

Brigadier  General  Thomas  W.  Minchule  commanding. 
Eighth  Infantry  of  State  Militia. 

Fifth  Infantry. 
Ohio  City  Company,  Martin's  Ferry,  Ohio. 

Second  Infantry,  Lima. 
Lodges  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias. 

Odd  Fellows. 
Junior  Order  United  American  Mechanics, 

Knights  of  St.  John. 
Representatives  of  Sigma,  Alpha  and  Epsilon  Fraternity. 

SIXTH    DIVISION. 

Theodore  Voges  commanding 
Cleveland  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

Americus  Club,  Pittsburg. 

Union  League  Club,  Chicago. 

Lincoln  Club,  Chicago. 

Hamilton  Club,  Chicago. 

Lincoln  Club  of  New  Brighton,  Pa. 

SEVENTH    DIVISION. 

Officials  and  citizens  of  various  Ohio  cities. 

As  the  time  approached  for  bearing  the  body  of  the  dead  President 
from  the  McKinley  home  to  the  church,  the  little  cottage  on  North  Mar 
ket  street  was  the  center  of  a  vast  concourse  of  people.  Regiment  after 
regiment  of  soldiers,  acting  as  guards,  were  in  triple  lines  from  curbs 
back  to  the  lawns.  The  walks  had  been  cleared  and  the  multitude  took 
refuge  on  the  great  sweep  of  lawns,  where  they  formed  a  solid  mass  of 
humanity,  surging  forward  to  the  lines  of  soldiers.  In  front  of  the  Mc 
Kinley  cottage  were  drawn  up  the  two  rigid  files  of  body-bearers — eight 
sailors  of  the  navy  and  eight  soldiers  of  the  army — awaiting  the  order 
to  go  within  and  take  up  the  casket. 


248  PRESIDENT   McKlNLETS   FUNERAL. 

PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT  APPROACHES. 

Just  at  1  o'clock  the  black  chargers  of  the  Cleveland  Troop  swept 
down  the  street,  their  riders  four  abreast,  in  their  brilliant  huzzar  uni 
form,  with  flags  bound  in  crape,  and  every  saber  hilt  bearing  its  flutter 
ing  emblem  of  mourning.  Their  command  was  the  signal  for  the  ap 
proach  of  President  Roosevelt  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
Presidential  party  moved  up  the  walk  to  the  entrance  of  the  house  and 
formed  in  a  group  to  the  left. 

The  President's  face  looked  very  grave,  and  he  stood  there  silently 
with  uncovered  head  awaiting  the  body  of  the  dead  chieftain. 

Extending  further  down  the  walk  was  the  guard  of  honor,  the  rank 
ing  generals  of  the  army  on  the  right  and  the  chief  figures  of  the  navy 
on  the  left.  Lieutenant  General  Miles,  in  the  full  uniform  of  his  rank, 
with  sword  at  side  and  band  of  crape  about  his  arm,  stood  alongside  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  with  him  were  Major  General  Brooke,  Ma 
jor  General  Otis,  Major  General  MacArthur  and  Brigadier  General  Gil- 
lespie.  Across  from  them  was  ranged  Rear  Admiral  Farquhar,  repre 
senting  Admiral  Dewey,  ranking  head  of  the  navy;  Rear  Admiral 
Crowrninshield,  Rear  Admiral  O'Neill,  Rear  Admiral  Kenney  and  Brig 
adier  General  Heywood,  the  latter  commander-in-chief  of  the  Marine 
Corps. 

Just  inside  the  gate  stood  the  civilian  honorary  court,  in  double  line, 
including  Governor  Nash  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Caldwell  of  Ohio. 

Toward  noon  the  crowds  in  the  vicinity  of  the  McKinley  cottage  had 
increased  to  tens  of  thousands.  North  Market  street  was  a  living,  seeth 
ing  mass  of  humanity  for  five  squares  below  the  house  and  for  three 
squares  above.  Several  regiments  of  soldiers  were  required  to  preserve 
a  semblance  of  order.  With  guns  advanced,  the  men  were  posted  along 
the  curbs  and  within  the  walks  for  half  a  mile  in  either  direction. 

Sorrowfully  the  throngs  turned  awray,  the  people  to  take  up  their  po 
sitions  at  the  church,  the  representatives  to  seek  their  places  in  the  im 
posing  procession  which  was  to  follow  the  remains  to  the  cemetery. 

President  Roosevelt  spent  a  quiet  morning  at  the  Harter  residence. 
He  did  not  go  out  to  the  crowded  street  where  thousands  were  gathered, 
hoping  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  his  face,  but  took  a  walk  in  the  spacious 
grounds  of  the  residence.  While  at  breakfast  Judge  Day  joined  him  for 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'8   FUNERAL.  249 

half  an  hour,  and  later  Secretary  Root  and  Secretary  Hitchcock  came 
in  to  see  him. 

Many  unofficial  visitors  left  cards  of  respect,  but  the  President  saw 
very  few  people,  preferring  to  remain  in  retirement.  Among  those  who 
called  were  a  half  score  of  his  old  command  of  the  Rough  Riders,  several 
of  them  in  their  broad-brimmed  sombreros.  The  President  saw  them 
only  for  a  moment. 

The  face  of  the  dead  President  was  seen  for  the  last  time  when  it 
lay  in  state  Wednesday  in  the  court-house.  The  coffin  was  not  opened 
after  it  was  removed  to  the  McKinley  residence,  and  the  members  of  the 
family  had  no  opportunity  to  look  again  upon  the  silent  features.  The 
coffin  was  sealed  before  it  was  borne  away  from  the  court-house.  It  had 
been  the  hope  of  many  of  the  old  friends  of  the  family  here  that  the  face 
would  be  exposed  while  the  services  in  the  church  were  being  held  this 
afternoon,  but  this  suggestion  could  not  be  agreed  to. 

The  collection  of  flowers  was  probably  the  most  beautiful  ever  seen 
in  the  United  States.  The  conservatories  of  the  country  had  been  de 
nuded  to  supply  them.  By  the  direction  of  the  monarchs  of  Europe,  the 
South  American  rulers,  the  governors  of  the  British  colonies  in  Aus 
tralia  and  Canada,  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  from  the  four  quarters  of  the 
earth  in  fact,  came  the  directions  to  adorn  the  bier  of  McKinley  with 
flowers  whose  fragrance  might  be  symbolical  of  the  sweetness  and  pur 
ity  of  the  ended  life.  But  these  tributes  from  foreign  countries  were 
buried  beneath  the  floral  tributes  of  McKinley's  countrymen. 

Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester  delivered  the  funeral  sermon  at  President  Mc- 
Kinley's  church. 

Dr.  Manchester  said: 

"Our  President  is  dead. 

"The  silver  cord  is  loosed,  the  golden  bowl  is  broken,  the  pitcher  is 
broken  at  the  fountain,  the  wheel  broken  at  the  cistern,  the  mourners 
go  about  the  streets. 

"One  voice  is  heard — a  wail  of  sorrow  from  all  the  land;  for  the 
beauty  of  Israel  is  slain  upon  the  high  places.  How  are  the  mighty 
fallen. 

"I  am  distressed  for  thee,  my  brother.  Very  pleasant  hast  thou  been 
unto  me. 

"Our  President  is  dead. 


250  PRESIDENT   McKINLETS   FUNERAL. 

"We  can  hardly  believe  it.  We  had  hoped  and  prayed  and  it  seemed 
that  our  hopes  were  to  be  realized  and  our  prayers  answered,  when  the 
emotion  of  joy  was  changed  to  one  of  grave  apprehension.  Still,  we 
waited,  for  we  said :  'It  may  be  that  God  will  be  gracious  and  merciful 
unto  us.'  It  seemed  to  us  that  it  must  be  his  will  to  spare  the  life  of  one  so 
well  beloved  and  so  much  needed.  Thus,  alternating  between  hope  and 
fear,  the  weary  hours  passed  on.  Then  came  the  tidings  of  defeated 
science,  of  the  failure  of  love  and  prayer  to  hold  its  object  to  the  earth. 

"We  seemed  to  hear  the  faintly-muttered  words,  'Good-bye,  all ;  good 
bye.  It's  God's  way.  His  will  be  done/  and  then,  'Nearer,  My  God,  To 
Thee.'  So,  nestling  nearer  to  his  God,  he  passed  out  into  unconscious 
ness,  skirted  the  dark  shores  of  the  sea  of  death  for  a  time,  and  then 
passed  on  to  be  at  rest.  His  great  heart  had  ceased  to  beat.  Our  hearts 
are  heavy  with  sorrow. 

"A  voice  is  heard  on  earth  of  kinsfolk  weeping 

The  loss  of  one  they  love; 

But  he  has  gone  where  the  redeemed  are  keeping 
A  festival  above. 

"The  mourners  throng  the  ways,  and  from  the  steeple 

The  funeral  bells  toll  slow; 
But  on  the  golden  streets  the  holy  people 
Are  passing  to  and  fro 

"And  saying  as  they  meet,  'Rejoice,  another 

Long-waited  for  is  come; 
The  Savior's  heart  is  glad — a  younger  brother 
Has  reached  the  Father's  home.' 

"The  cause  of  this  universal  mourning  is  to  be  found  in  the  man  him 
self.  The  inspired  penman's  picture  of  Jonathan,  likening  him  unto  the 
'Beauty  of  Israel,'  could  not  be  more  appropriately  employed  than  in 
chanting  the  lament  of  our  fallen  chieftain. 

"Not  only  was  our  President  brave,  heroic  and  honest;  he  was  as  gal 
lant  a  knight  as  ever  rode  the  lists  for  his  ladylove  in  the  days  when 
knighthood  was  in  flower.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks  since  the  nation  looked 
on  with  tear-dimmed  eyes  as  it  saw  with  what  tender  conjugal  devotion 
he  sat  at  the  bedside  of  his  beloved  wife,  wlien  all  feared  that  a  fatal 
illness  was  upon  her.  No  public  clamor  that  he  might  show  himself  to 


PRESIDENT   McKINLEY'S   FUNERAL.  251 

the  populace,  no  demand  of  a  social  function  was  sufficient  to  draw  the 
lover  from  the  bedside  of  his  wife.  He  watched  and  waited  while  we  all 
prayed — and  she  lived.  This  sweet  and  tender  story  all  the  world 
knows. 

"It  was  a  strong  arm  that  she  leaned  upon,  and  it  never  failed  her. 
Her  smile  was  more  to  him  than  the  plaudits  ^  the  multitude,  and  for 
her  greeting  his  acknowledgments  of  them  must  wait.  After  receiving 
the  fatal  wound  his  first  thought  was  that  the  terrible  news  might  be 
broken  gently  to  her.  May  God  in  this  deep  hour  of  sorrow  comfort  her. 

"Another  beauty  in  the  character  of  our  President,  that  was  a  chap- 
let  of  grace  about  his  neck,  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  In  the  broad 
est,  noblest  sense  of  the  word,  that  .was  true.  When  we  consider  the 
magnitude  of  the  crime  that  has  plunged  the  country  and  the  world  into 
unutterable  grief,  we  are  not  surprised  that  one  nationality  after  an 
other  has  hastened  to  repudiate  the  dreadful  act.  This  gentle  spirit, 
who  hated  no  one,  to  whom  every  man  was  a  brother,  wTas  suddenly 
smitten  by  the  cruel  hand  of  an  assassin,  and  that,  too,  while  in  the  very 
act  of  extending  a  kind  and  generous  greeting  to  one  who  approached 
him  under  the  sacred  guise  of  friendship. 

"Could  the  assailant  have  realized  how  awful  was  the  act  he  was 
about  to  perform,  how  utterly  heartless  the  deed,  methinks  he  would 
have  stayed  his  hand  at  the  very  threshold  of  it.  In  all  the  coming  years 
men  will  seek  in  vain  to  fathom  the  enormity  of  that  crime. 

"Had  this  man  who  fell  been  a  despot,  a  tyrant,  an  oppressor,  an  in 
sane  frenzy  to  rid  the  world  of  him  might  have  sought  excuse,  but  it 
was  the  people's  friend  who  fell  when  William  McKinley  received  the 
fatal  wound.  Himself  a  son  of  toil,  his  sympathies  were  with  the  toiler. 
No  one  who  has  seen  the  matchless  grace  and  perfect  ease  with  which 
he  greeted  such  can  ever  doubt  that  his  heart  was  in  his  open  hand. 
Every  heart-throb  was  for  his  countrymen.  That  his  life  should  be  sac 
rificed  at  such  a  time  just  when  there  w^as  abundant  peace,  when  all 
the  Americas  were  rejoicing  together,  is  one  of  the  inscrutable  mys 
teries  of  Providence. 

"It  is  well  known  that  his  godly  mother  had  hoped  for  him  that  he 
wrould  become  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  and  that  she  believed  it  to  be  the 
highest  vocation  in  life.  It  was  not,  however,  his  mother's  faith  that 
made  him  a  Christian.  He  had  gained  in  early  life  a  personal  knowl 
edge  of  Jesus,  which  guided  him  in  the  performance  of  greater  duties 


252  PRESIDENT   McKINLEJ'8   FUNERAL. 

and  vaster  than  have  been  the  lot  of  any  other  American  President. 
He  said  at  one  time,  while  bearing  heavy  burdens,  that  he  could  not 
discharge  the  daily  duties  of  his  life  but  for  the  fact  that  he  had  faith  in 
God. 

"William  McKinley  believed  in  prayer,  in  the  beauty  of  it,  in  the  po 
tency  of  it.  Its  language  was  not  unfamiliar  to  him,  and  his  public 
addresses  not  infrequently  evinced  the  fact.  It  was  perfectly  consistent 
with  his  lifelong  convictions  and  his  personal  experiences  that  he 
should  say,  as  the  first  critical  moment  after  the  assassination  ap 
proached:  Thy  Kingdom  come,  Thy  will  be  done,'  and  that  he  should 
declare  at  the  last:  <It  is  God's  way;  His  will  be  done.'  He  lived  grandly; 
it  was  fitting  that  he  should  die  grandly.  And  now  that  the  majesty  of 
death  has  touched  and  claimed  him,  we  find  that  in  his  supreme  moment 
he  was  still  a  conqueror. 

"Washington  saw  the  beginning  of  our  national  life.  Lincoln  passed 
through  the  night  of  our  history,  and  saw  the  dawn.  McKinley  beheld 
his  country  in  the  splendor  of  its  noon.  Truly,  he  died  in  the  fullness  of 
his  fame. 

"With  Paul  he  could  say,  and  with  equal  truthfulness:  'I  am  now 
ready  to  be  offered.'  The  work  assigned  him  had  been  well  done.  The 
nation  was  at  peace.  We  had  fairly  entered  upon  an  era  of  unparalleled 
prosperity.  Our  revenues  were  generous.  Our  standing  among  the  na 
tions  was  secure.  Our  President  was  safely  enshrined  in  the  affections 
of  a  united  people.  It  was  not  at  him  that  the  fatal  shot  was  fired,  but 
at  the  very  life  of  the  government.  His  offering  was  vicarious.  It  was 
blood  poured  upon  the  altar  of  human  liberty.  In  view  of  these  things 
we  are  not  surprised  to  hear,  from  one  who.  was  present  when  this  great 
soul  passed  away,  that  he  never  before  saw  a  death  so  peaceful,  or  a 
dying  man  so  crowned  with  grandeur. 


CHAPTER  XV11I. 

SPLENDID  TRIBUTES  TO  McKINLEY. 

Orations  by  Men  of  the  Highest  Distinction— Rarely  has  Eulogy  been  so  Superb,  Sincere, 
or  so  Eloquent  over  the  Grave  of  any  Man— The  Universal  Acclaim  is  that  never  were 
Affection  and  Admiration  More  Worthily  Bestowed. 

The  deaths  of  Lincoln,  Johnson,  Grant,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Arthur,  Har 
rison  and  McKinley  leave  in  Cleveland  the  only  living  ex-President  who 
appeared  at  his  successor's  funeral  in  Washington,  and  subsequently 
spoke  at  a  memorial  service  at  Princeton,  at  Alexander  Hall. 

The  pit  and  gallery  of  the  big  auditorium  were  filled  to  overflowing 
by  the  undergraduates.  The  faculty  and  authorities  of  the  university 
occupied  the  rostrum.  President  Patton  presided.  On  his  right  sat 
Grover  Cleveland,  the  only  living  ex-President  of  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Cleveland  was  dressed  in  academic  costume,  the  long  flowing  gown 
and  bla<pk  mortar-board  cap.  The  services  were  opened  with  a  prayer 
by  Dr.  Patton.  Then  the  audience  took  up  with  fervor  the  late  Presi 
dent's  favorite  hymn,  and  as  the  words  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  rang 
out  through  the  hall  Mr.  Cleveland  bowed  his  head.  He  remained  so 
during  the  singing  of  the  hymn,  the  emotion  which  he  was  feeling 
plainly  discernible  on  his  face. 

TRIBUTE   BY    EX-PRESIDENT   CLEVELAND. 

Dr.  Patton  introduced  the  former  President,  who  cleared  his  throat, 
stepped  forward  with  bowed  head,  and  began  in  broken  tones: 

"To-day  the  grave  closes  over  the  body  of  the  man  but  lately  chosen 
by  the  people  of  the  United  States  from  among  their  number  to  repre 
sent  their  nationality,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  their  constitution, 
to  faithfully  execute  the  laws  ordained  for  their  welfare,  and  to  safely 
hold  and  keep  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the  republic.  His  time  of  ser 
vice  is  ended — not  by  the  lapse  of  time,  but  by  the  tragedy  of  assassina 
tion.  He  has  passed  from  the  public  sight — not  joyously  bearing  the 
garlands  and  wreaths  of  his  countrymen's  approving  acclaim,  but  amid 
the  sobs  and  tears  of  a  mourning  nation.  He  has  gone  to  his  home — 

253 


254  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY. 

not  to  a  habitation  of  earthly  peace  and  quiet,  bright  with  domestic 
comfort  and  joy,  but  to  the  dark  and  narrow  home  for  all  the  sons  of 
men,  there  to  rest  until  the  morning  light  of  the  resurrection  shall 
gleam  in  the  east. 

"All  our  people  loved  their  dead  President.  His  kindly  nature  and 
lovable  traits  of  character  and  his  amiable  consideration  for  all  about 
him  will  long  be  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  He  loved 
them  in  return  with  such  patriotism  and  unselfishness  that  in  this  hour 
of  their  grief  and  humiliation  he  would  say  to  them :  'It  is  God's  will ; 
I  am  content.  If  there  is  a  lesson  in  my  life  or  death,  let  it  be  taught 
to  those  who  still  live  and  have  the  destiny  of  their  country  in  their 
keeping.' 

"Let  us,  then,  as  our  dead  is  buried  out  of  our  sight,  seek  for  the 
lessons  and  the  admonitions  that  may  be  suggested  by  the  life  and 
death  which  constitute  our  theme. 

"First  in  my  thoughts  are  the  lessons  to  be  learned  from  the  career 
of  William  McKinley  by  the  young  men  who  make  up  the  body  of  our 
university.  These  lessons  are  not  obscure  or  difficult.  They  teach  the 
value  of  study  and  training,  but  they  teach  more  impressively  that  the 
road  to  usefulness  and  to  the  only  success  worth  having  will  be  ruined 
or  lost  except  it  is  sought  and  kept  by  the  light  of  those  qualities  of  the 
heart  which  it  is  sometimes  supposed  may  safely  be  neglected  or  sub 
ordinated  in  university  surroundings.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  Study, 
and  study  hard,  but  never  let  the  thought  enter  your  mind  that  study 
alone  or  the  greatest  possible  accumulation  of  learning  alone  will  lead 
you  to  the  heights  of  usefulness  and  success. 

"The  man  who  is  universally  mourned  to-day  achieved  the  highest 
distinction  which  his  great  country  can  confer  on  any  man;  and  he  lived 
a  useful  life.  He  was  not  deficient  in  education,  but  with  all  you  will 
hear  of  his  grand  career  and  his  services  to  his  country  and  his  fellow- 
citizens  you  will  not  hear  that  the  high  plane  which  he  reached  or  what 
he  accomplished  was  due  entirely  to  his  education.  You  will  instead 
constantly  hear  as  accounting  for  his  great  success  that  he  was  obedi 
ent  and  affectionate  as  a  son,'  patriotic  and  faithful  as  a  soldier,  honest 
and  upright  as  a  citizen,  tender  and  devoted  as  a  husband,  and  truth 
ful,  generous,  unselfish,  moral,  and  clean  in  every  relation  of  life. 

"He  never  thought  any  of  those  things  too  weak  for  his  manliness. 
Make  no  mistake.  Here  was  a  most  distinguished  man — a  great  man— 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AT  HOME. 

The  above  shows  President  McKinley  in  his  favorite  "rocker"  on  the  porch  at  his 
home   in    Canton,    Ohio. 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY.  257 

a  useful  man — who  became  distinguished,  great,  and  useful  because 
he  had  and  retained  unimpaired  qualities  of  heart  which  I  fear  uni 
versity  students  sometimes  feel  like  keeping  in  the  background  or  aban 
doning. 

"There  is  a  most  serious  lesson  for  all  of  us  in  the  tragedy  of  our 
late  President's  death.  The  shock  of  it  is  so  great  that  it  is  hard  at  this 
time  to  read  this  lesson  calmly.  We  can  hardly  fail  to  see,  however, 
behind  the  bloody  deed  of  the  assassin,  horrible  figures  and  faces  from 
which  it  will  not  do  to  turn  away.  If  we  are  to  escape  further  attack 
upon  our  peace  and  security  we  must  boldly  'and  resolutely  grapple 
with  the  monster  of  anarchy.  It  is  not  a  thing  that  we  can  safely  leave 
to  be  dealt  with  by  party  or  partisanship.  Nothing  can  guarantee 
us  against  its  menace  except  the  teaching  and  the  practice  of  the  best 
citizenship,  the  exposure  of  the  ends  and  aims  of  the  gospel  of  discon 
tent  and  hatred  of  social  order,  and  the  brave  enactment  and  execution 
of  repressive  laws. 

"The  universities  and  colleges  cannot  refuse  to  join  in  the  battle 
against  the  tendencies  of  anarchy.  Their  help  in  discovering  and  warn 
ing  against  the  relationship  between  the  vicious  councils  and  deeds  of 
blood  and  their  steadying  influence  upon  the  element  of  unrest  cannot 
fail  to  be  of  inestimable  value. 

"By  the  memory  of  our  murdered  President,  let  us  resolve  to  culti 
vate  and  preserve  the  qualities  that  made  him  great  and  useful,  and  let 
us  determine  to  meet  any  call  of  patriotic  duty  in  any  time  of  our 
country's  danger  and  need. 

In  the  afternoon  Mr.  Cleveland  spoke  again  in  the  Second  Presby 
terian  Church  Hall.  He  said  that  he  recalled  with  sharp  distinctness 
some  incidents  that  occurred  at  the  first  inauguration  of  Mr.  McKinley; 
how  the  incoming  President  in  his  amiable  manner  manifested  his  seri 
ous  appreciation  of  the  responsibilities  he  was  about  to  assume. 

"As  we  sat  side  by  side  amid  the  cheers  of  many  thousands,"  said 
Mr.  Cleveland,  "I  shall  never  forget  his  manner  as  he  turned  to  me  and 
said:  'What  an  impressive  thing  it  is  to  assume  tremendous  responsi 
bility.'  " 

Mr.  Cleveland  told  how  the  thought  had  come  to  him  with  vivid 
impressiveness  while  standing  beside  the  dead  President  in  Washing 
ton  on  Tuesday — "I  have  been  related  in  a  most  intimate  way  to  the 
beginning  of  a  distinguished  Presidential  career  of  which  the  end  is 


258  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES    TO    McKINLET. 

before  me  in  death — death  with  honor  and  without  fear  of  the  judg 
ment  of  God. 

"William  McKinley,"  said  Mr.  Cleveland,  "has  left  us  a  priceless  gift 
in  the  example  of  a  useful  and  pure  life,  of  his  fidelity  to  public  trusts 
and  his  demonstration  of  the  valor  of  the  kindly  virtues  that  not  only 
ennoble  mankind  but  lead  to  success." 

He  concluded  with  these  words:  "God  still  lives  and  reigns  arid  wTill 
not  turn  His  face  from  us  who  have  always  been  objects  of  His  kindness 
and  care." 

ELOQUENT   WORDS   BY    REV.    FRANK   W.    GUNSAULUS. 

At  the  Auditorium,  Chicago,  Dr.  Frank  W.  Gunsaulus  said: 

"The  three  great  graves  which  have  received  the  dust  of  our  mar 
tyred  Presidents  have  been  three  points  tow ard  which  in  each  instance 
God  has  led  his  Moses,  and  on  the  mountain  top,  lit  by  a  moment  of 
divine  success,  Moses  has  been  seen  looking  into  the  promised  land. 
How  little  have  we  thought  that  our  Moses  was  to  die  there  and  enter 
his  grave  before  his  nation  reached  his  Canaan. 

"Each  of  these  men  left  a  grave  which  is  such  an  altar  place,  the 
sacrifice  was  so  made,  and  God  so  guides  history,  that  the  nation  is 
inspired  to  march  unfalteringly  to  the  better  day.  Slavery  assassinated 
Abraham  Lincoln.  And  never  until  that  moment  wras  there  a  Canaan 
before  the  American  people  so  rich  and  secure  that  the  nation  was 
sure  to  go  forward,  leaving  the  precious  dust  of  its  leader  behind  and 
walking  in  his  spirit  forevermore.  The  spoils  system  murdered  Gar- 
field.  And  never  until  it  had  shown  its  base  spirit  kindling  a  brain 
into  madness  was  our  country  certain  that  her  feet  pointed  Canaan- 
ward. 

"And  now  comes  anarchy,  the  torch  of  flame  lighting  up  the  pic 
ture  gallery  of  the  past,  which  it  would  destroy,  its  satanic  bomb  hiss 
ing  already  with  ruin  for  the  palaces  of  government  and  the  temples 
of  religion,  its  loathsome  face  sneering  at  virtue,  its  leprous  hand 
grasping  the  instrument  of  murder,  and  this  infernal  fiend  of  the  pit 
has  slain  our  beloved  and  stainless  knight.  From  these  graves  we  go 
forth  knowing  that  in  death  alone  these  men  have  given  the  fatal 
thrust  to  the  hellish  powers  wrhich  assassinated  them.  More  than 
armies,  more  than  emancipation  proclamations,  more  than  the  statutes 
of  Congress  has  the  spirit  of  liberty  which  flowed  out  of  Lincoln's 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO    McKINLEY.  259 

wound  slain  slavery.  More  than  resolutions  of  conventions,  more  than 
party  promises  or  official  orders,  the  awful  cost  and  sacrifice  of  Garfield 
and  the  spirit  flowing  from  his  wounds  have  fatally  struck  the  spoils 
system.  More  than  jails  or  scaffolds,  more  than  national  armaments 
or  stringent  legislation,  the  gentle,  pure,  just,  and  loving  spirit  of 
William  McKinley  flowing  from  his  wounds  will  at  last,  under  God's 
helping  hand,  annihilate  anarchy.  Civilization  costs,  but  it  is  worth 
all  it  costs.  These  three  graves  have  been  dug  in  the  heart  of  the 
American  people,  but  they  alone  will  keep  the  heart  of  the  nation 
strong  and  pure. 

"It  is  fitting  that  we  should  reflect  upon  that  majestic  power  for 
self-sacrifice  wrhich  won  victory  after  victory  until  it  reached  its  grand 
est  triumph  in  conquest  over  death  itself.  When  he  came  to  death, 
at  the  moment  when  the  aims  and  purposes  of  his  life  had  brought 
forth  a  visible  harvest  of  seeds  waiting  to  be  planted  for  a  new  era  and 
a  new  harvesting,  he  transformed  death  into  a  messenger  of  the  highest 
and  made  him  servant  to  that  same  self-sacrificing  spirit  that  said,  'It 
is  God's  way.  His  will  be  done.' 

"Tears  magnify,  we  are  told.  The  truth  is,  tears  do  not  magnify; 
they  clarify;  and  Death,  the  mighty  one,  tall  of  stature  and  wellnigh 
omnipotent  unto  ruin,  only  lends  himself  to  stand  by  the  side  of  such 
a  man  as  William  McKinley  that  one  may  know  what  is  his  stature. 
Kemoved  just  a  little  from  us,  how  magnificent  is  our  star,  a  little  area 
of  which  we  saw  and  touched  and  knew.  How  gloriously  he  pours 
forth  serene  light  as  he  mounts  in  the  heavens  of  history.  Yet  it  was 
impossible  that  it  should  be  otherwise.  Our  President  was  arranged 
for  in  the  long  development  of  his  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  char 
acteristics  through  heredity  and  by  divine  providence,  and  God's  fore 
sight  was  so  spacious  that  nothing  could  have  come  of  it  all  save  a 
great  man.  We  who  have  known  the  fatherhood,  and  motherhood,  the 
environment  and  atmosphere  which  were  his  could  not  think  that  Prov 
idence  intended  him  to  be  other  than  strong,  full-orbed,  well-poised, 
harmonious,  and  a  valiant  soldier  whose  qualities  shall  be  none  the 
less  illustrious  a  century  hence  than  they  were  on  that  day  when  he  lay 
dead  on  his  shield. 

"He  came  into  youth  vivacious  and  impressionable  in  the  hour  when 
his  father's  home,  the  community,  and  his  native  State  were  athrob 
with  the  greatest  debate  of  modern  times,  the  prelude  of  the  most 


260  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY. 

important  war.  How  he  grew  into  that  manly  courage  and  how  his 
opinions  hardened  into  those  convictions  which  were  soon  to  send  him 
with  those  wTho  were  marching  to  the  front  to  save  the  Union. 

"It  is  not  strange  that  he  came  home  from  the  Avar,  young  as  he 
was,  a  patriot  and  statesman  who  had  learned  his  patriotism  and  states 
manship  while  he  was  helping  to  save  his  country. 

"His  career  has  been  the  career  of  a  truly  great  man.  William 
McKinley's  greatness  has  not  a  solitary  element  of  the  theatrical  or 
romantic  in  its  composition  or  influence.  His  was  the  genius  which 
is  so  full-orbed  and  harmonious  that  it  is  most  likely  to  require  years 
that  its  completeness  and  serviceableness  shall  be  rightly  estimated. 

"Washington  was  no  brilliant  genius,  and  he  beneficently  inaugu 
rated  the  movement  of  American  republicanism.  A  Napoleon  at  the 
beginning  of  our  governmental  experiment  would  have  Napoleonized 
our  youth.  Equally  unfortunate  would  we  have  been  had  our  experi 
ment  been  fathered  by  a  political  philosopher  of  extraordinary  visions. 

"Lincoln's  greatness  was  republican  greatness.  His  arm  was  strong 
when  public  sentiment  lifted  it,  and  he  was  able  to  incarnate  the  intel 
lect  and  conscience  of  the  republic.  McKinley's  greatness  was  of  this 
type.  He  did  listen  with  an  ear  close  to  the  ground  for  the  tread  of 
the  millions,  and  after  a  moment,  which  assured  him  of  the  righteous 
ness  and  wisdom  of  public  sentiment,  he  was  erect  and  leading  them 
Zionward.  His  imperialism  was  that  of  absolute  loyalty  to  the  people's 
will  after  the  people's  will  had  been  educated  by  a  knowledge  of  the 
facts  in  the  case.  The  quality  of  the  man's  nature,  his  great  public 
services,  his  practical  faith  in  the  institutions  and  processes  of  Repub 
lican  government  make  his  grave  a  rallying  point  for  all  those  elements 
of  order  and  progress  which  will  at  last  achieve  for  eartn  in  many- 
spirited  reality  the  city  of  God." 

Then  the  audience  sang  "America." 

TRIBUTE    BY    SENATOR   FORAKER. 

Senator  Foraker  of  Ohio  spoke  at  the  Cincinnati  Music  Hall  and 
the  hall  was  packed  before  11  a.  m.  The  memorial  meeting  was  pre 
sided  over  by  Mayor  Julius  Fleischmann,  who  was  a  member  of  McKin 
ley's  staff  when  the  latter  was  Governor  of  Ohio.  The  Catholic  festival 
chorus  sang,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  and 
other  numbers,  all  present  joining  in  singing  "America." 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY.  2(H 

In  Music  Hall  were  many  who  had  heard  Senator  Foraker  present 
McKinley's  name  to  two  State  conventions  for  Governor  and  to  two 
national  conventions  for  President.  Senator  Foraker  in  part  said: 

"In  the  vigor  of  robust  manhood,  at  the  height  of  his  powers,  in 
the  possession  of  all  his  faculties,  in  the  midst  of  a  great  work  of  world 
wide  importance,  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  admiration,  love,  and  affec 
tion  of  all  classes  of  our  people  to  a  degree  never  before  permitted  to 
any  other  man,  at  a  time  of  profound  peace,  when  nothing  was  occurring 
to  excite  the  passions  of  men,  when  we  were  engaged  in  a  celebra 
tion  of  the  triumphs  of  art,  science,  literature,  commerce,  civiliza 
tion,  and  all  that  goes  to  make  up  the  greatest  prosperity,  advance 
ment  and  happiness  the  world  has  ever  known,  surrounded  by  thousands 
of  his  countrymen,  who  were  vying  with  each  other  in  demon 
strations  of  friendship  and  good  will,  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  without  a  moment's  warning,  was  stricken  down  by  an  assassin, 
who,  while  greeting  him  with  one  hand,  shot  him  to  death  with  the 
other. 

"History  has  no  precedent  for  such  treachery  and  wickedness  since 
Joab,  stroking  his  beard  as  though  to  kiss  him,  inquiring,  'Art  thou 
in  health,  my  brother?'  smote  unsuspecting  Amasa  in  the  fifth  rib  and 
'shed  out  his  bowels  to  the  ground.' " 

The  Senator  reviewed  President  McKinley's  public  services,  from 
his  enlistment  in  1861  to  his  death — a  period  of  forty  years.  He  laid 
special  stress  upon  his  service  of  fourteen  years  in  Congress,  in  which 
capacity  he  was  already  entitled  to  the  highest  rank  before  becoming 
Governor  or  President.  He  called  him  the  successor  of  Henry  Clay 
in  maintaining  a  protective  system,  contending  that  the  way  to  reach 
free  trade,  or  tariff  for  revenue  only,  as  to  articles  of  home  production 
without  injury  to  the  country  was  through  the  operation  of  the  policy 
of  protection,  whereby  the  nation  would  in  time  reach  the  point  where, 
fully  supplying  its  own  demands,  it  could  go  into  the  markets  of  the 
world  to  dispose  of  whatever  surplus  it  might  have. 

Continuing,  the  Senator  said:  "He  died  proud  of  his  work  and  in 
the  just  expectation  that  time  will  vindicate  his  wisdom,  his  purpose, 
and  his  labors — and  it  will. 

"What  he  w^as  not  permitted  to  finish  will  be  taken  up  by  other 
hands,  and  when  the  complete  crowning  triumph  comes  it  will  rest 
upon  the  foundation  he  has  laid.  * 


262  SPLENDID   TRIBUTES   TO   McKlNLEY. 

"Who  can  exaggerate  the  gratification  he  must  have  experienced  in 
pointing  out  the  immeasurable  prosperity  that  has  resulted  from  the 
energizing  effects  of  the  policies  he  had  done  so  much  to  sustain? 

"Dwelling  upon  the  fact  that  we  had  now  reached  a  point  in  the 
development  of  our  industries  where  w^e  are  not  only  able  to  supply 
our  home  markets  but  are  producing  a  large  and  constantly  increasing 
surplus,  for  which  we  must  find  markets  abroad,  he  reminded  us  that 
if  we  would  secure  these  markets  and  continue  these  happy  conditions 
we  must  not  only  maintain  cordial  relations  with  other  nations  but 
must  establish  such  reciprocal  relations  of  trade  as  will  enable  them 
to  sell  as  well  as  to  buy,  and  that  in  this  great  work  we  should  utilize 
the  protective  element  of  existing  duties  where  it  is  no  longer  needed 
for  purposes  of  protection. 

"The  remarkable  tale  is  not  all  told.  No  language  can  adequately 
tell  of  his  devoted  love  and  tender  affection  for  the  invalid  partner  of 
all  his  joys  and  sorrows. 

"The  story  of  this  love  has  gone  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  is 
written  in  the  hearts  of  all  mankind  everywhere.  It  is  full  of  tender 
ness,  full  of  pathos,  and  full  of  honor. 

"But  he  was  more  than  gentle.  He  was  thoroughly  religious,  and 
too  religious  to  be  guilty  of  any  bigotry.  His  broad,  comprehensive 
views  of  man  and  his  duty  in  his  relations  to  God  enabled  him  to  have 
charity  and  respect  for  all  who  differed  from  his  belief.  His  faith 
solaced  him  in  life  and  did  not  fail  him  wrhen  the  supreme  test  came. 

"When  the  dread  hour  of  dissolution  overtook  him  and  the  last 
touching  farewell  had  been  spoken,  he  sank  to  rest  murmuring  'Nearer, 
My  God,  to  Thee.' 

"The  touching  story  of  that  deathbed  scene  will  rest  on  generations 
yet  unborn  like  a  soothing  benediction.  Such  Christian  fortitude  and 
resignation  give  us  a  clearer  conception  of  what  was  in  the  apostle's 
mind  when  he  exclaimed,  *0  death,  where  is  thy  sting?  O  grave,  where 
is  thy  victory?'" 

EULOGY   BY   CARDINAL   GIBBONS. 

In  Maryland,  business  was  generally  suspended  throughout  the 
State.  The  memorial  services  at  the  Cathedral  were  unusually  elabor 
ate.  Cardinal  Gibbons,  always  a  wrarm  personal  friend  of  the  murdered 
President,  delivered  the  following  eulogy: 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO    McKlNLEY.  263 

"It  has  been  my  melancholy  experience  in  the  course  of  my  sacred 
ministry  to  be  startled  by  the  assassination  of  three  Presidents  of 
the  United  States.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  shot  in  1865.  James  A. 
Garfield  was  mortally  wounded  in  1881,  and  William  McKinley  received 
a  fatal  wound  on  the  6th  day  of  September,  1901.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  shot 
in  a  theater;  Mr.  Garfield  was  shot  while  about  to  take  a  train  to  enjoy 
a  needed  vacation,  and  our  late  beloved  President  fell  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin  while  lending  the  prestige  of  his  name  and  influence  to 
the  success  of  a  national  exposition. 

"In  the  annals  of  crime  it  is  difficult  to  find  an  instance  of  murder 
so  atrocious,  so  wanton  and  meaningless  as  the  assassination  of  Mr. 
McKinley.  Some  reason  or  pretext  has  been  usually  assigned  for  the 
sudden  taking  away  of  earthly  rulers.  Baltassar,  the  impious  King 
of  Chaldea,  spent  his  last  night  in  reveling  and  drunkenness.  He  was 
suddenly  struck  dead  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord. 

"How  different  was  the  life  of  our  chief  magistrate!  No  court  in 
Europe  or  in  the  civilized  world  was  more  conspicuous  for  moral  recti 
tude  and  purity,  or  more  free  from  the  breath  of  scandal  than  the  official 
home  of  President  McKinley.  He  would  have  adorned  any  court  in 
Christendom  by  his  civic  virtues. 

"Brutus  plunged  his  dagger  into  the  heart  of  Caesar  because  of  his 
overweening  ambition.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  errors  of  judg 
ment  on  the  part  of  our  late  President  (and  who  is  free  from  them?), 
no  man  can  honestly  charge  him  with  tyranny  or  official  corruption. 

"The  Redeemer  of  mankind  was  betrayed  by  the  universal  symbol 
of  love.  If  I  may  reverently  make  the  comparison,  the  President  was 
betrayed  by  the  universal  emblem  of  friendship. 

"Christ  said  to  Judas,  'Friend,  betray est  thou  the  Son  of  Man  with  a 
kiss?'  The  President  could  have  said  to  his  slayer:  'Betray est  thou 
the  head  of  the  nation  with  the  grasp  of  the  hand?7 

"He  was  struck  down  surrounded  by  a  host  of  his  fellow  citizens, 
every  one  of  whom  wrould  have  gladly  risked  his  life  in  defense  of  his 
beloved  chieftain. 

"Few  Presidents  were  better  equipped  than  Mr.  McKinley  for  the 
exalted  position  which  he  filled.  When  a  mere  youth  he  entered  the 
Union  army  as  a  private  soldier  during  the  Civil  War  and  was  pro 
moted  for  gallant  service  on  the  field  of  battle  to  the  rank  of  Major. 
He  served  his  country  for  fourteen  years  in  the  halls  of  Congress,  and 


264  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKIM.EY. 

•«» 

toward  the  close  of  his  term  he  became  one  of  the  most  conspicuous 
figures  in  that  body.  He  afterward  served  his  State  as  Governor. 

"As  President  he  was  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  duties  of  his 
office,  and  could  enter  into  its  most  minute  details.  His  characteristic 
virtues  were  courtesy  and  politeness,  patience  and  forbearance  and 
masterly  self-control  under  very  trying  circumstances.  When  unable 
to  grant  a  favor  he  had  the  rare  and  happy  talent  to  disappoint  the 
applicant  without  offending  him. 

"The  domestic  virtues  of  Mr.  McKinley  were  worthy  of  all  praise. 
He  was  a  model  husband.  Amid  the  pressing  and  engrossing  duties 
of  his  official  life  he  would,  from  time  to  time,  snatch  a  few  moments 
to  devote  to  the  invalid  and  loving  partner  of  his  joys  and  sorrows. 
Oh,  what  a  change  has  come  over  this  afflicted  woman!  Yesterday 
she  was  the  first  lady  of  the  land.  To-day  she  is  a  disconsolate  and 
heart-broken  widow.  Let  us  beseech  Him  who  comforted  the  widow 
of  Nairn  that  He  console  this  lady  in  her  hour  of  desolation. 

"It  is  a  sad  reflection  that  some  fanatic  or  miscreant  has  it  in  his 
power  to  take  the  life  of  the  head  of  the  nation  and  to  throw  the  whole 
country  into  mourning.  It  was  no  doubt  this  thought  that  inspired 
some  writers  within  the  last  few  days  to  advise  that  the  President 
should  henceforth  abstain  from  public  receptions  and  handshaking 
and  that  greater  protection  should  be  given  to  his  person. 

"You  might  have  him  surrounded  with  cohorts,  defended  with, 
bayonets  and  have  him  followed  by  Argus-eyed  detectives,  and  yet  he 
will  not  be  proof  against  the  stroke  of  the  assassin.  Are  not  the 
crowned  heads  of  Europe  usually  attended  by  military  forces,  and  yet 
how  many  of  them  have  perished  at  the  hand  of  some  criminal? 

"No,  let  the  President  continue  to  move  among  his  people  and  take 
them  by  the  hand.  The  strongest  shield  of  our  chief  magistrate  is  the 
love  and  devotion  of  his  fellow  citizens.  The  most  effective  way  to  stop 
such  crimes  is  to  inspire  the  rising  generation  with  greater  reverence 
for  the  constituted  authorities  and  a  greater  horror  for  any  insult  or 
injury  to  their  person.  All  seditious  language  should  be  suppressed. 
Incendiary  speech  is  too  often  an  incentive  to  criminal  acts  on  the 
part  of  many  to  whom  the  transition  from  words  to  deeds  is  easy. 

"Let  it  be  understood,  once  for  all,  that  the  authorities  are  deter 
mined  to  crush  the  serpent  of  anarchy  whenever  it  lifts  its  venomous 
head. 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO    McKIXLEY.  265 

"We  have  prayed  for  the  President's  life,  but  it  did  not  please  God 
to  grant  our  petition.  Let  no  one  infer  from  this  that  our  prayers 
were  in  vain.  No  fervent  prayer  ascending  to  the  throne  of  Heaven 
remains  unanswered.  Let  no  one  say  what  a  lady  remarked  to  me  on 
the  occasion  of  President  Garfield's  death.  'I  have  prayed,'  she  said, 
'for  the  President's  life.  My  family  have  prayed  for  him,  our  congrega 
tion  prayed  for  him,  the  city  prayed  for  him,  the  state  prayed  for  him. 
the  Nation  prayed  for  him,  and  yet  he  died.  What,  then,  is  the  use  of 
prayer?' 

"God  answers  our  petitions  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  He  does 
not  grant  us  what  we  ask,  He  gives  us  something  equivalent  or  better. 
If  He  has  not  saved  the  life  of  the  President  He  preserves  the  life  of  the 
Nation,  which  is  of  more  importance  than  the  life  of  an  individual. 
He  has  infused  into  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  a  greater  rever 
ence  for  the  head  of  the  Nation  and  a  greater  abhorrence  of  assassina 
tion.  He  has  intensified  and  energized  our  love  of  country  and  our 
devotion  to  our  political  institutions. 

"What  a  beautiful  spectacle  to  behold  prayers  ascending  from  tens 
of  thousands  of  temples  throughout  the  land  to  the  Throne  of  Mercy! 
Is  not  this  universal  uplifting  of  minds  and  hearts  to  God  a  sublime 
profession  of  our  faith  and  trust  in  Him?  Is  not  this  national  appeal 
to  Heaven  a  most  eloquent  recognition  of  God's  superintending  provi 
dence  over  us?  And  such  earnest  and  united  prayers  will  not  fail  to 
draw  down  upon  us  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty. 

"The  President  is  dead.  Long  live  the  President!  William  Mc- 
Kinley  has  passed  away,  honored  and  mourned  by  the  Nation.  Theo 
dore  Roosevelt  succeeds  to  the  title,  the  honors  and  the  responsibilities 
of  the  presidential  office.  Let  his  fellow  citizens  rally  around  him. 
Let  them  uphold  and  sustain  him  in  bearing  the  formidable  burden 
suddenly  thrust  upon  him.  May  he  be  equal  to  the  emergency  and 
fulfill  his  duties  with  credit  to  himself,  and  may  his  administration 
redound  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  American  people/' 

ADDRESS    BY    HON.    W.    J.    BRYAN. 

Memorial  services  were  held  at  Lincoln,  Nebraska,  The  He^,  W. 
J.  Bryan  was  one  of  the  speakers,  and  said: 

"As  monuments  reared  by  grateful  hands  to  the  memory  of  heroes 
testify  to  the  virtues  of  the  living  as  well  as  to  the  services  of  the  dead, 


266  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY. 

so  the  sorrow  that  has  overwhelmed  our  Nation,  obliteratiug  the  dis 
tinctions  of  party,  race  and  religion,  is  as  complimentary  to  the  patriot 
ism  of  our  people  as  to  our  departed  chief  magistrate.  It  would  indeed 
bo  a  disgrace  to  our  Nation  if  the  murder  of  a  President  concerned  only 
the  members  of  the  dominant  party.  While  no  recent  campaigns  have 
aroused  deeper  feeling  than  those  through  which  Mr.  McKinley  passed, 
yet  in  no  contests  did  the  minority  more  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  the 
will  of  the  majority  as  expressed  at  the  polls.  He  was  the  President 
of  all  the  people,  and  their  dignity  and  sovereignty  were  attacked  when 
he  was  assaulted. " 

Mr.  Bryan  said  he  yielded  to  one  in  his  appreciation  of  the  private 
character  and  public  virtues  of  McKinley,  and  paid  him  tribute  in  the 
following  words: 

"I  rejoice  that  his  career  so  fully  demonstrated  the  possibilities  of 
American  citizenship.  The  young  men  of  the  country  can  find  inspira 
tion  and  encouragement  in  the  fact  that  he  made  his  own  way  from 
obscurity  to  fame;  those  who  are  nearing  the  boundary  of  life  can  find 
consolation  and  example  in  the  superb  manner  in  which  he  fought  his 
final  battle,  his  courage  and  fortitude  in  the  closing  hours  recalling  the 
bravery  which  he  showed  as  a  soldier.  Domestic  happiness  has  never 
been  better  illustrated  than  in  his  life,  and  Christian  faith  and  trust 
never  better  exemplified  than  in  his  death. 

"Few  if  any  of  our  public  men  have  been  more  approachable,  and 
his  generous  conduct  and  genial  ways  held  to  the  last  the  friends  whom 
his  genius  attracted.  His  associates  early  recognized  his  qualities  of 
leadership,  and  no  statesman  has  exerted  greater  influence  upon  his 
party  or  upon  the  politics  of  his  generation.  He  possessed  rare  ability 
in  presenting  and  defending  his  views  and  has  made  a  profound  impres 
sion  upon  the  history  of  his  time. 

"The  President's  position  made  him  a  part  of  the  life  of  all  his 
countrymen,  and  the  circumstances  which  attended  his  taking  off  added 
indignation  to  grief — indignation  that  even  one  murderous  heart  could 
be  found  in  all  the  land,  and  grief  that  the  wicked  purpose  of  that  heart 
should  have  been  consummated  against  one  so  gentle  in  spirit  and  so 
kind  in  word  and  deed. 

"This  is  neither  the  time  nor  the  place  for  a  discussion  of  remedies 
for  anarchy.  It  can  have  no  defenders  in  the  United  States. 

"The  universality  of  the  respect  shown  for  the  deceased  and  the 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY.  L><;7 

genuineness  of  the  good  will  manifested  toward  him  teach  a  lesson 
that  should  not  be  forgotten,  namely  that  the  best  things  in  life  are 
above  and  beyond  the  domain  of  politics.  In  campaigns  the  points  of 
difference  between  citizens  are  emphasized  and  ofttimes  exaggerated, 
but  the  points  of  similarity  are  really  more  numerous,  more  important 
and  more  permanent. 

"In  stature  and  i:i  stiength,  in  plans  and  in  purpose,  in  love,  in  hope, 
in  fear  and  in  all  human  needs  we  are  much  the  same.  It  is  not  pos 
sible  that  ;;I1  good  should  be  confined  to  one  party  and  all  evil  to 
another.  It  would  be  a  sad  day  for  the  country  if  all  the  virtue,  all 
the  intelligence  and  all  the  patriotism  were  to  be  found  in  one  political 
organization,  if  there  were  another  organization  of  any  considerable 
size  having  the  allegiance  of  all  the  vicious,  ignorant  and  unpatriotic. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  in  the  heat  of  political  controversy  partisanship 
sometimes  becomes  so  strong  as  to  cause  injustice  to  be  done  to  the 
motives  of  political  opponents,  and  it  should  be  our  constant  aim  to 
place  our  campaigns  on  such  a  high  plane  that  personalities  will  be 
eliminated  and  the  issues  made  to  turn  upon  the  principles  involved. 

"Let  us  hope  that  this  National  affliction,  which  unites  all  factions 
in  a  common  sorrow,  will  result  in  a  broader  charity  and  a  more  liberal 
spirit  among  those  who  by  different  policies  and  through  different 
parties  seek  to  promote  the  welfare  and  increase  the  glory  of  our 
common  country." 

HON.  JOHN  P.  DOLLIVER'S  ELOQUENT  WORDS. 

At  a  memorial  service  held  in  Chicago  on  Sunday,  September  22d, 
Senator  John  P.  Dolliver  delivered  the  following  address: 

"Three  days  ago,  near  by  the  house  in  which  he  lived,  with  a  multi 
tude  which  no  man  could  number,  I  stood  by  the  grave  of  William 
McKinley;  and  while  among  so  many 'voices  I  would  prefer  to  remain 
silent,  yet  I  am  grateful  for  the  opportunity  to  join  with  you  in  this 
memorial  and  to  speak  a  few  words  in  reverent  eulogy  of  the  statesman 
and  the  man. 

"There  will  be  opportunity  enough  to  make  inquiry  into  the  causes 
of  the  enormous  offense  against  mankind  of  which  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  the  victim.  But  it  cannot  be  out  of  the  way,  even  at 
such  a  time  as  this,  to  recognize  that  in  the  midst  of  modern  society 
there  are  a  thousand  forces  manifestly  tending  toward  the  moral 


268  SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   UcKI\LU'V. 

degradation  out  of  which  this  wicked  hand  was  raised  to  kill  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  American  people.  Other  Presidents  of  the  United 
States  have  been  murdered,  but  the  men  who  did  the  deed  bore  such 
obvious  marks  of  a  diseased  mind  that  one  of  them,  at  least,  received  the 
penalties  of  the  law  rather  than  its  compassion,  only  because  in  the 
administration  of  justice  the  line  which  separates  the  maniac  from  the 
murderer  is  drawn  with  rather  a  clumsy  hand. 

"The  crime  brought  with  it  a  passionate  expression  of  the  public 
sorrow,  without  the  sense  of  shame  which  makes  the  tragedy  at  Buffalo 
so  hard  to  bear.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  given  no 
attention  and  the  government  of  the  several  states  but  little  to  the 
activity  in  many  of  our  cities  of  organizations,  inconsiderable  in  num 
bers,  which  boldly  profess  to  seek  the  destruction  of  all  government 
and  all  law.  Their  creed  is  openly  written  in  many  languages,  includ 
ing  our  own,  and  its  devotees  the  w^orld  over  do  not  try  to  conceal  the 
satisfaction  which  they  take  in  these  deeds  of  darkness. 

"The  crime  of  the  6th  of  September,  though  evidently  committed 
under  the  influence,  if  not  the  direction,  of  others,  easily  baffles  the 
courts,  because,  being  without  the  common  motives  of  murder,  it  leaves 
no  tracks  distinct  enough  to  be  followed,  and  for  that  reason  escapes 
through  the  very  tenderness  of  our  system  of  jurisprudence  toward  per 
sons  accused  of  suspicions,  however  grave.  A  government  like  ours  is 
always  slow  to  move  and  often  awkward  in  its  motions,  but  it  can  be 
trusted  to  find  effective  remedies  for  conditions  like  these,  at  least  after 
they  become  intolerable. 

"But  these  remedies,  in  order  to  be  effective,  must  not  evade  the 
sense  of  justice,  which  is  universal,  nor  the  traditions  of  civil  liberty, 
which  we  have  inherited  from  our  fathers.  The  bill  of  rights,  written 
in  the  English  language,  stands  for  too  many  centuries  of  sacrifice,  too 
many  battlefields  sanctified  by  blood,  too  many  hopes  of  mankind, 
reaching  toward  the  ages  to  come,  to  be  mutilated  in  the  least,  in  order 
to  meet  the  case  of  a  handful  of  miscreants  wrhose  names  nobody  can 
pronounce. 

"Whether  the  secret  of  this  ghastly  atrocity  rests  in  the  keeping 
of  one  man  or  many  we  may  never  know,  but  if  the  President  was 
picked  out  by  hidden  councils  for  the  fate  which  overtook  him  there 
is  a  mournful  satisfaction  in  the  fact  that  in  his  life  as  well  as  in  his 
death  he  represented  the  American  manhood  at  its  best. 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY.  269 

"I  have  studied,  with  some  degree  of  care,  such  literature  as  the 
working  creed  of  anarchy  has  given  to  the  modern  world,  and  in  all  the 
high  places  of  the  earth  it  could  not  have  chosen  a  victim  whose  life 
among  men  has  made  a  more  complete  answer  to  its  incoherent  pro 
gramme  of  envy  and  hatred  and  crime.  Without  intending  to  do  so, 
it  has  strengthened  the  whole  framework  of  the  social  system,  not 
only  by  showing  its  own  face,  but  by  lifting  up  before  the  eyes  of  all 
generations  this  choice  and  master  spirit  of  our  times,  simple  and 
beautiful  in  his  life,  kingly  and  serene  in  death. 

"The  creed  of  anarchy,  in  common  with  all  kindred  schools  of 
morbid  social  science,  teaches  that  only  the  children  of  the  rich  find 
their  lives  worth  living  under  our  institutions  and,  therefore,  in  order 
to  emancipate  the  poor,  these  institutions  must  be  overthrown.  The 
biography  of  William  McKinley  records  the  successful  battle  of  at  least 
one  young  man  in  the  open  arena  of  the  world,  and  tells  the  story  of  his 
rise  from  the  little  schoolhouse,  where  he  earned  the  money  to  complete 
his  own  education,  to  the  highest  civic  distinction  known  among  men. 
One  life  like  that  put  into  the  light  of  day,  where  the  young  men  of 
America  can  see  it,  will  do  more  for  the  welfare  of  society  than  all  the 
processions  that  ever  marched  behind  beer  wagons  through  the  streets 
of  Chicago  with  red  flags  can  do  it  harm. 

"The  creed  of  anarchy  knows  no  country,  feels  in  its  withered  heart 
no  pulse  of  patriotism,  sees  under  no  skies  the  beauty  of  any  flag- 
not  even  ours,  that  blessed  symbol  now  draped  in  mourning,  which 
lights  up  this  time  of  National  affliction  with  the  splendor  of  the  great 
republic. 

"It  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  that  conspirators,  working  out  their 
nefarious  plans  in  secret,  in  the  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth,  enjoy  an 
unconscious  co-operation  and  side  partnership  with  every  lawless  influ 
ence  which  is  abroad  in  the  world.  Legislators  who  betray  the  com 
monwealth,  judges  who  poison  the  fountains  of  justice,  governments 
which  come  to  terms  with  crime — all  these  are  regular  contributors  to 
the  campaign  fund  of  anarchy.  That  howling  mass,  whether  in  Kan 
sas  or  Alabama,  dancing  about  the  ashes  of  some  negro  malefactor, 
is  not  contributing  to  the  security  of  society — it  is  taking  away  from 
society  the  only  security  it  has.  It  belongs  to  the  unenrolled  reserve 
corps  of  anarchy  in  the  United  States. 

"Neither  individuals  n.or  corporations  nor  mobs  can  take  the  law 


270  SPLENDID   TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY. 

into  their  own  hands  without  identifying  themselves  with  this  more 
open,  but  not  less  odious,  attack  on  the  fortress  of  the  social  order. 

"The  creed  of  anarchy  teaches  that  popular  government  has  failed 
and  that  enactments  made  by  the  people  for  themselves  are  no  more 
sacred  than  arbitrary  decrees  promulgated  by  tyrants  and  enforced  by 
bayonets.  Professor  Ely  in  his  work  on  the  labor  movement  preserves 
this  expression  from  the  editorial  page  of  the  chief  organ  of  anarchy 
in  the  United  States: 

"  'The  Republican  party  is  run  by  robbers  and  in  the  interest  of  rob 
bery;  the  Democratic  party  is  run  by  thieves  and  in  the  interest  of 
thievery.  Therefore  vote  no  more.' 

"Each  proposition  is  an  infamous  lie.  Yet  nobody  can  deny  that  the 
sensational  press  of  both  parties  had  contributed  enough  to  the  volume 
of  current  scandal  and  hearsay  to  make  these  infernal  slanders  accept 
able  to  all  enemies  of  the  human  race. 

"The  creed  of  anarchy  despises  the  obligations  of  the  marriage  con 
tract,  impeaches  the  integrity  of  domestic  life,  enters  into  the  homes 
of  the  people  to  pull  down  their  altars  and  subject  the  family  relation, 
which  is  the  chief  bond  of  society,  to  the  caprices  of  libertinism  and  lust. 
In  all  these  things  it  has  an  alliance,  implied  if  not  expressed,  with 
every  variation  of  that  rotten  public  opinion  which  in  many  American 
States  has  turned  the  court  of  equity  into  a  daily  scene  of  perjury  and 
treason  against  the  hearthstone  of  the  community — a  treason  so 
flagrant  that  a  year  ago,  for  the  accommodation  of  one  man,  the  Legisla 
ture  of  Florida  was  induced  to  descend  below  the  level  of  all  paganisms 
and  all  barbarisms  by  so  amending  the  laws  of  divorce  as  to  permit  a 
wealthy  resident  to  legally  desert  the  wife  of  his  youth,  not  on  account 
of  any  fault  of  hers,  but  because  of  the  pathetic  burdens  which  she  bore. 

"I  look  upon  it  at  least  as  a  passing  misfortune  for  us  that  the 
atheistic  doctrines  of  anarchism  have  been  translated  into  the  language 
of  common  life  by  a  famous  American,  now  dead  and  gone,  who  in  the 
days  of  his  strength  was  the  most  captivating  popular  orator  who  ever 
spoke  our  tongue.  On  taking  the  chair  as  president  of  the  American 
Secular  Union  he  uttered  these  words: 

"  'Away  with  the  old  nonsense  about  free  moral  agency;  a  man  is  no 
more  responsible  for  his  character  than  for  his  height;  for  his  conduct 
than  for  his  dreams.' 

"It  requires  no  very  deep  investigation  to  find  such  a  sentiment  the 


SPLENDID    TRIBUTES   TO   McKINLEY.  271 

seed  of  all  anarchists,  beginning  with  the  bomb  shells  in  the  streets 
of  Chicago  and  ending  with  chaos  come  again. 

"It  is  the  saddest  spectacle  ever  known  in  this  poor  world  to  see 
the  leaders  of  the  radical  labor  movement  both  in  Europe  and  America 
deliberately  turning  their  back  on  the  workingnian  of  Nazareth  and 
laying  hold  of  the  philosophy  which  complacently  dismisses  all  value 
except  strength  and  has  no  place  in  it  for  the  weak  and  outcast  mil 
lions  of  the  earth. 

"It  may  be  an  idle  imagination,  but  as  I  have  heard  the  prayers 
which  have  been  offered  and  the  sermons  wThic*h  have  been  preached 
about  the  dead  body  of  William  McKinley  it  has  come  to  look  more 
and  more  rational  to  me  that  if  indeed  his  assassination  was  an  inci 
dent  of  the  standing  challenge  of  atheism  against  the  peace  and  order 
of  society  it  could  not,  now  that  Gladstone  is  no  more,  have  chosen  a 
sacrifice  more  fit  to  illustrate  the  nobility  of  human  character,  nurtured 
in  the  fear  of  God  and  trained  from  infancy  in  the  law  of  Christ." 

Senator  Dolliver  dealt  to  some  length  with  the  relations  of  anarchy 
to  atheism,  and  then  closed  his  address  with  an  eloquent  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  President  McKinley. 

"A  long  acquaintance  with  the  late  President,"  he  said,  "has  always 
saved  me  from  that  error  of  judgment  which  has  in  some  quarters 
underrated  his  abilities  and  underestimated  the  value  of  his  public 
services,  but  standing  here,  before  yet  the  flowers  have  withered  which 
cast  their  faded  beauty  upon  his  grave,  I  declare  my  solemn  belief  that 
no  achievement  of  his  great  career,  no  triumph  of  his  epoch  making 
record  at  our  capital,  will  weigh  so  much  for  the  welfare  of  the  world 
as  the  everlasting  ministry  of  the  stainless  life  which  he  lived  in  the 
faith  of  the  mother  who  taught  him  first  to  repeat  the  words  of  the 
Master,  'Thy  will  be  done.'  " 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  VOICE  OF  THE  CLERGY  ON  THE  MARTYRDOM 

OF  McKINLEY. 

An  Unexampled  Union  in  Prayers  and  Sermons  from  All  Christian  Denominations,  First 
that  the  Precious  Life  of  the  President  Might  Be  Preserved,  and  that  Hope  Lost  that 
the  Lessons  of  His  Life  Might  Live,  and  the  Lessons  of  His  Death  Be  an  Everlasting 
Benediction  to  Mankind. 

Ages  on  ages  the  death  of  President  McKinley  will  be  remembered  as 
the  most  Christ-like,  of  all  the  world  has  known  since  Calvary.  The 
great  matters  of  this  earth  are  always  simple,  and  there  can  be  no  sub 
limity,  that  has  not  simplicity.  It  was  in  the  very  spirit  of  the  Savior, 
that  when  the  mortally  wounded  chief  magistrate  sank  into  a  chair  shot 
down  by  an  anarchist  assassin, the  man  whose  agony  was  horrible,  seeing 
the  scuffle  to  subdue  the  murderer,  said :  "Let  him  not  be  hurt."  Here 
are  five  tremendous  words  of  one  syllable  each.  There  never  was  parting 
between  man  and  woman  in  all  the  tragedies,  more  tragic,  more  heart- 
wringing  than  that  between  the  dying  President  and  his  wife.  It  cannot 
be  put  on  the  stage,  because  it  is  too  sacred,  and  this  statement  will  not  be 
lost : 

Our  President  was  a  great  man  in  the  highest  sense  in  which  that 
adjective  can  be  applied.  I  am  not  speaking  as  a  publicist,  nor  ana 
lyzing  a  political  career;  there  is  room  for  difference  of  judgment  there; 
but  there  are  other  matters  upon  which  we  are  all  agreed. 

What  is  it  to  find  in  the  highest  place  among  us  a  man  devout  and 
faithful  in  his  Christian  profession,  modest,  calm,  capable;  a  pattern  of: 
the  domestic  virtues,  an  example  of  right  living?  Has  not  the  public— 
the  great  American  Nation — taken  in  the  beauty  first  of  that  good, 
honest,  loyal  life?  Is  it  not  for  that  the  man  has  been  beloved  and 
mourned  throughout  our  families  and  our  homes,  but  will  gain  infinite 
pathos  for  a  thousand  years  to  come?  Then  came  the  "Good-bye  all," 
not  farewell,  for  the  dying  man  believed  in  meeting  again  and  used  the 
very  word  that  told  his  faith  in  truth  and  fervor.  It  was  "Good-bye."  It 
was  not  our  way,  but  God's  way,  and  so  "Thy  will  be  done."  Each 
word  a  monosyllable,  fraught  with  the  significance  of  things  everlasting. 

272 


WILLIAM   McKINLEY    AS    AN  ORATOR. 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  275 

There  was  one  tiling  more  possible  at  this  awful  elevation  and  the  words 
came  from  the  hymn  that  will  forever  be  his  hymn,  and  there  will  be 
sobs  in  the  singing  of  the  words  he  had  comfort  in  uttering  in  the  dark 
valley  of  the  shadow  of  death  as  the  kindly  light  led  on  through  the  val 
ley,  until  the  white  feet  of  the  bearer  of  good  tidings  shone  on  the  mour 
tain  beyond  which  was  eternal  day,  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

It  is  too  soon  to  understand  how  transcendent  the  glory  of  the  death 
bed  of  McKinley  will  1  e,  but  he  has  arisen  into  the  dawn  of  an 
immortality  the  brightness  of  which  will  increase  through  the  eternal  pro 
cession  of  the  centuries.  Magnificent  as  were  his  wrorks  for  his  country, 
the  organization  and  achievements  in  the  man  for  humanity  and  peace  for 
liberty,  his  few  words  when  dying  as  a  Christian  in  the  loftiest  sense  of 
the  term  that  means  in  the  likeness  of  Christ,  will  outlast  them  all  in  the 
splendor  that  shall  endure,  and  never  turn  pale  though  the  stars  and 
the  sun  may  be  pallid. 

There  never  has  been  such  Christian  unity  on  this  or  any  continent— 
in  this  or  any  age,  as  appears  in  the  invocations  and  utterances — the 
prayers,  the  sermons,  the  orations — in  which  the  hearts  of  the  American 
people  have  found  some  expression  of  sorrow  and  hope,  that  we  may 
see  by  and  by  the  better  way,  though  the  path  seems  deeply  overshadowed. 

There  let  the  way  appear 
Steps  up  to  Heaven; 
All  that  Thou  sendest  me 
In  mercy  given ; 
Angels  to  beckon  me. 

The  Information,  the  clerical  organ  in  Vienna,  says: 
"The  Pope  addressed  the  Catholic  bishops  Sunday  and  declared  that 
the  late  President  McKinley  Avas  a  victim  of  the  excessive  freedom  grant 
ed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  He  urged  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
society  to  oppose  the  spread  of  socialism,  Free  Masonry,  Judaism  and 
anarchy." 

"London,  Sept.  20. — The  Russian  government,"  says  a  dispatch  to  the 
Standard  from  Odessa,  "has  ordered  the  head  of  the  political  police  to 
draft  suggestions  for  the  suppression  of  anarchism  in  anticipation  of  the 
Washington  cabinet  making  proposals  for  united  European  action." 


270  THE    VOICE    OF    THE    CLERGY. 

This  is  interesting  and  cannot  be  accepted  as  authentic,  but  it  has 
an  expression  that  belongs  to  European  thought  rather  than  that  on  this 
side  the  Atlantic.  It  must  be  said  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
grant  their  own  liberties  to  themselves.  They  acknowledge  no  power 
to  grant  them  their  inheritance  of  liberty,  but  those  who  fear  the  Aveak- 
ness  of  our  government  may  dismiss  apprehension,  for  it  will  come  out  in 
the  struggle  with  anarchy,  as  with  other  enemies,  a  government  stronger 
than  is  possible  to  monarchical  power.  Dr.  Locke,  at  Buffalo,  in  the  first 
prayers  voiced  over  President  McKinley  in  his  coffin,  said : 

"We  thank  Thee,  that  Thou  dost  answer  the  sobbing  sigh  of  the  heart 
and  dost  assure  us  that  if  a  man  die  he  shall  live  again.  We  praise 
Thee  for  Jesus  Christ,  Thy  Son  our  Savior,  and  elder  Brother,  that  He 
came  to  'bring  life  and  immortality  to  light,'  and  because  He  lives  we  shall 
live  also.  We  thank  Thee  that  death  is  victory,  that  'to  die  is  a  gain.7 
Have  mercy  upon  us  in  this  dispensation  of  Thy  providence.  We  believe 
in  Thee,  we  trust  Thee,  our  God  of  Love,  'the  same  yesterday,  today  and 
forever.'  , 

"We  thank  Thee  for  the  unsullied  life  of  Thy  servant,  our  martyred 
President,  whom  Thou  hast  taken  to  his  coronation,  and  we  pray  for  the 
final  triumph  of  all  the  divine  principles  or  pure  character  and  free  gov 
ernment  for  which  he  stood  while  he  lived  and  which  were  baptized  by  his 
blood  in  his  death." 

It  seems  well  to  say  that  at  the  time  this  prayer  was  delivered,  the 
hyrnn  President  McKinley  loved  as  much  as  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee," 
Dr.  Newman's  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  was  sung  by  the  Buffalo  quartette : 

Lead,  kindly  light,  amid  the  encircling  gloom; 

Lead  thou  me  on; 
The  night  is  dark  and  I  am  far  from  home; 

Lead  thou  me  on; 


Keep  thou  my  feet ;  I  do  not  ask  to  see 

The  distant  scene ;  one  step  enough  for  me. 


I  was  not  ever  thus,  nor  prayed  that  thou 

Shouldst  lead  me  on; 
I  loved  the  garish  day,  and  spite  of  fears 

Pride  ruled  my  way;  remember  not  past  years. 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  277 

So  long  thy  power  has  blessed  me,  sure  it  still 

Will  lead  me  on, 
O'er  moor  and  fen,  o'er  crag  and  torrent,  till 

The  night  is  gone. 

And  with  the  morn  those  angel  faces  smile 

Which  I  have  loved  long  since  and  lost  awhile. 

In  his  own  home  church  at  Canton,  the  President  was  in  the  habit 
of  joining  in  the  singing  and  to  find  it  comforting  to  do  so,  and  while  his 
mother  lived  there  never  was  an  omission  of  an  attention  by  the  Presi 
dent  to  her.  When  the  benediction  was  offered,  he  immediately  joined 
her,  when  he  happened,  owing  to  the  pressure  for  seats,  not  to  sit  with 
her,  he  was  at  her  side  when  she  was  on  her  feet  and  walked  to  her  car 
riage  and  assisted  her  to  be  well  seated,  when  as  she  took  her  departure 
he  invariably  took  off  his  hat  to  her.  It  was  something  the  people  of 
Canton  loved  to  see. 

Archbishop  Ireland  sent  this  prayer  to  the  Priests  of  the  St.  Paul 
See  September  8th : 

"Reverend  Dear  Rector:  A  horrible  crime  has  been  committed  in 
our  country.  The  life  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  has  been  as 
sailed,  the  majority  of  the  nation  has  been  outraged,  the  fabric  of  the 
civil  society  has  been  imperiled.  It  behooves  the  Christian  people  of 
America  to  bow  their  heads  before  the  Almighty  ruler  of  men  in  profound 
humiliation  and  earnest  supplication. 

"Have  we,  as  a  people,  through  pride  and  self-trusting,  through  for- 
getfulness  of  the  laws  of  religion  and  of  righteousness,  merited  that  this 
dreadful  visitation  should  have  come  upon  the  land?  God  knows  and  God 
judges.  As  the  penitent  Israel  of  olden  days  gathered  between  the  porch 
and  the  altar  let  us  weep  and  say : 

"Spare,  O  Lord,  spare  Thy  people  and  give  not  Thy  inheritance  to  re 
proach  that  the  heathen  should  overrule  them.  Why  should  theysayainong 
the  nations,  Where  is  their  God?  For  our  own  and  the  nation's  welfare,  in 
coming  years,  our  dependency  must  be  upon  the  great  and  good  Lord, 
who  is  our  Heavenly  Father.  Only  through  Him  who  reigns  amid  the 
tempests  and  the  billows,  of  the  seas  can  peace  and  security  be  ours.  Only 
through  Him  who  is  the  Father  of  Lights,  from  whom  is  every  perfect 
gift,  can  there  be  given  to  us  the  intelligence  of  duty  and  the  strength 
to  accomplish. 

"Let  us  in  fervor  of  heart  invoke  His  blessed  name,  and  by  prayer 
draw  upon  ourselves  and  upon  the  nation  His  most  bountiful  graces. 

"And  with  especial  fervor  must  we  supplicate  the  God  of  Mercy  and 


278  THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY. 

of  Love  for  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation.  Upon  him  the  wrath 
of  crime  heavily  fell ;  the  sympathies  of  our  souls  go  out  to  him  and  our 
heartful  entreaties  ascend  to  the  skies  for  his  comfort  and  his  recovery. 

"May  the  Master  have  him  in  holy  keeping,  granting  him  patient 
courage  amid  present  sufferings,  and  speedily  restoring  him  to  the  joys 
of  health,  that  he  may  with  renewed  strength  again  consecrate  himself  to 
the  service  of  his  country  and  his  fellow  men. 

"To  those  ends  we  ordain  that  all  pastors  do,  in  their  churches,  be 
fore  the  principal  mass,  recite  together  with  the  faithful  the  Psalm,  'Have 
mercy  on  me,  O  God/  as  an  act  of  penitential  reparation  for  sins  personal 
and  national  and  the  litany  of  the  Holy  Name  of  Jesus  as  an  invocation  to 
Heaven  for  an  outpouring  of  divine  grace  in  a  special  manner  for  the 
return  to  health  of  the  President  of  the  Republic. 

"JOHN  IRELAND,  Archbishop  of  St.  Paul." 

The  Catholics  of  Texas  used  this  form  of  prayer : 

"Beloved  children  in  Christ,  a  most  atrocious  crime  has  been  per 
petrated  by  the  hand  of  a  cruel  assassin.  His  Excellency,  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  is  now  lying  at  the  door  of  death. 

"Christian  charity  and  national  loyalty  urges  us  to  offer  him  the 
help  of  our  prayers  and  to  extend  to  him  o<ur  heartfelt  sympathy.  We 
therefore  direct  you  to  unite  in  fervent  prayer  to  God,  that  in  His  good 
ness  and  mercy  He  may  be  pleased  to  spare  to  our  nation  its  .Chief 
Executive,  and  to  grant  him  a  speedy  restoration  to  health.  We  rec 
ommend  for  this  intention  the  prayers  for  the  authorities,  with  one 
4Our  Father'  and  'Hail,  Mary'  daily,  after  the  church  services  during 
the  illness  of  our  worthy  President.'  Yours  faithfully  in  Christ, 

"NICHOLAS  ALOYSIUS,  Bishop  of  Galveston. 
"N.  A.  GALLAGHER,  Bishop." 

On  September  15,  in  historic  old  Trinity,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Morgan  Dix  de 
livered  a  warm  eulogy  on  the  virtues  of  the  late  President.  During  the 
liturgical  part  of  the  service  which  preceded  the  sermon  the  President's 
favorite  hymn,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  was  sung. 

Dr.  Dix  spoke  in  part  a,s  follows : 

"Two  things  are  filling  our  thoughts  today.  We  are  looking  at  the 
man ;  we  are  looking  at  the  crime.  As  for  the  man,  his  warmest  friends, 
his  greatest  admirers,  could  have  asked  for  him  no  more  brilliant  apo 
theosis.  Estimates  have  varied  of  him,  his  ability,  his  work.  But  millions 
have  been  praying  as  men  seldom  pray  that  his  life  might  be  precious  in 

f\f  rir»rl     nnrl   fnr*  hpvrmrl   nm»  Imrrlprs  finrl   wulp-lv  thrnnoh   fnrpitm 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  279 

lands,  others  innumerable,  our  brethren  in  a  common  humanity,  ha,ve  been 
on  their  knees  pleading  for  his  life.  This  tells  the  story  of  his  character, 
his  acts,  his  greatness;  the  general  consent  of  the  wide  world  from  which 
there  can  be  no  appeal. 

"The  crime,  what  was  it?  We  see  in  it  the  worst  of  all  we  have  ever 
known,  the  most  outrageous  ever  committed  in  this  land.  Lincoln  fell  by 
an  assassin's  hand.  But  this  act  was  bred  by  the  passions  engendered  by 
the  civil  war.  It  meant  nothing  against  the  order  of  the  world  or  the 
stability  of  government,  It  was  a  personal  act  of  revenge  by  one  who 
loved  the  Confederacy,  and  thirsted  for  vengeance  for  a  lost  cause. 

"President  Garfleld  died  also  the  victim  of  the  assassin's  hand.  But 
the  act,  though  it  stirred  the  nation  with  horror,  had  no  political  signifi 
cance.  The  wretch  who  committed  the  deed  was  merely  a  disappointed 
office-seeker. 

"But  there  was  worse  to  come.  And  it  has  come.  Right  in  the 
path  on  which  the  great  nation  is.  advancing  stands  the  most  horrid 
spectre  by  which  social  order  has  yet  been  confronted.  Be  the  individual 
whom  he  may  that  happens  to  represent,  this  new  foe,  he  is  of  very  little 
consequence  compared  with  the  motive  which  inspired  his  act.  This 
spectre  today  announces  as  its  aim  and  end  the  total  destruction  of 
modern  civilization. 

"Will  the  nation  fail  to  act  as  a  great  nation  should;  to  deal  as  it 
ought  to  do  with  the  most  deadly  foe  that  it  has  or  ever  can  have?  Are  we 
to  lapse  into  a  fatal  apathy,  and  let  the.  preaching  of  murder  and  inciting 
to  murder  and  the  applauding  of  murder  go  on  as  before?  It  seems  to  me 
that  the  most  solemn  issue  of  the  hour  is  as  to  what  we  have  to  do  who 
remain ;  whether  we  are  equal  to  the  occasion ;  whether  we  wrho  have  sub 
dued  foe  after  foe  are  now  to  fall  back  before  this  enemy,  the  last  and  most 
dangerous  we  have  ever  encountered. 

"And  so  leave  we  the  beloved  and  honored  President  to  his  rest 
and  his  future  glory;  great  in  his  closing  words,  great  in  his  constant 
thought  for  others,  great  in  his  submission  to  the  will  of  God —  greatest, 
perhaps,  in  that  deathbed  scene,  so  perfectly  accordant  with  the  precepts 
of  the  Gospel  and  the  example  of  his  Savior."  [Here  Dr.  Dix  be 
came  so  affected  that  he  sobbed  audibly.] 

"Let  us  bear  in  mind  that  wife,  his  devotion  to  whom  forms  one  of  the 
loveliest  and  purest  pictures  in  the  past.  God  comfort  her  and  help  her, 
arid  grant  her  glad  reunion  with  her  beloved." 


280  THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Washburn,  Mrs.  Roosevelt's  pastor,  in  an  address  at  the 
memorial  services  at  Oyster  Bay,  spoke  these  eloquent  words : 

"Neither  a  free  press  nor  free  speech  is  responsible  for  anarchy  or  the 
crimes  committed  in  its  name.  Anarchy  does  not  exist  because  of  a  free 
press  and  free  speech.  It  did  not  have  its  origin  here,  but  it  grew  up  in 
the  poverty,  ignorance  and  lack  of  moral  education  of  other  countries. 
If  it  has  been  transferred  here,  neither  a  free  press  nor  free  speech  is  to 
blame  for  it. 

"The  policy  which  should  be  adopted  to  suppress  it  must  be  moral 
training  for  our  young,  which  will  do  more  to  obliterate  it  than  all  the 
laws  that  may  be  enacted.  People  must  be  educated,  so  that  they  can 
reason  and  think." 

Dr.  W.  B.  Huntingdon  at  Grace  Church,  New  York : 

"Our  leader  has  fallen,  our  foremost  man  is  perished,  our  President 
is  dead.  And  yet  it  is  an  hour  for  thankfulness  a,s  well  as  mourning,  for 
religion  is  stronger  in  America  today  for  this  death,  because  of  the  gra 
cious  words  that  fell  from  the  lips  of  the  stricken  man.  More  influential 
for  the  popular  well-being  than  even  that  significant  and  suggestive  last 
speech  will  be  President  McKinley 's  simple  sentence,  'Let  no  one  hurt 
him.'  Let  us  make  it  a,  proverb  and  use  it  as  a  cry.  It  may  be  made, 
depend  upon  it,  more  helpful  in  the  crusade  against  lynch  law,  now  fairly 
opened,  than  any  learned  citation  or  labored  argument.  When  next  the 
temptation  comes  to  some  infuriated  mob  to  shoot,  or  burn,  or  strangle 
some  untried,  unjudged  object  of  suspicion,  let  some  one  in  the  crowd,  in 
clear  tones,  repeat  the  words  now  made  tenfold  more  significant  by  the 
seal  death  has  set  upon  them,  and  depend  upon  it,  there  will  be  magic  in 
the  cry,  'Let  no  one  hurt  him.' 

The  Rev.  Father  M.  J.  Lavelle,  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral— William  Mc- 
Kinley  is  one  whose  name,  even  if  misfortune  had  not  overtaken  him, 
would  have  gone  down  to  posterity  as  one  of  the  greatest  Presidents  of 
the  United  States.  This  is  conceded  by  all,  those  who  opposed  him  po 
litically  as  well.  He  was  really  the  idol  of  the  nation.  We  all  voted  for 
him  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  we  voted  for  his  opponent  we  did  so 
for  the  principle,  not  for  the  man,  as  no  one  had  a  better  character  than 
William  McKinley.  He  was  a  statesman  who  has  left  an  indelible  impres 
sion  upon  the  history  of  this  country  and  of  the  world,  and  before  he  was 
President  the  name  of  William  McKinley  was  better  known  outside  of  the 
LTnited  States  and  throughout  the  world  than  that  of  any  other  American. 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  281 

He  was  a  man  of  large  faith  in  G  od  and  of  deep  religious  sense.  He  was  de 
void  of  bigotry.  Does  it  not  seem  strange  that  a  life  so  noble,  a  life  with 
out  stain,  at  which  the  voice  of  calumny  was  never  once  lifted,  should  find 
an  enemy  capable  of  destroying  the  vital  spark?  These  misguided 
creatures  (Anarchists)  sometimes  pretend  to  find  root  of  their  false  doc 
trine  in  the  Scriptures  themselves.  Anarchy  is  as  impossible  as  that  five 
is  equal  to  two.  If  we  wish  to  prevent  a  renewal  of  the  calamity  which  we 
mourn  today  it  is  only  through  stronger  faith  in  God.  That  is  the  bul 
wark  of  society  and  of  this  nation. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  R.  S.  MacArthur,  Calvary  Baptist  Church — Anarchy  is 
a  state  of  society  without  government,  without  law  and  without  authority. 
It  is  a  condition  in  which  society  cannot  exist.  The  class  of  Anarchists 
known  as  communists  shrink  from  no  form  of  violence  by  which  they 
could  attain  their  end.  They  are  the  deadly  foes  of  all  social  order.  They 
ought  to  be  driven  from  every  land  and  made  to  live  on  a  lone  island. 
They  live  here  protected  by  the  very  laws  they  defy.  But  for  these  laws 
many  of  them  wrould  have  been  torn  to  pieces  within  the  last  week. 
Law  is  of  God,  but  Anarchy  is  of  Satan. 

The  American  nation  today  sits  with  heads  bowed  in  sorrow  and 
hearts  uplifted  in  prayer.  This  is  the  saddest  day  in  the  history  of  the 
younger  generation  and  one  of  the  saddest  days  in  the  history  of  the 
American  people.  The  most  beloved  President  we  have  ever  had  in  office 
and  the  foremost  man  of  the  world  lies  dead,  foully  murdered  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin.  There  is  in  the  minds  of  all  patriotic  Americans  a  source 
of  deepest  humiliation  in  the  sight  of  the  civilized  world.  For  the  third 
time  in  this  generation  an  American  President  has  been  slain  by  Ameri 
can  hands.  We  are  on  trial  as  never  before  at  the  bar  of  civilization. 

The  Right  Rev.  Archbishop  Corrigan  occupied  the  throne  during  the 
high  mass  at  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral,  New  York  City,  but  did  not  take 
part  in  the  service.  At  times,  while  the  Rev.  M.  J.  Lavelle,  the  pastor,  was 
preaching  the  sermon  and  spoke  feelingly  of  President  McKinley,  the 
Archbishop  could  be  seen  sobbing. 

The  Rev.  Father  Lavelle,  the  rector  of  the  Cathedral,  devoted  his  en 
tire  sermon  to  the  life  of  President  McKinley,  saying,  in  part: 

aOn  occasions  of  this  kind  the  very  best  wrords  seem  hollow  and  mean 
ingless  compared  with  the  depth  and  vast  significance  that  stirs  the  heart 
of  the  nation.  William  McKinley  is  one  whose  name,  even  if  misfortune 
had  not  overtaken  him,  would  have  gone  down  to  posterity  as  one  of  the 


282  THE    VOICE   OF   THE    CLERGY. 

greatest  Presidents  of  the  United  States.  He  was  really  the  idol  of  the  na 
tion.  We  all  voted  for  him  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  we  voted  for 
his  opponent  we  did  so  for  the  principle,  not  for  the  man,  as  no  one  had  a 
better  character  than  William  McKinley. 

"During  two  summers  spent  away  from  Washington  he  spent  his  vaca 
tion  at  Lake  Champlain,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Catholic  Summer 
School,  and  the  courtesy  and  kindliness  he  showed  were  such  as  to  bring 
him  nearer  to  the  hearts  of  all  people  there  and  make  him  seem  as  if  he 
was  one  of  them." 

Father  Lavelle  then  related  some  instances  in  connection  with  these 
two  vacations,  and  one  in  particular,  where  a  Catholic  had  a  just  griev 
ance  and  the  President  told  him  that  "justice  would  be  done."  Continu 
ing,  he  said : 

"Justice  will  be  done.  That  was  the  principal  guiding  star  of  his  life ; 
the  aim  and  object  that  spurred  him  on  to  his  duty.  Well  does  he  deserve 
a  nation's  tears  and  gratitude." 

Father  Lavelle  then  referred  to  anarchism  and  to  the  writings  of  Pope 
Leo  XIII  on  the  subject,  He  added : 

"These  misguided  creatures  sometimes  pretend  to  find  a  root  of  their 
false  doctrines  in  the  Scriptures  themselves.  In  our  family,  where  the  father 
and  mother  must  be  the  head,  this  man,  the  Anarchist,  gets  over  the  diffi 
culty  by  destroying  the  family.  If  we  wish  to  prevent  a  renewal  of  the 
calamity  which  we  mourn  to-day  it  is  only  through  stronger  faith  in  God. 
That  is  the  bulwark  of  society  and  of  this  nation. 

"President  McKinley  was  the  idol  of  the  whole  people.  We  all  voted 
for  him,  either  by  directly  casting  our  suffrages  for  him  or  by  having  part 
in  making  and  preserving  the  law  which  makes  us  all  bow  loyally  to  the 
expressed  will  of  the  majority.  He  was  a  statesman  who  has  left  an  in 
delible  impression  on  the  legislation  of  his  country  and  of  the  world. 
Years  before  he  was  a  serious  candidate  for  the  Presidency  he  was  the 
American  most  widely  famous  in  Europe.  He  was  a  soldier  who  spent 
the  most  precious  years  of  his  youth  in  defense  of  the  flag  for  which  he  was 
destined  to  win  so  many  victories  of  peace.  He  was  a  man  of  unblemished 
life.  In  all  the  agitation  and  bitterness  of  party  strife  he  never  was  ac 
cused  of  anything  dishonest  or  vile.  He  was  a  man  of  deep  religious  faith 
and  practice,  devoid  of  bigotry,  with  a  charity  that  embraced  first  his 
whole  country  and  then  the  entire  world. 

"How  is  it  possible  that  such  a,  man  should  have  become  the  target  of 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  283 

an  assassin?  The  reason  is  found  ir  that  most  wretched  passion  of  the  hu 
man  heart  which  can  magnify  its  own  affected  grievances,  its  own  jeal 
ousies  and  spites  to  such  a  size  that  they  overshadow  the  rights  of  the  rest 
of  the  world.  This  is  the  foundation  of  anarchy.  It  is  generally  accom 
panied  by  denial  of  God,  and  by  disrespect  for  the  marriage  tie,  thus  doing 
away  with  the  idea  of  respect  for  paternity,  either  divine  or  human,  and 
consequently  of  all  authority.  Sometimes,  the  votaries  of  these  doctrines 
pretend  to  find  the  foundation  for  their  false  thinking  in  Holy  Scripture, 
where  the  equality  of  all  men  before  God  is  so  clearly  laid  down.  Yet  God 
himself  is  the  father  and  superior  of  all.  There  are  grades  among  the  an 
gels.  So  must  there  be  among  men." 

Prayer  of  the  Senior  Bishop  of  the  Methodist  Church,  Andrews,  at 
the  head  of  the  bier  at  Buffalo — the  service  in  the  rotunda  : 

"Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  Our  Lord,  who  of  his  abundant 
mercy  hath  begotten  us  again  unto  a  lively  hope  of  the  resurrection  of 
Christ  from  the  dead,  to  an  inheritance  incorruptible,  undefiled,  and  that 
fadeth  not  away,  reserved  in  Heaven  for  us  who  are  now,  by  the  power  of 
God  through  faith  unto  salvation,  ready  to  be  revealed  in  the  last 
time. 

"The  services  for  the  dead  are  fitly  and  almost  of  necessity  services  of 
religious  and  of  immortal  hope.  In  the  presence  of  the  shroud  and  the 
coffin  and  the  narrow  home,  questions  concerning  intellectual  quality, 
concerning  public  station,  concerning  great  achievements,  sink  into  com 
parative  insignificance ;  and  questions  concerning  character  and  man's  re 
lation  to  the  Lord  and  giver  of  life,  even  the  life  eternal,  emerge  to  our 
view  and  impress  themselves  upon  us. 

"Character  abides.  We  bring  nothing  into  this  world ;  we  can  carry 
nothing  out.  We  ourselves  depart  with  all  the  accumulations  of  tendency 
and  habit  and  quality  which  the  years  have  given  to  us.  We  ask,  there 
fore,  even  at  the  grave  of  the  illustrious,  not  altogether  what  great  achieve 
ment  they  had  performed  and  how  they  commended  themselves  to  the 
memory  and  affection  or  respect  of  the  world,  but  chiefly  of  what  sort  they 
were;  what  the  interior  nature  of  the  man  was;  what  were  his  affinities? 
Were  they  with  the  good,  the  true,  the  noble?  What  his  relation  to  the 
infinite  Lord  of  the  universe  and  to  the  compassionate  Savior  of  man 
kind  ;  what  his  fitness  for  that  great  hereafter  to  which  he  had  passed? 

"And  such  great  questions  come  to  us  with  moment,  even  in  the 
hour  when  we  gather  around  the  bier  of  those  whom  we  profoundly  re- 


284  THE   VOICE   OF   THE   CLERGY. 

spect  and  eulogize  and  whom  we  tenderly  love.  In  the  years  to  come  the 
days  and  the  months  that  lie  immediately  before  us  will  give  full  utter 
ance  as  to  the  high  statesmanship  and  great  achievements  of  the  illus 
trious  man  whom  we  mourn  today.  We  shall  not  touch  them  today.  The 
nation  already  has  broken  out  in  its  grief  and  poured  its  tears,  and  is  still 
pouring  them,  over  the  loss  of  a  loved  man.  It  is  well.  But  we  ask  this 
morning  of  what  sort  this  man  is,  so  that  we  may  perhaps,  knowing  the 
moral  and  spiritual  life  that  is  past,  be  able  to  shape  the  far- withdrawing 
future. 

"I  think  we  must  all  concede  that  nature  and  training  are — reverent 
ly  be  it  said — the  inspiration  of  the  Almighty,  conspired  to  conform  a  man, 
a  man  admirable  in  his  moral  temper  and  aims.  We  none  of  us  can  doubt, 
I  think,  that  even  by  nature  he  was  eminently  gifted.  The  kindly,  calm, 
and  equitable  temperament,  the  kindly  and  generous  heart,  the  love  of 
justice  and  right,  and  the  tendency  toward  faith  and  loyalty  to  unseen 
powers  and  authorities — these  things  must  have  been  with  him  from  his 
childhood,  from  his  infancy;  but  upon  them  supervened  the  training  for 
which  he  was  always  tenderly  thankful  and  of  which  even  this  great  na 
tion  from  sea  to  sea  continually  has  taken  note. 

"It  was  a  humble  home  in  which  he  was  born.  Narrow  conditions 
were  around  him,  but  faith  in  God  had  lifted  that  lowly  roof  according 
to  the  statement  of  some  great  writer,  'up  to  the  very  Heavens  and  per 
mitted  its  inmates  to  behold  the  things  eternal,  immortal,  and  divine;' 
and  he  came  under  that  training. 

"It  is  a  beautiful  thing  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  bent  reverently 
before  that  mother  whose  example  and  teaching  and  prayer  had  so  fash 
ioned  his  mind  and  all  his  aims.  The  school  came  but  briefly,  and  then 
came  to  him  the  church  with  its  ministration  of  power.  He  accepted  the 
truth  which  it  taught.  He  believed  in  God  and  in  Jesus  Christ,  through 
whom  God  was  revealed.  He  accepted  the  divine  law  of  the  scripture; 
he  based  his  hope  on  Jesus  Christ,  the  appointed  and  only  Redeemer  of 
men;  and  the  church,  beginning  its  operation  upon  his  character  at  an 
early  period  of  his  life,  continued  even,  to  its  close  to  mold  him.  He 
waited  attentively  upon  its  ministration.  He  gladly  partook  with  his 
brethren  of  the  symbols  of  mysterious  passion  and  redeeming  love  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  He  was  helpful  in  all  of  those  beneficences  and  activi 
ties  ;  and  from  the  church,  to  the  close  of  his  life,  he  received  inspiration 
that  lifted  him  above  much  of  the  trouble  and  weakness  incident  to  our 


THE   VOICE   OF   THE   CLERGY.  285 

human  nature ;  and,  blessings  be  to  God,  may  we  say,  in  the  last  final  hour 
they  enabled  him  confidently,  tenderly,  to  say :  'It  is  His  will,  not  ours, 
that  will  be  done/ 

"Such  influences  gave  to  us  William  McKinley.  And  what  was  he? 
A  man  of  incorruptible  personal  and  political  integrity.  I  suppose  no  one 
ever  attempted  to  approach  him  in  the  way  of  a  bribe;  and  we  remem 
ber  with  great  felicitation  at  this  time  for  such  an  example  to  ourselves 
that  when  great  financial  difficulties  and  perils  encompassed  him  he  deter 
mined  to  deliver  all  he  possessed  to  his  .creditors — that  there  should  be 
no  challenge  of  his  perfect  honesty  in  the  matter.  A  man  of  immaculate 
purity,  shall  we  say?  No  stain  was  upon  his  escutcheon,  no  syllable  of 
suspicion  was  ever  heard  whispered  against  his  character.  He  walked  in 
perfect  and  noble  self-control. 

"Beyond  that  this  man  had  somehow  wrought  in  him — I  suppose 
upon  the  foundations  of  a  very  happily  constructed  nature — a  great  and 
generous  love  of  his  fellowmen.  He  believed  in  men.  He  had  himself 
been  brought  up  among  the  common  people.  He  knew  their  labors, 
struggles,  necessities.  He  loved  them ;  but  I  think  that  beyond  that  it  was 
to  the  church  and  its  teachings  concerning  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  uni 
versal  brotherhood  of  man  that  he  was  indebted  for  that  habit  of  kindness, 
for  that  generosity  of  spirit,  that  was  wrought  into  his  very  substance  and 
became  him  so,  though  he  was  of  all  men  most  courteous,,  no  one  ever 
supposed  but  his  courtesy  was  from  the  heart.  It  was  Spontaneous,  un 
affected,  kindly  in  a  most  eminent  degree. 

"What  he  was  in  the  narrow  circle  of  those  to  whom  he  was  per 
sonally  attached,  I  think  he  was  also  in  the  greatness  of  his  compre 
hensive  love  toward  the  race  of  which  he  was  part. 

"Shall  I  speak  a  word  next  of  that  which  I  will  hardly  advert  to? 
The  tenderness  of  that  domestic  love  which  has  so  often  been  commented 
upon?  I  pass  it  with  only  that  word.  I  take  it  that  no  words  can  set 
forth  fully  the  unfaltering  kindness  and  carefulness  and  upbearing  love 
which  belonged  to  this  great  man. 

"And  he  was  a  man  who  believed  in  right,  who  had  a  profound  con 
viction  that  the  courses  of  this  world  must  be  ordered  in  accordance  with 
everlasting  righteousness,  or  this  world's  highest  point  of  good  will  never 
be  reached ;  that  no  nation  can  expect  success  in  life  except  as  it  conforms 
to  the  eternal  love  of  the  infinite  Lord  and  pass  itself  in  individual  and 
collective  activity  according  to  that  divine  will." 


286  THE   VOICE   OF   THE   CLERGY. 

This  was  the  form  of  prayer  used  in  the  Episcopal  Church  of  Ohio, 
during  the  time  of  the  suffering  of  President  McKinley : 

"Almighty  God  and  merciful  Father,  to  whom  alone  belong  the  issues 
of  life  and  death,  look  down  from  Heaven,  we  humbly  beseech  Thee,  with 
the  eyes  of  mercy  upon  our  President,  William  McKinley,  for  whom  our 
prayers  are  offered. 

"Deliver  him,  O  Lord,  in  Thy  good  appointed  time,  from  his  bodily 
pain  and  visit  him  with  Thy  salvation,  that  if  it  should  by  Thy  good 
pleasure  to  prolong  his  days  here  on  earth,  he  may  live  for  Thee  and  be  an 
instrument  of  Thy  glory,  by  serving  Thee  faithfully  and  doing  good  in  his 
generation,  or  else  receive  him  into  those  Heavenly  habitations  where 
souls  of  those  who  sleep  in  the  Lord  Jesus  enjoy  perpetual  rest  and  feli 
city. 

"Grant  this,  O  Lord,  for  the  love  of  Thy  Son,  our  Savior,  Jesus 
Christ." 

Bishop  Potter  of  New  York  said:  "Let  all  hearts  turn  in  prayerful 
sympathy  to  our  President  in  heartfelt  supplication  for  his  recovery." 

Bishop  Dudley  of  Kentucky :  "I  join  with  Bishop  Potter  in  his  prayer. 
Let  all  hearts  turn  in  prayerful  sympathy  to  our  President  in  heartful 
supplication  for  his  recovery." 

The  congregation  of  which  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  member  sang  "Lead, 
Kindly  Light,"  and  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

Services  on  September  16,  in  the  Metropolitan  Methodist  Church,  of 
which  President  McKinley  was  a  member  and  constant  attendant  when 
at  Washington,  were  of  an  unusually  impressive  character. 

The  congregation  present  tested  the  capacity  of  the  building,  many 
persons  being  compelled  to  stand.  Drapings  of  black  covered  the  Presi 
dent's  pew,  and  these  sombre  habiliments  of  woe  covered  the  pulpit,  part 
ly  made  of  olive  wood  from  Jerusalem.  During  the  service  the  choir 
sang,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  and  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  favorites  of 
the  dead  President,  the  vast  congregation  joining  in  both  selections.  The 
Rev.  W.  H.  Chapman  delivered  the  sermon,  taking  his  text  from  Jeremiah, 
"Judah  inourneth."  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  Dr.  Chapman  said : 

"No  safer,  purer  man  than  William  McKinley  has  ever  presided  over 
this  great  republic  and  no  man  was  ever  more  admired.  Adorned  was  he 
with  the  highest  and  noblest  virtues,  which  gave  dignity  and  force  to  his 
character  and  moral  beauty  to  his  life.  He  was  a  Christian  man  and  ex 
emplified  in  his  daily  life  the  sublime  principles  of  Christianity.  From 


THE    VOICE    OF   THE    CLERGY.  287 

early  manhood  he  had  been  identified  with  the  Christian  church,  with  that 
branch  we  represent.  It  was  the  church  of  his  mother,  the  church  in 
which  he  had  been  trained  from  childhood,  that  he  had  received  lessons 
which,  added  to  those  imparted  to  him  by  his  maternal  parent,  laid  the 
foundation  for  that  solid  symmetrical  character  which  he  attained  and  for 
which  he  was  distinguished. 

"Christianitjr  nobly  sustained  him  during  his  illness,  enabling  him  to 
endure  calmly  and  submissively.  In  his  quiet  moments,  with  eyes  closed 
but  not  asleep,  he  said,  'Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee.'  To  his  beloved  com 
panion,  who  had  trod  writh  him  for  many  years  the  path  of  life,  bending 
over  him,  with  tearful  eyes  and  throbbing  heart,  near  the  part 
ing  hour,  he  said:  'Not  our  will,  but  God's  will,  be  done,'  meaning 
'be  resigned,  but  trustful;  leave  all  with  the  Lord  and  it  shall  be 
well  with  thee  when  I  am  gone.'  How  peaceful  and  resigned  he  went  into 
the  valley,  covered  with  splendid  sunshine  and  found  rest  from  his  la 
bors  !  He  has  left  behind,  to  his  kindred  and  to  us,  the  rich  legacy  of  a 
splendid  character  and  an  unsullied  record.  A  life  that  says  to  others: 
'This  is  the  way.  Walk  in  it,  the  way  that  leads  to  moral  wealth,  far  above 
all  material  wealth,  and  which  leads  at  last  to  Heaven  and  to  God.' 

"We  shall  miss  him  in  this  sanctuary  and  look  no  more  upon  him  in 
yonder  pew  devotional  in  worship  and  listening  attentively  to  the  precious 
word  as  if  indeed  it  were  manna  to  his  soul  and  a  refreshing  stream  from 
the  fountain  of  life.  But  he  worshipped  today  in  the  temple  not  made 
with  hands,  with  many  of  those  witli  whom  he  was  wont  to  worship  in  the 
church  below.  May  we  all  imitate  his  example,  emulate  his  virtues  and 
at  the  last  be  counted  worthy  of  a  place  w7ith  him  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven." 

The  President's  pew  was  draped  in  black  in  the  Metropolitan  Church 
at  Canton,  and  the  McKinley  home,  when  the  body  of  the  President 
arrived  in  his  home  city,  was  the  only  one  upon  which  there  was  no 
emblem  of  mourning. 

Tribute  of  Rabbi  Grossman  to  President  William  McKinley,  in 
Temple  of  Kodeph  Sholom,  at  the  New  Year's  services : 

"The  first  offering  that  we  must  lay  before  the  throne  of  God  on  this 
solemn  New  Year's  morn  is  an  offering  of  tears.  Well  mayest  thou  w^eep, 
America!  One  of  thy  noblest  sons  has  fallen.  Well  mayest  thou  wreep, 
Humanity !  A  gifted  brain,  a  brave  heart,  a  godly  soul,  a  true  man  has 
passed  into  the  eternal  shadow." 


288  THE    VOICE   OF   THE    CLERGY. 

The  Rev  John  F.  Carson,  Central  Presbyterian  Church,  Brooklyn: 
"The  death  of  President  McKinley  is  more  than  a  national  calamity.  It  is 
a  distinct  personal  loss  to  every  American.  There  was  something  so 
virtuous,  so  innocent,  so  strong  in  his  manhood  that  his  death  touches 
those  tenderer  feelings  which  belong  peculiarly  to  individual  sorrow." 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  L.  Goodell,  pastor  of  the  Hanson  Place  Metho 
dist  Episcopal  Church,  Brooklyn :  "It  is  not  too  much  to  say :  'He  as 
cended  fame's  ladder  so  high,  from  the  round  at  the  top  he  has  slipped  to 
the  sky.'  " 

The  Rev.  Dean  Richmond  Babbitt,  in  the  Church  of  the  Epiphany,  in 
Donough  street  and  Tompkins  avenue,  Brooklyn:  "Anarchism  is  law 
lessness  by  principle,  annihilation  by  system,  chaos  by  deliberation.  It 
is  the  enemy  of  government,  the  foe  of  society  and  the  opponent  of  re 
ligion.  It  recognizes  neither  God  nor  brotherhood.  It  is  political  mad 
ness.  It  is  social  insanity.  It  is  the  Ishmael  among  all  nations,  with  its 
hand  against  every  one." 

The  Rev.  Father  Hugh  B.  Ward,  in  St.  Malachy's  Roman  Catholic 
Church  at  Van  Sicklen  and  Atlantic  avenues,  Brooklyn :  "Anarchy  must 
be  stamped  out  of  this  country.  This  is  the  land  of  the  free,  but  not  the 
harbor  of  the  assassin  or  the  fanatic." 

The  Rev.  David  D.  Gregg,  in  the  Lafayette  Avenue  Presbyterian 
Church,  Brooklyn :  "In  this  republic  of  ours,  there  are  but  three  things 
that  we  have  for  anarchy  and  anarchists.  These  are  the  insane  asylums, 
prisons  and  scaffolds.  Let  us  consecrate  them  to  the  use  of  the  anarchists, 
and  God  will  bless  the  consecration." 

In  the  Roman  Catholic  churches  of  Jersey  City  sermons  were  de 
livered  in  relation  to  President  McKinley.  At  St.  Joseph's  Church,  Mgr. 
Robert  Seton,  who  was  a  personal  friend  of  the  President,  said  that  his 
death  was  sublime  because  it  was  the  death  of  a  Christian.  "  'God's  will, 
not  ours,  be  done,'  were  his  last  words,"  said  Mgr.  Seton.  "Those  words 
should  be  a  lesson  to  every  Christian." 

In  all  the  Protestant  churches  memorial  services  were  held  in  the 
evening. 

The  prayer  of  Bishop  Leonard  of  Ohio  : 

"Our  hearts  are  wrung  by  the  terrible  calamity  that  has  befallen  our 
beloved  President.  Our  one  recourse  is  to  earnest  and  united  prayer  to 
the  God  of  Nations  that  if  it  be  His  will  this  good  and  faithful  man  may 


THE    VOICE    OF    THE    CLERGY.  289 

be  spared  to  serve  Him  and  serve  our  country  yet  longer  as  we  love  him  so 
dearly  that  the  sorrow  is  personal. 

"Nothing  but  horror  and  amazement  can  fill  the  mind  because  of  the 
dastardly  and  cruel  blow  that  has  smitten  our  beloved  President,  Horror 
that  an  intelligent  citizen  of  this  republic  could  be  guilty  of  such  a 
cowardly  and  atrocious  act,  and  amazement  that  so  kind,  generous  and 
noble  an  executive  as  William  McKinley  could  be  the  object  of  an  assas 
sin's  bullet. 

"We  who  know  him  love  him  dearly  because  of  his  superior  character 
istics,  and  one  of  these  characteristics  is  his  goodness  of  heart.  He  was 
accessible  to  every  one,  no  matter  how  obscure;  he  never  treated  with 
hardness  or  harshness  those  who  approached  him.  In  the  very  act  of  giv 
ing  joy  to  the  people,  he  was  shot  by  his  would-be  murderer.  Grief  and 
shame  for  the  blot  on  our  civilization  fill  every  breast.  May  God  in  His 
loving  mercy  spare  his  life  to  this  sorrowing  nation." 

Bishop  Cortlandt  Whitehead's  prayer : 

"To  those  who  believe  God  hears  all  prayers  and  answers  them  as  He 
thinks  best.  If  our  beloved  President  should  not  recover,  it  will  be  God's 
will.  Let  us  pray  that  He  will  spare  the  life  of  one  who  lives  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen.  I  appeal  to  all  creeds  to  offer  up  prayer  for  the  re 
covery  of  the  head  of  the  nation,  who  is  now  lying  at  death's  door." 

The  Rev.  M.  B.  Moss,  Mt,  Olivet  Baptist  Church,  colored:  "I  knew 
Mr.  McKinley  well.  A  sweeter  spirit  I  never  met.  No  wonder  the  father 
of  the  girl  he  won  for  his  wife  said  to  him  once,  'I  see  a  man  in  your 
face,  a  genuine  man.'  Look  at  that  face.  Do  you  not  see  good  in  it? 
Do  you  not  see  character  in  it?  It  bears  the  mark  of  the  Christian  states 
man.  When  did  he  show  his  noble  character  more  nobly  than  in  the  hour 
when  he  received  his  death  wound?  Here  is  the  triumph  of  Christianity. 
As  the  prophet  records  it,  'A  great  prince  is  indeed  fallen  in  Israel.' ' 

Prayer  sent  to  the  American  by  Bishop  Edward  Cridge  of  Victoria, 
B.  C.: 

"O,  Father  of  Mercies  and  God  of  all  Comfort,  our  only  help  in  time 
of  need,  look  down  from  Heaven.  Visit  and  relieve  Thy  servant,  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  Look  upon  him  with  the  eyes  of  Thy 
mercy,  comfort  him  with  a  sense  of  Thy  goodness;  give  him  patience  under 
his  affliction,  and  in  Thy  good  time  restore  him  to  health  or  else  give  him 
grace  so  to  take  this  visitation  that  after  this  painful  life  is  ended  may  V 
dwell  with  Thee  in  life  everlasting,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord." 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE    SYMPATHY    OF    THE    NATIONS. 

Heartfelt  Expressions  of  Sorrow  on  the  Assassination  of  President  McKinley,  the  Third 
of  the  Chief  Magistrates  of  the  United  States  to  Be  Shot  Down— Eemarkable  Ex 
pressions  of  Regrets  and  Regards  from  All  Parts  of  the  World. 

In  the  absence  of  Lord  Salisbury  and  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne 
from  London,  Schoniberg  McDonnell,  principal  private  secretary  to  the 
prime  minister,  said  to  a  representative  of  The  Associated  Press: 

"You  cannot  use  terms  too  strong  in  expressing  our  indignation  at 
the  outrage  and  our  sympathy  with  the  President.  It  is  terrible.  If  Mr. 
McKinley  dies,  which  we  sincerely  hope  he  will  not,  the  whole  world 
will  lose  a  man  of  greater  integrity  and  statesmanship  than  it  even  at 
present  realizes.  This  latest  attempt  may  produce  an  international 
arrangement  by  which  anarchists  may  be  dealt  with  according  to  their 
deserts  and  this  canker  of  civilization  be  suppressed.  Certainly  England 
would  favor  such  a  plan.  We  and  America  are  blamed  on  the  conti 
nent  for  harboring  anarchists." 

The  Lord  Mayor  of  London  addressed  to  Ambassador  Choate  the 
following  communication : 

"The  citizens  of  London  have  received  with  profound  regret  and 
great  indignation  intelligence  of  the  dastardly  attack  upon  the  life  of 
the  distinguished  President  of  the  United  States,  and  they  desire  to 
convey  through  your  excellency  their  sincere  sympathy  with  your  coun 
try  in  this  melancholy  event  and  their  trust  that  so  valuable  a  life  as 
President  McKinley's  may  be  spared  for  the  welfare  of  the  American 
people." 

The  United  States  embassy  also  received  many  telegrams  and 
telephone  messages  from  distinguished  persons,  inquiring  for  news  and 
expressing  anxiety  and  regret  at  the  attempt  of  the  assassin. 

Lord  Pauncefote,  the  British  Ambassador  to  the  United  States, 
accompanied  by  his  daughter,  was  one  of  the  earliest  callers  at  the 
United  States  embassy  in  London.  He  expressed  the  greatest  sym 
pathy  and  anxiety  regarding  President  McKinley's  condition.  The 
other  callers  at  the  embassy  included  Judge  Gray  of  Delaware,  Pro- 

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THE   SYMPATHY    OF    THE   NATIONS.  293 

fessor  launders  of  Harvard,  and  practically  all  the  leading  Americans 
in  London. 

The  telegrams  of  sympathy  and  inquiry  read  at  the  embassy  from  all 
parts  of  Great  Britain  included  messages  from  the  mayor  of  Liverpool, 
Birmingham  and  Portsmouth. 

By  night  the  embassy  had  received  telegrams  from  almost  every  city 
in  the  United  Kingdom,  besides  countless  inquiries  from  individuals, 
including  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  the  Bishop  of  Ripon,  the  foreign 
ambassadors,  and  the  Argentine  Minister.  The  following  telegram  is  a 
fair  sample  of  the  messages  referred  to: 

"I  wish  to  convey  the  expression  of  my  deep  sorrow  and  grief  for  the 
abominable  outrage  to  which  President  McKinley  has  fallen  a  victim." 

TRIBUTES   OF   THE    FRENCH   PRESS. 

The  Figaro  said :  "President  McKinley  personified  in  the  eyes  of  the 
crowd  the  aristocracy  of  riches.  Nevertheless  he  was  simple  and  kind, 
and  we  trust  the  American  people  will  be  spared  fromi  grief  and  mourn 
ing." 

The  Temps,  speaking  as  if  President  McKinley  were  already  dead, 
said: 

"He  will  leave  to  history  a  considerable  name.  He  has  incarnated  a 
double  title  that  is  new  to  America,  starting  a  movement  that  was  not 
dreamed  of  by  the  founders  of  the  republic  in  two  directions — protec 
tion  and  expansion.  McKinley  was  the  champion  of  the  classes,  a  man 
of  capital,  monopolies,  and  trusts.  Evil  tongues  added  that  he  was  a 
puppet  of  Senator  Hanna. 

"The  conquests  of  the  Spanish  war  begot  an  insoluble  constitutional 
question,  and  the  germ  of  military  glory.  Having  turned  back  upon 
the  principles  of  his  forefathers,  Congress  gave  him  carte  blanche,  and 
the  Supreme  court  proclaimed  that  it  was  possible  for  the  United  States 
to  possess  dependencies  where  the  constitution  was  not  known.  It  was 
a  personal  triumph.  All  the  advocates  of  jingoism  and  conquest  and 
admirers  of  the  army  acclaimed  McKinley  as  a  hero,  yet  he  was  on  the 
point  of  facing  the  greatest  difficulties.  He  has  already  shown  signs 
that  he  is  in  favor  of  abandoning  protection  for  reciprocity,  which 
will  possibly  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  among  the  trusts  and  syndi 
cates.  Each  day  reveals  more  contradictory  and  insoluble  embarrass- 


294  THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS. 

ments  for  Viee-President  Koosevelt,  whose  role  will  be  nothing  envi 
able." 

The  Liberte  devoted  an  article  to  pointing  out  the  dangers  of  an 
archy. 

The  Journal  Des  Debats  was  much  more  sympathetic.  It  praised 
President  McKinley  for  his  honorable  career,  and  said  he  had  revealed 
himself  in  the  White  House,  as  at  his  Canton  cottage,  as  a  simple  and 
even  brave  man,  who  deserved  his  popularity  throughout  the  Union. 
He  was  also  a  far-seeing  man,  the  paper  said,  and  realized  that  the 
moment  had  come  when  America's  enormous  output  would  necessitate 
the  opening  of  outside  markets  to  Americans,  and  for  that  reason  he 
became  a  convert  to  reciprocity. 

The  Debats  referred  feelingly  to  President  McKinley's  tactful  deal 
ings  with  M.  Jules  Cambon,  the  French  Ambassador,  after  the  Spanish 
war,  when  the  feeling  in  France  was  somewhat  hostile  to  the  United 
States.  The  Debats  expressed  the  hope  that  for  the  interests  of  America 
the  life  of  the  President  would  be  spared,  because  a  critical  period  is  open 
ing,  when  a  change  of  rulers  might  possibly  be  disastrous. 

Cables  were  received  from  all  the  crowned  heads  and  those  in  author 
ity  under  republican  forms  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  The  nations  of  the 
earth  were  heard  from  without  exception.  The  King  of  England,  Ed 
ward  VII,  was  constant  in  inquiries,  and  there  was  nothing  perfunctory 
in  his  dispatches.  They  showed  a  sincere  and  very  sympathetic  interest. 

TRIBUTE   OF   PRESIDENT   DIAZ. 

President  Diaz,  on  September  14,  when  informed  of  the  death  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley,  expressed  himself  as  follows : 

"I  have  been  deeply  shocked  by  the  horrible  crime,  which  has  not  even 
the  excuse  that  the  anarchist  is  persecuted  in  the  United  States,  since,  as 
is  well  known,  freedom  and  tolerance  are  there  extended  to  him.  Nor  has 
it  the  excuse  that  President  McKinley  was  a  ruler  of  exclusive  or  aristo 
cratic  tendencies,  for  he  was,  by  reason  of  his  position  as  a.  popular  ruler 
and  his  own  personal  feelings,  sympathies  and  habits,  a  good  friend  of  the 
people,  a  genuine  democrat  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word;  so  that  this 
crime  was  as  useless  and  unprovoked  as  it  is  abominable  in  every  respect. 

"With  regard  to  Mexico,  President  McKinley  had  ever  evfdenced  such 


THE   SYMPATHY    OF   THE   NATIONS.  295 

friendly  sentiments  that  his  death  will  be  mourned  in  this  country  hardly 
less  keenly  than  in  the  United  States ;  for  myself  it  is  a  loss  of  a  warm 
personal  friend.  These  sentiments  I  have  expressed  to  the  ambassador 
of  the  United  States,  Ambassador  Powell  Clayton,  on  two  occasions  on 
which  I  have  personally  called  at  the  embassy.  My  deepest  sympathy  and 
condolence  go  out  to  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  family  of  the  late 
President. 

"On  the  other  hand,  the  high  reputation  of  President  Roosevelt  is  a 
guarantee  that  there  will  be  no  change  in  any  matter  affecting  the 
important  interests  of  the  United  States  or  its  international  relations." 

GRIEF   OF   THE   CUBANS. 

Havana,  September  14. — As  early  as  four  o'clock  this,  morning  boys 
were  on  the  streets  selling  special  editions  of  the  newspapers  containing 
the  announcement  of  the  death  of  President  McKinley. 

Feeling  is  expressed  in  all  parts  of  the  island,  and  telegrams  and 
messages  of  sympathy  come  from  all  sections.  All  work  in  the  public 
offices  was  stopped  to-day,  and  most  of  the  business  community  suspended 
operations  of  their  own  accord.  Judges  and  civil  governors  of  the 
provinces,  the  government  secretaries  and  the  foreign  consuls  went  to  the 
palace  to  express  sympathy.  A  commission  of  the  Constitutional  Council 
also  called  upon  General  Wood  and  asked  him  if  the  policy  of  the  Gov 
ernment  was  likely  to  be  changed.  The  Governor  replied  that  he  believed 
President  Roosevelt  would  pursue  exactly  the  same  policy  as  that  of 
President  McKinley. 

All  the  public  buildings  are  draped  in  black,  and  Mayor  Gener  to-day 
issued  an  order  suspending  all  public  meetings  and  directing  the  closing 
of  all  places  of  amusement  on  "account  of  the  sorrow  felt  at  the  death 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States.'' 

SERVICES   IN    ENGLAND. 

London,  September  15. — Heart-moving  religious  services,  marked  by 
extraordinary  scenes  of  popular  grief,  took  place  this  morning  and 
to-night  all  over  London  and  throughout  the  provinces  in  memory  of 
President  McKinley.  Everywhere  the  sermons,  prayers  and  music  bore 
almost  exclusively  upon  America's  great  loss  and  the  sore  bereavement 


296  THE   SYMPATHY    OF    THE   NATIONS. 

that  has  fallen  on  Mrs.  McKinley.  References  to  the  President's  widow 
were  especially  touching  and  wrung  tears  from  both  men  and  women. 

The  tributes  to  the  dead  President  left  no  note  of  eulogy  untouched. 
Ministers  of  all  denominations  seized  upon  the  deathbed  heroism  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley  as  a  matchless  triumph  of  Christian  faith  and  drove  the 
lesson  home  with  telling  eloquence.  Perhaps  the  most  dramatic,  beauti 
ful  and  affecting  service  was  that  held  in  Christ  Church,  Westminster 
road,  by  Rev.  Frederick  B.  Meyer. 

For  peculiar  reasons  this  church  is  enshrined  in  the  affections  of  the 
American  colony  and  is  particularly  dear  to  them  at  this  moment.  Rev. 
F.  B.  Meyer  always  has  a  kind  word  for  the  United  States,  and  the  north 
east  tower  of  the  building  was  erected  jointly  by  Englishmen  and  Ameri 
cans  in  honor  of  the  murdered  President  Lincoln. 

The  audience  in  the  great  marble-pillared  auditorium  this  morning 
occupied  every  chair.  The  choir  comprised  one  hundred  voices.  Shafts 
of  vari-colored  sunlight  checkered  the  sea  of  solemn  faces  and  lay  like 
an  iridescent  bar  across  the  preacher's  black  gown.  Ushers  tip-toed 
through  the  aisles,  directing,  silent  people  to  pews,  Every  aspect  of  the 
scene  told  of  a  nation's  sympathy.  Mr.  Meyer's  usually  ringing  voice 
was  thick  and  he  spoke  with  apparent  difficulty.  He  said: 

"We  blend  our  tears  with  those  of  America.  We  grieve  with  that 
mighty  nation.  Our  hearts  go  out  in  deepest  sympathy  to  Mrs.  McKinley. 
This  tragedy,  one  of  the  most  awful  of  modern  times,  strikes  down  a 
man  possessed  of  such  gifts  of  mind  and  such  qualities  of  character  as 
God  vouchsafes  to  but  few  of  his  creatures.  President  McKinley  seemed 
almost  divinely  appointed  to  guide  the  destinies  of  the  United  States. 
His  unselfishness,  wisdom,  patriotism  and  godliness,  his  love  of  home, 
and  his  love  of  peace  set  him  forth  to  the  world  as  one  of  the  rarest  and 
greatest  characters  ever  born  into  it. 

"Why  did  God  let  him  die?  Why  did  not  some  swift  angel  turn  aside 
the  weapon  and  save  this  lovable  man,  standing  in  the  very  zenith  of  his 
strength  and  glory?  I  venture  to  declare  that  God  meant  by  this  calam 
ity  to  teach  statesmen,  philanthropists  and  patriots  to  ponder  on  the 
awful  phenomena  of  earth's  inequalities,  to  study  anarchism  at  its  source 
and  to  attack  it  there;  to  turn  from  selfish  indulgence,  from  leisured 
indifference,  from  the  consuming  pursuit  of  power  and  wealth  to  the 
imperative  problems  of  civilized  human  life. 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS.  297 

talent.  If  President  McKinley's  death  awakens  it  to  this  realization  his 
life  has  not  been  lost  in  vain." 

While  the  organist  played  Chopin's  "Funeral  March"  the  audience 
stood  with  bowed  heads.  There  were  few  if  any  dry  eyes  in  the  congre 
gation.  Many  women,  particularly  the  Americans,  sobbed  aloud.  The 
service  was  closed  by  singing  "Nearer,  niy  God,  to  Thee/7  the  hymn  which 
the  cables  say  was  the  last  words  that  fell  from  President  McKinley's 
lips. 

London,  September  18. — The  English  press  records  to-day  the  final 
honors  to  the  murdered  President  at  Washington,  the  progress  of  the 
heir  to  the  crown  in  Canada,  and  the  journey  of  the  Czar  to  Dunkirk  and 
Kheims.  The  American  record  is  the  longest,  because  it  is  inseparably 
connected  with  the  opening  of  the  new  administration  which  will  take 
up  the  policies  of  McKinley  and  work  them  out  in  detail. 

English  eulogy  of  McKinley  has  not  ceased.  Every  journal  is 
impressed  with  the  unique  spectacle  of  a  nation  in  mourning  for  a  beloved 
ruler,  yet  calm  and  self-possessed,  and  inspired  with  courage  and  hope. 

Tributes  to  Roosevelt  are  constantly  appearing  in  print,  and  every 
word  is  friendly. 

Little  is  written  about  the  effect  of  the  change  in  administration  upon 
the  relation  of  the  United  States  and  the  British  Empire,  but  much  is 
said  in  diplomatic  circles,  where  there  is  a  general  belief  that  the  settle 
ment  of  outstanding  questions  between  the  two  countries  will  not  be 
retarded.  It  has  been  no  secret  that  the  Foreign  Office  is  willing  a,nd 
anxious  to  bring  about  an  adjustment  of  the  canal  question  and  only 
requires  assurance  that  the  treaty  agreed  upon  shall  not  be  vetoed  by  the 
Senate. 

The  view  taken  by  practical  diplomatists  is  that  any  convention  to 
which  President  Roosevelt  may  assent  will  certainly  be  sanctioned  by  the 
Senate,  since  he  has  the  reputation  of  representing  the  stalwart  kind  of 
Americanism  and  will  have  the  country  behind  him. 

The  adjustment  of  the  canal  controversy  will  carry  all  the  less  diffi 
cult  questions  relating  to  Canada  with  it.  There  is  also  a  confident 
feeling  that  President  Roosevelt  will  make  haste  to  conclude  the  negotia 
tions  for  the  purchase  of  the  Danish  West  Indies,  which  have  been  in  prog 
ress  a  long  time. 

The  American  Embassy  was  besieged  yesterday  with  applicants  for 
places  in  Westminster  Abbey  at  the  Thursday  memorial  services.  While 


298  THE  SYMPATHY   OF   THE  NATIONS. 

the  services  there  and  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  will  be  unlike  in  form,  the 
music  will  be  equally  solemn  and  impressive,  and  a  vast  audience  is  ex 
pected  at  each  place. 

The  closing  session  of  the  Methodist  Ecumenical  conference  had  been 
reserved  for  missions,  and  while  the  subject  was  too  important  to  be  set 
aside  in  City  Road,  where  John  Wesley's  parish  window  looked  out  on  the 
wide  world,  the  discussion  was  curtailed,  and  a  memorial  meeting  held  in 
honor  of  McKinley,  with  fervent  prayers,  eloquent  tributes  from  Ameri 
can  delegates,  and  hearty  singing  of  the  President's  favorite  hymns. 

The  fateful  coincidence  did  not  escape  comment  that  each  of  the  two 
Ecumenical  conferences  in  City  Road  has  been  called  upon  to  deplore  the 
death  of  an  American  by  assassination. 

London,  September  16. — The  "Dead  March  From  Saul"  was  played 
in  hundreds  of  English  churches  yesterday,  while  the  worshipers  rever 
ently  stood  and  honored  the  memory  of  William  McKinley.  Westminster 
Abbey  was  an  exception  to  the  rule,  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  regular 
organist,  but  the  preacher  at  the  morning  service,  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Card- 
well,  opened  his  sermon  with  an  impressive  reference  to  the  tragic  ending 
of  a  noble  life,  and  the  source  of  the  inspiration  of  that  life,  which  had 
been  disclosed  in  the  President's  religious  faith  during  its  closing  hours. 
The  abbey  was  thronged  with  American  tourists,  and  they  were  deeply 
touched  by  the  preacher's  simple  but  eloquent  tribute  to  the  dead  Presi 
dent. 

Canon  Henderson,  the  new  vicar  of  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster, 
opened  his  sermon  with  an  expression  of  English  sympathy  with  America, 
and  appreciative  comments  upon  the  President's  life  and  character,  and 
closed  it  with  a  thoughtful  discussion  of  the  causes  of  anarchism  and  the 
remedies  for  the  evil  tendencies  of  modern  life  and  society.  At  the  end  of 
the  service  Handel's  "Dead  March"  was  played  while  the  congregation 
stood. 

Most  of  the  morning  newspapers  appear  in  mourning.  Column  after 
column  is  devoted  to  the  one  topic,  the  death  of  McKinley  and  the  suc 
cession  of  Roosevelt.  Telegraphic  dispatches  are  showing  how  the  whole 
civilized  world  mourns  with  America  and  leading  articles  pay  eloquent 
tributes  to  the  sterling  qualities  of  the  murdered  President  in  his  private 
as  in  his  public  life. 

Many  continental  journals  express  alarm  at  the  accession  to  power  of 
Theodore  Roosevelt  and  even  in  this  country  there  is  some  anxiety  as  to 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE  NATIONS.  299 

the  course  that  he  will  adopt.  It  is  noted,  however,  with  great  satisfac 
tion  that  in  the  first  moments  of  his  assumption  of  office  he  took  occa 
sion  to  express  his  determination  to  continue  McKinley's  policy. 

The  Times  acknowledges  Mr.  Roosevelt's  great  gifts,  which,  it  con 
siders,  rightly  used,  may  lead  to  great  issues.  It  hopes  that  those  who 
dread  his  impulsiveness  are  over  anxious.  It  concludes : 

"He  has  had  much  experience  and  assumes  office  in  conditions  that  are 
calculated  to  sober  the  judgment  of  the  most  adventurous." 

London,  September  16. — The  black-bordered  columns  of  the  London 
papers  are  chiefly  filled  with  descriptions  of  the  final  s^cene  at  Buffalo, 
subsequent  events  in  the  United  States,  obituaries,  reminiscences  of  Mr. 
McKinley,  sketches  and  estimates  of  President  Roosevelt,  a  general  reflex 
of  the  world's  reception  of  the  news  and  anticipations  built  thereon. 

All  the  papers  repeat,  the  sincere  regret  they  expressed  when  the  out 
rage  was  committed.  All  deplore  the  removal  from  the  world's  stage  of  the 
great  and  conspicuous  figure  who  was  expected  to  continue  his  signal  and 
beneficial  services.  The  fact  is  specially  emphasized  that  Great  Britain 
may  claim  the  right  through  common  origin  to  share  the  grief  of  the 
American  nation,  although  she  may  not  realize  it  with  the  same  poig 
nancy.  There  is  not  a  discordant  note  in  the  chorus  of  appreciation  of  the 
dead  President, 

Dwelling  upon  the  conspicuous  strengthening  of  the  amicable  rela 
tions  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  during  Mr.  McKinley's 
Presidency,  the  Chronicle  makes  the  suggestion  that  some  special  and 
striking  means  be  taken  to  display  British  sympathy  on  the  occasion  of 
the  funeral. 

Turning  to  the  future,  the  editorials,  with  practical  unanimity,  base 
great  hopes  on  President  Roosevelt.  The  Morning  Post  says  that  the 
American  people  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the  fact  that  in  the  hour 
of  national  affliction  the  guidance  of  the  Republic  passes  to  a  man  who 
won  distinction  as  a  soldier,  a  man  of  letters  and  in  the  government  of  the 
vast  Commonwealth  of  New  York.  The  hope  has  long  been  cherished 
that  Mr.  Roosevelt  would  one  day  do  important  work  in  the  purification 
of  public  life  and  the  better  organization  of  city  government,  and  this  fact 
gives  promise  of  a  brilliant  and  illustrious  administration. 

The  Telegraph,  recording  President  Roosevelt's  words  when  he  took 
the  oath  of  office,  says  that  such  a  pronouncement  was  only  to  be  expected 
from  a  man  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  high  reputation.  He  clearly  recognizes  that 


300  THE   SYMPATHY    OF    THE   NATIONS. 

the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  demands  that  he  give  effect  to  the  mandate 
committed  to  his  predecessor.  It  is  with  a  distinct  appreciation  of  this 
truth  that  Mr.  Roosevelt  enters  upon  his  term  of  office,  which,  beginning 
as  it  does  in  grief  and  sorrow,  may  none  the  less  be  one  of  brilliancy  and 
distinction.  That  it  may  be  so  is  the  fervent  prayer,  not  only  of  all  Amer 
icans,  but  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  which  through  sincere  tears  and  deep 
regret  for  the  late  President,  with  equal  sincerity  and  truth  bids  the  new 
President  a  hearty  godspeed. 

The  Chronicle  is  convinced  that  Mr.  Roosevelt  will  maintain  the  high 
traditions  of  his  office,  and  that  he  will  surely  add  to  his  own  great  repu 
tation.  Speculating  upon  his  foreign  policy,  the  paper  says : 

"We  can  glean  an  indication  of  the  line  he  will  take  from  his  record. 
He  believes  in  a  big  America.  He  is  an  expansionist  and  imperialist,  and 
will  out-Monroe  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  his  interpretation  of  the  policy 
which  goes  by  that  name.  He  was  a  most  earnest  advocate  of  the  acquisi 
tion  of  Hawaii,  and  was  foremost  in  demanding  a,  strong  navy.  He  was 
thoroughly  opposed  to  England  in  the  Venezuela  question.  We  can 
gather  from  these  actions  what  his  attitude  will  be  over  the  canal  question. 
Mr.  Roosevelt  is  far  too  level-headed  a,  statesman  to  do  anything  rash, 
but  his  policy  will  be  firmly,  if  not  aggressively,  American  in  the  widest 
sense'  of  the  term." 

The  Standard  does  not  anticipate  at  present  any  important  change  in 
the  American  foreign  relations  owing  to  the  succession  of  President  Roose 
velt,  whose  next  steps,  it  says,  will  be  watched  with  sympathetic  eyes  in 
Great  Britain.  Summing  up  Mr.  Roosevelt's  record,  the  paper  says  that 
in  many  respects  he  recalls  the  Presidents  of  the  earlier  days  of  the  Re 
public,  who  were  statesmen  in  the  European  sense  of  the  term,  men  of  edu 
cation,  administrative  experience,  large  views  and  dignified  character.  It 
adds :  "We  may  hope,  therefore,  that  President  Roosevelt's  place  in  his 
tory  may  be  beside  Madison,  Jefferson  and  Adams." 

The  churches  of  every  sect  in  Great  Britain  unanimously  and  spon 
taneously  turned  their  thoughts  toward  America  to-day  and  joined  in 
prayerful  sympathy  for  the  bereaved  nation.  It  is  doubtful  if  a  single 
preacher  in  the  country  abstained  from  making  reference  to  the  assassina 
tion  of  President  McKinley,  while  among  the  congregations,  where  pray 
ers  are  extempore  instead  of  liturgical,  petitions  were  earnestly  raised  to 
the  Deity  to  comfort  and  bless  his  widow  and  the  American  people  and  to 
guide  the  new  President.  With  remarkable  unanimity,  too,  "Nearer,  My 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS.  301 

God,  To  Thee/'  was  sung,  being  introduced  with  some  sympathetic  refer 
ence  to  the  deathbed  of  the  President.  In  not  a  few  instances  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley's  last  words,  "His  will  be  done,  not  ours,"  were  taken  by  preachers 
for  a  text,  and  condemnation  of  the  assassin's  hideous  sin  was  combined 
with  moral  lessons  deduced  from  the  tragedy.  At  many  churches  the 
services  were  concluded  by  playing  "Tiie  Dead  March  in  Saul,"  and  other 
funeral  music  on  the  organs,  the  congregations  meanwhile  standing. 

There  was  an  immense  congregation  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  Lon 
don.  Among  those  present  were  Ambassador  Choate  and  the  staff  of  the 
Embassy.  The  Rev.  Henry  Scott  Holland,  precentor  of  the  cathedral, 
preached  the  sermon,  which  wa.s  prefaced  with  a  tribute  to  President  Mc- 
Kinley,  at  the  conclusion  of  which  the  speaker  said : 

"A  great  hope  that  once  filled  humanity  lies  slain.  We  once  dreamed 
that  the  New  World  had  awaked  from  the  nightmare  of  evil  memories  and 
set  out  to  live  its  free  life  unburdened  and  uncursed,  but  the  new  has  like 
bitterness  to  work  through  as  the  old.  We  must  face  it  calmly  and  pa 
tiently.  Not  that  we  may  be  driven  into  a  fierce  reaction  by  the  sting  of 
this  insane  crime  does  the  poor  man  lie  dead.  With  renewed  humility  and 
with  severer  resolution  we  must  work  together  for  a  new  order  of  social 
intercourse,  in  which  it  will  become  impossible  for  passions  which  issue  in 
such  an  outrage  to  exist," 

At  Westminster  Abbey  Canon  Duckworth  said :  "We  have  watched  the 
career  and  studied  with  increasing  admiration  the  character  of  the  late 
President,  and  we  know  that  his  death  is  an  unspeakable  loss  not  only  to 
his  own  country,  but  to  ourselves  and,  indeed,  to  the  whole  world." 

At  the  Metropolitan  Tabernacle  the  Rev.  Thomas  Spurgeon  ended  his 
tribute  by  saying :  "What  can  be  said  now  of  the  hated  and  devilish  treach 
ery  that  made  such  a  dastardly  deed  possible?  The  best  thing  is  to  say 
with  the  dying  President,  'Thy  kingdom  come;  all  is  done.' ' 

At  the  Salvation  Army  meeting  at  Congress  Hall  nearly  ten  thousand 
persons  were  present.  General  Booth  prayed  for  Divine  sympathy  and 
support  for  the  widow  and  nation.  In  his  address  he  referred  apprecia 
tively  to  President  McKinley's  personally  expressed  sympathy  with  the 
army's  work. 

Dean  Farrar  of  Canterbury  Cathedral  accounted  for  the  hideous  and 
meaningless  crime  as  the  act  of  one  of  those  men  who  individually  and  col 
lectively  reject  the  doctrine  of  Christianity  and  so  become  enemies  of  tb'^ 
human  race. 


302  THE  SYMPATHY   OF   THE  NATIONS. 

At  St.  David's  Church  in  Marthyr-Tydvil,  Wales,  Curate  Wykes,  in  re 
ferring  to  Mr.  McKinley,  was  overcome  by  his  feelings  and  fainted.  He 
was  carried  out  of  the  church. 

The  Times,  referring  to  the  suggestion  that  the  Duke  of  Cornwall  and 
York  attend  the  funeral  of  President  McKinley,  says :  "The  obstacles  to 
the  adoption  of  this  proposal  are,  no  doubt,  considerable,  and  may  even 
prove  insuperable,  but  should  means  be  found  to  overcome  them  the  deci 
sion  would  cause  the  deepest  satisfaction  in  this  country. 

"All  England  would  rejoice  that  we  should  be  able  to  give  the  Ameri 
cans  so  signal  a.  token  of  our  desires  to  take  part  with  them  in  paying 
every  tribute  in  our  power  to  the  great  citizen  they  have  lost.  We  should 
be  proud  to  see  the  heir  to  the  throne  following  the  remains  of  the  late 
President  and  testifying  by  his  presence  in  a  way  which  would  appeal  to 
the  masses  of  both  peoples  that  their  grief  is  a  common  grief  now,  as  truly 
as  it  was  when  our  loved  Queen  passed  away. 

"Whether  this  wish  can  be  realized  or  not  we  shall  pay  our  homage  of 
love  and  reverence  to  his  memory  not  less  sincerely  than  those  over  whom 
he  ruled.  He  died  as  he  lived,  with  simple,  manly  courage  and  unaffected 
piety,  which  make  the  best  men  of  his  race," 

London,  September  20. — A  close  approach  to  church  unity  was  made 
by  the  religious  bodies  of  London  in  honoring  the  memory  of  the  mur 
dered  President.  Nonconformist  and  free  churches  united  in  a  memorial 
service  at  the  City  Temple,  where  the  platform  was  draped  with  the  flags 
of  all  nations  and  occupied  by  the  ministers  of  many  Protestant  bodies. 

The  burial  office  was  repeated  in  Westminster  Abbey  with  stately  sim 
plicity  in  the  presence  of  representatives  of  royalty,  the  full  diplomatic 
corps,  many  leading  Englishmen  and  a  vast  concourse  of  spectators. 

The  service  of  solemn  supplication  was  modeled  closely  after  the  one 
held  after  the  death  of  Queen  Victoria  and  was  reverently  followed  by 
an  assemblage  filling  every  available  yard  of  floor  space  of  St.  Paul's  Ca 
thedral.  There  were  also  special  services  in  St.  Martin's  in  the  Fields  and 
other  English  churches,  and  the  vespers  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Cathedral 
were  well  nigh  converted  into  a  memorial  service  for  the  President. 

The  anarchist's  revolver  has  united  the  religious  world  in  reverent 
acts  of  homage  to  the  memory  of  the  hearty,  old-fashioned  Methodist,  who 
was  the  first  citizen  of  the  great  Republic. 

Among  these  services  the  most  impressive  was  one  in  the  storied  abbey. 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE  NATIONS.  303 

The  north  transept  was  filled  long  ^pf  re  noon,  and  the  south  transept  was 
occupied  mainly  by  the  members  LT.  the  American  Society  and  their 
friends.  The  staff  of  the  American  Embassy  acted  as  ushers  for  the  choir, 
where  the  representatives  of  royalty  and  members  of  the  Cabinet  were 
seated  with  the  diplomatic  corps  and  other  distinguished  company. 

Lord  Rosebery's  intellectual  face  was  near  Lord  Pauncefote's  bent 
figure,  and  Viscount  Cranborne,  Sir  William  Harcourt,  the  Lord  Chief 
Justice,  Sir  William  Colville,  and  Lord  Revelstoke  were  prominent  in  the 
choir  stalls. 

The  service  opened  with  Tschaikowsky's  and  Chopin's  funeral 
marches,  the  calm,  reflective  and  almost  logical  movement  of  one  contrast 
ing  with  the  purity  and  exaltation  of  the  other.  A  procession  of  choristers 
and  clergy  was  seen  through  the  screen  door  advancing  from  the  remote 
end  of  the  nave,  which  was  crowded  with  spectators. 

The  opening  sentences  of  the  burial  office  were  chanted  by  a  choir 
of  thirty-six  men  and  boys,  and  the  clergy,  in  three  groups,  with  their 
insignia  and  chapter  draped,  slowly  passed  to  their  places.  "Nearer,  My 
God,  To  Thee,"  was  sung  to  the  English  score  written  by  the  Rev.  J.  B. 
Dykes,  the  voices  of  the  sopranos  and  tenors  singing  out  in  the  higher 
passages.  The  ninetieth  Psalm,  with  Purcell's  setting,  was  followed  by 
the  lesson,  read  with  simple  eloquence  by  Dean  Bradley.  Then  a  passage 
from  Sir  Arthur  Sullivan's  "Light  of  the  World/'  beginning  "Yea, 
though  I  walk  through  the  valley,"  was  sung  with  delicacy  and  shading 
by  the  choir  and  was  a  fitting  prelude  for  the  interval  of  silent  prayer  for 
the  President's  bereaved  wife. 

Spohr's  "Blest  Are  the  Departed"  was  sung  most  impressively  and 
was  followed  by  the  "Dead  March  From  Saul,"  magnificently  played  on 
the  great  organ. 

Beethoven  was  subjected  to  the  supreme  test  in  being  reserved  for  the 
final  number  after  this  uplifting  funeral  march,  but  the  organist's  judg 
ment  was  vindicated.  The  funeral  march  closed  the  service  with  epical 
dignity  worthy  of  the  glorious  memories  of  the  abbey  and  the  supreme 
act  of  reverent  homage  for  a  President  suffering  martyrdom  for  the  cause 
of  civilized  government. 

The  service  at  St.  Paul's  was  opened  by  a  series  of  funeral  marches 
played  with  refinement,  feeling  and  a  cumulative  richness  of  effect  by  the 
organist.  It  was  a  simple  but  beautiful  choral  service,  beginning  with  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  continuing  with  Sir  John  Martin's  setting  of  "De  Profun- 


304  THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS. 

dis"  and  Stainer's  "Miserere/'  and  closing  with  the  anthem,  "I  Heard  a 
Voice/'  prayers  from  the  English  service,  with  William  McKinley's  name 
written  in,  and  with  the  hymn,  "O,  God,  Our  Help  in  Ages  Past/'  sung  by 
a  vast  congregation  with  thrilling  effect,  but  the  supreme  moment  was  re 
served  for  the  end,  when  thousands  stood  reverently  while  Handel's 
matchless  funeral  march  was  played  on  the  organ. 

The  Lord  Mayor  and  corporation  attended  in  state  and  the  staff  of  the 
American  Embassy  wa,s  present,  but  more  significant  than  anything  else 
was  the  vastness  of  the  audience.  The  cathedral  was  filled  half  an  hour 
before  the  service  began,  and  thousands,  unable  to  enter,  hung  about 
Queen  Anne's  statue  and  blocked  the  passage.  The  Stock  Exchange  was 
closed  and  a  memorial  service  in  St.  Lawrence's,  Old  Jewry,  took  the 
place  of  the  ordinary  revel  of  speculation.  The  President's  favorite  hymns 
were  sung  in  the  City  Temple  by  an  immense  congregation.  Shops  were 
open  in  the  city,  but  business  was  virtually  suspended.  The 'streets  were 
filled  with  men  and  women  in  mourning,  and  even  the  omnibus  drivers 
and  cabbies  tied  bunches  of  crepe  around  their  whips. 

From  the  provinces  come  tidings  of  scores  of  memorial  services  and 
signs  of  universal  mourning.  Even  conservative  Oxford  has  felt  the  im 
pulse  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  feeling  and  the  American  flag  was  hoisted  at 
half-mast  over  one  of  the  most  prominent  university  buildings. 

The  King  has  been  more  sympathetic  than  ever  in  his  message  to  the 
American  Ambassador,  and  the  working  people  of  the  metropolis  have 
shown  how  deeply  their  hearts  were  moved  by  standing  guard  for  hours 
around  St.  Paul's.  Never  has  England  honored  any  foreigner  as  it  has 
paid  homage  to  the  American  President. 

The  McKinley  tragedy  made  a  deep  impression  in  Paris.  That  was  to 
be  expected  of  the  American  colony,  but  the  earnestness,  in  sorrow  of  the 
French  people  was  among  the  most  striking  tributes.  The  memorial  serv 
ice  on  the  19th  of  September  was  held  in  Trinity  Church,  following  the 
lines  of  the  ceremonies  at  the  time  of  Queen  Victoria's  funeral  except 
that  the  hymns,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  and  "Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee," 
were  selected. 

The  church  holds  fifteen  hundred  people,  but  as  many  more  were 
unable  to  gain  admission.  A  strong  body  of  police,  under  Superintendent 
Lepine  himself,  maintained  order. 

General  Porter,  the  American  Ambassador;  First  Secretary  Vignaud, 
and  the  entire  staff  of  the  American  Embassy  were  present. 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF    THE   NATIONS.  305 

*: 

All  the  Cabinet  ministers  were  represented  and  the  diplomatic  corps 
were  present  in  full  uniform.  Colonel  St.  Marc  represented  President 
Loubet. 

The  Kev.  Dr.  Morgan,  assisted  by  twelve  clergymen,  officiated.  A  full 
choir  rendered  President  McKinley's  favorite  hymns.  Among  the  men  in 
uniform  the  son  of  the  late  President  Carnot  was  seen.  When  asked  whom 
he  represented,  he  replied :  "Myself  and  the  Carnot  family." 

The  organist,  Behrend,  who  rendered  the  music,  was  from  Canton, 
Ohio,  where  he  played  at  the  funeral  of  the  father  and  mother  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley. 

.     IN    COPENHAGEN. 

Copenhagen,  September  15. — King  Edward  and  Queen  Alexandra, 
who  are  visiting  here,  attended  the  services  at  the  English  Church  to-day. 
The  preacher,  the  Kev.  Mr.  Mortimer  Kennedy,  ended  his  reference  to  Mr. 
McKinley  by  saying : 

"He  filled  a  difficult  position  with  great  tact,  energy  and  wisdom.  His 
chief  aim  was  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  people.  Moreover,  he  was  a 
faithful,  earnest  and  sincere  servant  of  Christ,  His  deathbed  was  cheered 
and  its  pain  alleviated  by  a  realization  of  his  nearness  to  God,  and  by 
the  hushed  sorrow  and  sympathy  of  the  entire  nation,  one  might  almost 
truthfully  add  of  the  whole  world. 

DAY   OF    MOURNING   IN   ROME. 

Eome,  September  19. — A  memorial  service  for  President  McKinley 
was  held  at  the  American  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  at  3  o'clock. 

All  the  members  of  the  American  Embassy  and  Consulate  were  pres 
ent,  as  well  as  the  entire  Italian  Cabinet,  who  were  in  full  dress  and  were 
accompanied  by  under  secretaries. 

All  the  American  residents  attended  and  there  were  generals,  ad 
mirals,  representatives  in  parliament  and  diplomats  in  the  congregation. 

SERVICE   AT   ST.    PETERSBURG. 

St.  Petersburg,  September  19. — Under  the  auspices  of  the  United 
States  Ambassador,  Charlemagne  Tower,  impressive  memorial  services  in 
honor  of  the  late  President  McKinley  were  held  this  afternoon  in  the 
British-American  Church. 

Among  those  present  were  the  Grand  Duke  Vladimir  Alexandrovitch, 


306  THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS. 

the  Grand  Duchess  Maria  Pavlovna,  and  the  Grand  Duke  Boris  Vladimi- 
rovitch,  their  son,  and  the  Grand  Duke  Sergius  Michaelovitch. 

Other  prominent  Eussians  in  attendance  included  Prince  Obolenski, 
representing  the  Foreign  Office ;  Russian  Minister  of  Interior,  M.  Sipya- 
guin,  Vice  Admiral  Tyrtoff,  General  Rydzeffsky,  General  Kleigel,  the  pre 
fect  of  police,  and  Prince  Jules  Ouroussoff. 

The  diplomatic  corps  was  represented  by  the  British  Ambassador,  Sir 
Charles  Scott,  the  only  Ambassador  besides  Mr.  Tower  now  in  St.  Peters 
burg. 

The  United  States  Ambassador  and  his  entire  staff,  the  United  States 
Consul,  Mr.  Holloway,  and  the  United  States  Vice  Consul,  Mr.  Heydecker. 

The  St.  Petersburg  Novoe  Vremya  says :  "He  was  a  man  of  large  tal 
ents  and  a  beloved  son  of  the  country  for  whose  welfare  he  unceasingly 
and  successfully  labored." 

The  Sviet  says :  "Let  us  hope  that  the  death  of  a  talented  and  energetic 
President  will  rouse  those  lands  which,  for  the  sake  of  freedom  of  con 
science  and  thought,  harbor  bad  elements  and  become  the  breeding 
grounds  for  plots,  to  action  against  the  enemies  of  civilization." 

The  Boerse  Gazette  says :  "Mr.  McKinley  was  one  of  the  most  popular 
figures  in  American  history  and  one  of  the  best  representatives  of  Amer 
ican  ideals.  Society  is  defenseless  against  the  propaganda  of  murder.  It 
is  scarcely  probable  that  means  will  be  found  to  prevent  the  repetition 
of  such  crimes. 

"On  account  of  the  extraordinary  purity  of  Mr.  McKinley's  character, 
the  American  people  will  find  sympathy  wherever  civilized  men  dwell.  Mr. 
Roosevelt  admires  Mr.  McKinley's  steadfast  purity  and  the  programme 
in  which  he  incorporated  the  hopes  and  ambitions  of  a  great  majority  of 
the  American  people.  Opinion  in  Europe  regarding  Pan- Americanism 
may  possibly  be  divided,  but  it  is  comprehensible  from  the  American  point 
of  view.  Mr.  McKinley  died  firmly  believing  that  the  work  he  had  begun 
in  domestic  and  foreign  policy  would  find  suitable  instrument  for  its  con 
tinuation." 

The  semi-official  Journal  of  Commerce  and  Industry  says :  "Mr.  Mc 
Kinley  was  not  an  extreme  protectionist.  Shortly  before  his  death  he  spoke 
out  against  crude  trust  protection." 

American  officials  in  St.  Petersburg  to-day  attended  services  at  the 
Anglican  Church,  where  a  dead  march  was  rendered  and  suitable  hymns 
were  sung.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Francis,  minister  of  the  British-American  Cha- 


THE   SYMPATHY   OF   THE   NATIONS.  307 

pel,  preached  against  anarchy.     The  pulpit  was  hung  with  crepe.    Memo 
rial  services  will  probably  be  held  on  the  day  of  the  funeral. 

Special  services  were  also  held  in  the  English  Church  in  Moscow, 
where  memorial  services  will  be  held  on  the  day  of  the  funeral,  and  will 
be  attended  by  all  the  members  of  the  Consular  Corps. 

IN   BERLIN. 

The  service  of  mourning  for  the  death  of  President  McKinley  was 
held  in  the  American  church,  which  was  heavily  hung  with  crepe  and 
crowded  with  Germans,  British  and  Americans.  Among  those  who- 
attended  were  Baron  von  Eichthofen,  German  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs;  Mr.  White,  the  United  States  Ambassador;  Mr.  Jackson,  Secre 
tary  of  the  United  States  Embassy;  Mr.  Mason,  United  States  Consul 
General  in  Berlin;  the  members  of  the  family  of  Commander  Beehler,  the 
United  States  naval  attache,  and  many  German-Americans. 

Dr.  Dickie's  text  was  found  in  First  Corinthians,  fifteenth  chapter  and 
fifty-seventh  verse :  "But  thanks  be  to  God,  which  giveth  us  the  victory 
through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ," 

The  Kaiser  personally  and  the  government  also  were  represented  by 
high  dignitaries.  A  special  prayer  was  read  for  Mrs.  McKinley.  The 
church  was  elaborately  decorated  with  flowers,  flags  and  crepe. 

Memorial  services  were  also  held  in  various  German  cities.  Those  in 
Dresden  attracted  a  large  attendance  of  the  highest  official  society,  and 
the  Anglo-American  colony.  The  King  of  Saxony  and  the  royal  Princess 
were  represented  by  their  respective  court  marshals,  and  among  those 
present  were  the  members  of  the  Saxon  Cabinet,  representatives  of  the 
diplomatic  corps,  and  the  various  Consulars,  and  Mrs.  White,  wife  of  the 
United  States  Ambassador  to  Germany. 

At  Munich  the  services  were  held  in  the  Markuskirche.  The  Prince 
Regent  was  represented  by  his  chief  master  of  ceremonies,  Count  von  Moy. 
A  number  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  representatives  of  the  diplo 
matic  corps,  together  with  many  British  residents,  were  present.  Mme. 
Nordica  sang. 

The  service  at  Stuttgart  was  held  in  the  English  Church  and  was 
attended  by  Dr.  von  Breitling,  the  Premier,  and  representatives  of  all  the 
legations. 

At  Cologne  the  Anglo-American  colony  held  a  meeting  in  the  English 
chapel. 


308  THE  SYMPATHY   OF   THE  NATIONS. 

The  Executive  Committee  of  the  Berlin  Boerse.  has  cabled  an  expres 
sion  of  profound  sympathy  to  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange. 

MEMORIAL   SERVICES   IN   VIENNA. 

In  Vienna,  on  the  19th  of  September,  memorial  services  were  held  a,t 
the  American  Church  at  the  same  time  as  the  funeral  took  place  at  Can 
ton.  The  Master  of  the  Household  represented  Emperor  Francis  Joseph. 
The  Prince  of  Lichtenstein.  Count  Golouchowski,  the  Minister  of  For 
eign  Affairs ;  Dr.  Koerber,  the  President  of  the  Cabinet  and  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  and  all  his  associates,  with  many  prominent  civil  and  mili 
tary  personages  were  present. 

United  States  Minister  McCormick,  referring  to  the  religious  faith  of 
the  late  President,  said : 

"His  faith  was  as  complete  and  steadfast  as  it  was  broad  and  gen 
erous.  Once  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  with  Spain,  when  he  had  worked 
late  into*  the  night,  Mr.  McKinley  pushed  back  his  chair  and  closed  his 
desk  wearily.  Adjutant  General  Corbin,  who  sat  beside  him,  said : 

"  'You  are  wearied  to  death,  Mr.  President.'  McKinley  replied,  'Yes, 
and  I  could  not  keep  it  up,  Corbin,  did  I  not  feel  that  I  was  doing  the 
work  of  the  Master.' ' 

In  addition  to  Mr.  McCormick  and  the  members  of  the  United  States 
Legation,  Lloyd  C.  Griscom,  United  States  Minister  to  Persia ;  Charles  S. 
Francis,  United  States  Minister  to  Greece,  Roumania,  and  Servia,  and 
Frank  D.  Chester,  United  States  Consul  at  Buda-Pesth,  attended  the 
services.  Many  who  sought  admission  had  to  be  turned  away. 


THE  FIRST  M.  E.  CHURCH,   CANTON,   OHIO. 

Where  President  McKinley's  Funeral  Was  Held. 


FUNERAL  TRAIN  BEHOVING  PRESIDENT  McKINLETS  BODY 
FROM  BUFFALO  TO  CAPITOL. 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  FUNERAL  CORTEGE  ON  THE  WAY  TO 
THE  CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

TWO    OF    OUR    PRESIDENTIAL    TRAGEDIES. 

The  Mortal  Wounds  of  Garfield  and  McKinley  Scientifically  Compared— The  Case  Profes 
sionally  Considered  and  a  Most  Interesting  Study  Made  of  the  Medical  Mysteries 
Attending  the  Death  of  the  Two  Latest  Presidents  Elected  from  Ohio. 

The  names  of  Garfield  and  McKinley  have  been  coupled  together  in 
the  speech  of  millions  all  over  the  world  during  the  sad  first  September 
of  the  century.  The  widow  of  President  Garfield  has  lived  over  again 
the  sorrows  of  the  summer  that  was  so  fearful  for  her.  It  is  horribly 
strange  that  two  men  of  Ohio,  distinguished  on  the  battlefield  and  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  elected  President  on  their  merits,  both 
men  combining  immense  capacity  writh  incessant  industry,  should  re 
ceive  mortal  wounds  from  two  depraved  egotists,  each  of  the  murderers 
equipped  with  a  pistol,  one  shooting  his  victim  selected  as  the  head  of 
the  nation  for  slaughter.  The  assassin  of  Garfield  shot  him  in  the  back, 
and  was  hidden  in  the  recess  between  a  door  and  a  window,  and  un 
noticed  until  the  President  of  the  United  States  walked  in,  accompanied 
by  the  Secretary  of  State,  James  G.  Elaine,  when  there  was  a  sound 
of  a  fire  cracker  and  Garfield  fell;  McKinley,  extending  his  hand  as  an 
act  of  courtesy  to  a  citizen,  who  managed  to  force  himself  almost  into 
contact  with  the  President,  and  shot  him  through  a  handkerchief.  There 
never  were  more  venomous  reptile  scoundrels  born  than  the  murderers 
of  the  two  Presidents  who  were  representative  of  the  high  civilization 
of  a  great  industrial  community.  It  happened  that  the  funeral  of  Mc 
Kinley  was  on  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  Garfield. 

There  were  two  shots  fired  by  the  murderer  in  each  case.  Garfield 
was  hit  first  slightly  in  the  left  arm,  a  mere  flesh-wound,  as  was  the  first 
received  by  McKinley.  The  Journal  of  the  American  Medical  Associa 
tion  says: 

The  second  and  fatal  wound  of  President  Garfield  was  caused  by  a 
44-caliber  bullet  from  a  British  bulldog  revolver,  fired  from  the  rear. 
The  result  of  the  autopsy  showed  how  completely  the  distinguished 
surgeons  in  attendance  had  been  deceived  as  to  the  real  nature  of 
the  injury;  for  instead  of  passing  through  the  liver,  transversing  the 

3" 


312  TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

abdominal  cavity,  and  lodging  in  the  anterior  wall,  as  was  thought,  the 
wound  was  entirely  extra-peritoneal.  The  records  of  the  autopsy  leave 
no  room  for  doubt,  for  the  post-mortem  was  made  by  the  President's 
eight  surgeons  themselves  and  the  report  was  signed  by  all.  The  official 
announcement  of  its  results  said: 

"It  was  found  that  the  ball,  after  fracturing  the  right  eleventh  rib, 
had  passed  through  the  spinal  column  in  front  of  the  spinal  canal,  frac 
turing  the  body  of  the  first  lumbar  vertebra,  driving  a  number  of  small 
fragments  of  bone  into  the  adjacent  soft  parts  and  lodging  below  the 
pancreas,  about  two  inches  and  a  half  to  the  left  of  the  spine  and  behind 
the  peritoneum,  where  it  had  become  completely  encysted. 

"The  immediate  cause  of  death  was  secondary  hemorrhage  from  one 
of  the  mesenteric  arteries  adjoining  the  track  of  the  ball,  the  blood  rup 
turing  the  peritoneum  and  nearly  a  pint  escaping  into  the  abdominal 
cavity.  An  abscess  cavity,  6x4  inches  in  dimensions,  was  found  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  gall-bladder,  between  the  liver  and  the  transverse  colon, 
which  were  strongly  adherent.  It  did  not  involve  the  substance  of  the 
liver,  and  no  communication  was.  found  between  it  and  the  wound.  A 
long  suppurating  channel  extended  from  the  external  wound  between 
the  loin  muscles  and  the  right  kidney  almost  to  the  groin.  This  channel, 
now  known  to  be  due  to  the  burrowing  of  pus  from  the  wound,  was  sup 
posed  during  life  to  be  the  track  of  the  ball." 

While  the  immediate  cause  of  President  Garfield's  death  is  said  to 
have  been  secondary  hemorrhage,  such  a  result  was  due  to  a  sloughing 
blood  vessel,  one  of  the  usual  terminations  of  septic  cases.  President 
Garfield  had  pyemia.  His  symptoms  indicated  it;  the  autopsy  proved  it. 
The  question  has  been  asked  a  thousand  times  during  the  last  few  days 
on  account  of  the  favorable  bulletins  reporting  President  McKinley's 
condition,  if  his  distinguished  predecessor  in  office  could  have  been 
saved  by  modern  surgery.  Possibly  he  could,  though  it  is  optimistic  and 
presuming  too  much  to  say  that  such  a  result  would  have  been,  as  has 
so  often  been  said  in  the  recent  past,  reasonably  certain. 

A  44-caliber  revolver  ballet  fracturing  the  rib,  then  crashing  through 
the  body  of  a  lumbar  vertebra  and  driving  a  number  of  fragments  into  the 
soft  parts,  thence  lodging  behind  the  pancreas,  makes  a  wound  and 
condition  not  to  be  despised  by  even  the  boldest  and  deftest  of  modern 
operators.  Moreover,  President  Garfield  was  a  stout  man,  which  would 
have  increased  the  difficulties.  Were  such  a  bullet  promptly  located 


TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  313 

to-day  by  the  X-Rays,  any  experienced  and  conscientious  surgeon  would 
hesitate  as  to  his  course.  If  he  elected  to  remove  the  bullet,  again  he 
would  be  embarrassed  to  know  whether  it  were  best  to  choose  the 
anterior  or  posterior  route.  A  laminectomy  is  a  comparatively  simple 
operation  in  a  thin  subject,  but  to  reach  the  body  of  a  vertebra,  much 
less  go  anterior  to  it,  as  would  have  been  necessary  to  have  recovered 
the  ball  and  removed  the  spiculaB  of  bone  driven  forward  by  it,  in  a  pa 
tient  of  President  Garfield's  build,  would  have  taxed  both  the  anatom 
ical  knowledge  and  surgical  daring  of  the  greatest  of  his  surgeons,  the 
gifted  Agnew.  If  the  anterior  route  were  chosen,  one  has  only  to  think 
of  the  important  vessels  and  nerves  superimposed  on  the  bullet,  and 
almost  in  contact  with  it,  By  either,  anterior  or  posterior  route, 
the  danger  from  hemorrhage  would  of  necessity  have  been  great. 

Again,  can  we  say  that  pyemia  has  been  banished  from  surgery? 
Certainly  not;  rare  it  is,  to  be  sure,  at  present;  but  President  Garfield 
had  just  the  kind  of  a,  wound  that  is  to-day,  with  all  our  much-vaunted 
aseptic  and  antiseptic  surgery,  difficult  to  treat  and  uncertain  in  its  re 
sults.  Compound  fractures,  especially  of  soft  bones  such  as  vertebra 
and  ribs  in  inaccessible  situations,  constitute  the  most  fertile  cause  of 
pyemia  to-day.  Moreover,  pyemia  following  bone  injuries  is  admittedly 
more  fatal  than  pyemia  following  injury  to  soft  parts.  Therefore,  there 
should  not  have  been  at  the  time  so  much  criticism  of  those  brave  and 
skillful  men  who  labored  incessantly  for  nearly  three  months  to  save 
their  distinguished  patient,  Now  that  the  matter  is  up  again  for  dis 
cussion,  it  should  be  the  duty  of  medical  men,  particularly,  to  set  mat 
ters  and  history  right,  and  not  encourage  the  belief,  so  general,  that 
President  Garfield's  wound,  fatal  in  1881,  would  be  trivial  to-day.  It 
was  fatal  in  1881  and  would  probably  be  fatal  in  1901.  Mistakes  may 
have  been  made,  but  even  if  they  had  not  been,  there  is  little  likelihood 
that  the  nation  would  have  been  spared  the  poignant  grief  at  the  bril 
liant  Garfield's  untimely  taking-off  and  the  disgrace  of  a  second  mur 
dered  President. 

President  McKinley  was  shot  from  the  front  with  a  32-caliber  ball 
entering  five  inches  below  the  left  nipple  and  one  and  one-half  inches 
to  the  left  of  the  median  line.  It  transversed  the  abdominal  cavity,  per 
forating  both  anterior  and  posterior  walls  of  the  stomach,  the  opening 
in  the  former  being  small,  the  one  in  the  latter  large  and  ragged — just 
the  character  of  wound  usually  made  by  a  pistol  ball  at  close  range. 


314  TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

After  thorough  closure  of  the  gastric  wounds,  from  which  there  had  been 
some  extravasation,  a  careful  search  was  made  for  other  possible  injur 
ies.  None  was  discovered,  and  the  surgeons  were  reasonably  certain 
that  the  bullet  had  found  lodgment  in  the  muscles  of  the  back.  The  ab 
dominal  cavity  was  freely  irrigated  with  normal  salt  solution  and  closed 
without  drainage  by  through-and-through  sutures  of  silkworm  gut.  A 
small  piece  of  clothing — presumably  from  the  undershirt — had  been 
carried  in  by  the  bullet,  but  was,  we  understand  from  the  statements 
given  out,  found  in  the  abdominal  portion  of  the  wound. 

In  exploring  the  abdomen,  Dr.  Mann  acted  wisely  in  enlarging  the 
original  wound,  rather  than  performing  median  section.  Irrigation  of 
the  cavity  is  to  be  distinctly  commended;  likewise  the  use  of  interrupted 
sutures,  saving  as  they  do  the  loss  of  time,  and  facilitating  to  no  incon 
siderable  degree,  when  rightly  placed,  drainage — two  important  ele 
ments  in  the  President's  condition. 

Whether  or  not  provision  should  have  been  made  for  further  drain 
age  depends  entirely  upon  the  existing  conditions,  and  they  were  best 
judged  by  the  distinguished  surgeons  charged  with  the  responsibility 
of  saving,  if  possible,  the  most  precious  life  in  the  world.  The  profession 
has  had  the  utmost  confidence  in  each  of  them;  the  nation  has  shown  its 
gratitude  for  the  promptness  with  which  their  awful  responsibility  was 
assumed,  and  the  thoroughness  and  ability  with  which  it  was  carried 
out. 

If  the  operation  had  been  hurried  there  might  be  some  reason  to  feel 
that  possibly  each  step  of  it  could  not  have  been  considered  as  judi 
ciously  as  the  occasion  demanded.  Such  was  not  the  case;  the  President 
was  under  ether  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  was  in  such  good  condition 
all  the  time  that  there  was  no  demand  made  upon  the  operator  for  haste. 
The  autopsy  shows  that  good  judgment  was  shown  in  not  Drolonging 
search  for  the  ball. 

In  declining  to  use  the  X-rays  subsequently,  notwithstanding  the 
general  anxiety  as  to  the  ball's  exact  location,  the  surgeons  were  judi 
ciously  passive  and  followed  the  teachings  of  the  greatest  of  military 
surgeons.  A  second  anesthesia  and  operation  for  the  extraction  of  a  32- 
caliber  bullet  in  the  muscles  of  the  back  would,  under  the  circum 
stances,  have  been  not  only  injudicious,  but  censurable.  One  cannot 
forbear  to  say  at  this  time  that  the  Roentgen  rays  are  not  an  unmixed 
blessing,  as  death  has  followed  operations  for  encysted  bullets  that  were 


TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  315 

doing  no  harm  at  the  time  of  their  removal.  One  of  a  yielding  nature 
may  be  induced  to  act  against  his  better  judgment,  on  account  of  the 
anxiety  and  iniportunings  of  patient  and  friends,  always  greater  than 
they  should  be,  but  due  to  an  exaggerated  importance  given  by  laymen 
to  the  "ball"  and  its  recovery.  Those  who  knew  the  President's  sur 
geons  personally  have  felt  assured  from  the  first  that  no  precipitate  action 
would  be  taken  to  meet  a  danger  largely  chimerical  in  its  nature,  whilst 
urgent,  portentous,  awful  problems  were  pressing  forward  for  solution. 

What  were  the  probabilities  when  it  was  known  that  President 
McKinley,  a  man  fifty-eight  years  old,  with  a  weak  heart,  had  sus 
tained  a  penetrating  wound  of  the  abdomen?  Death,  undoubtedly,  was 
the  likelier  issue.  When,  however,  the  details  of  the  operation  were 
given  on  Saturday  morning,  and  it  was  recalled  that  the  President  was 
shot  at  4 :30  in  the  afternoon,  when  his  stomach  was  presumably  empty, 
or  nearly  so,  more  than  a  modicum  of  comfort  and  hope  was  felt  by  a 
stricken  nation.  The  operation  had  been  promptly  done;  it  had  been 
thoroughly  well  done;  it  had  been  done  by  the  best  exponents  of  ntodern 
surgery.  The  incidents  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  days — the  period 
of  greatest  danger — were  distinctly  favorable  to  the  President's  recov 
ery,  though  his  abnormally  high  pulse  rate  caused  uneasiness.  It  had  all 
along  been  out  of  proportion  to  the  temperature  and  respirations,  but 
it  was  explained  as  being  usual  with  him.  The  fourth  and  fifth  days 
served  only  to  fortify  his  surgeons  in  the  opinion  already  expressed 
that  he  would  recover.  It  seemed  that  he  would  and  that  he  should 
get  well;  yet  there  were  still  dangers  ahead  to  which  a  too  hopeful  and 
impulsive  people  were  oblivious.  They  came  on  the  sixth  day,  and 
had  practically  ended  this  magnificent  life  in  another  twenty-four 
hours ! 

Of  the  exact  causes  leading  to  the  change  which  resulted  in  death, 
we  shall  know  more  when  the  full  report  of  the  autopsy  is  published. 
This  will  be  after  cultures  have  been  made  and  a  histological  examination 
has  been  completed.  When  this  full  scientific  report  is  officially  given 
out  it  will  be  time  to  discuss  the  cause  which  led  £o  the  necrotic  con 
dition  found  at  the  autopsy,  but  not  before.  Until  then  at  least  there . 
should  be  no  criticism  of  the  management  of  the  case,  and  full  credence 
should  be  given  to  the  official  bulletins  signed  by  the  attending  sur 
geons,  and  to  these  only.  The  absence  from  Buffalo  of  the  nearest  rela 
tives  of  President  McKinley  at  the  time  of  the  unfavorable  change 


316  TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

showed  plainly  enough  that  they,?had  left  him  doing  so  well  that  only 
recovery  was  thought  of.  The  public  was  fairly  and  candidly  treated 
from  beginning  to  end.  The  unexpected  happened.  While  the  nation 
grieves  as  it  ha,s  never  done  before  on  account  of  the  pathetic  and 
unusual  circumstances  surrounding  President  MeKinley's  death,  we 
should  give  full  credit  and  honor  to  the  heroic  surgeons  who,  with  a 
moment's  notice,  gave  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  everything 
that  science  had  to  offer.  As  we  think,  so  will  the  lay  press,  his  country 
men,  and  the  world. 

The  criticisms  of  1881  are  not,  we  hope,  to  be  repeated.  The  cour 
ageous  action  of  Dr.  Mann  and  his  associates  in  performing  an  immedi 
ate  laparotomy  is  more  to  be  commended  now  than  it  would  have  been 
three  years  ago;  for  since  our  war  with  Spain  and  the  Anglo-Boer  war 
in  South  Africa  non-intervention  in  gunshot  wounds  of  the  abdomen 
has  been  the  rule  in  military  surgery.  A  masterly  inactivity  in  such 
injuries  has  had  the  weighty  indorsement  of  Senn,  Nancrede,  Lagarde, 
Parker,  and  other  surgeons  of  prominence  in  our  army,  and  Treves,  Sir 
William  MacCormac,  and  others  of  the  English  surgical  staff.  Many  of 
the  supposed  perforating  wounds  of  the  abdominal  cavity  in  the  Ameri 
can  and  English  armies  recovered  without  operation.  A  rule  which 
is  applicable  and  proper  in  military  surgery  cannot  always  be  accepted 
in  civil  practice.  The  wounds  are  different;  the  facilities  and  environ 
ments  are  different.  The  modern  rifle  ball  is  small,  conical,  .303  of  an 
inch  in  caliber,  of  great  velocity,  and  cuts  like  a  knife.  Such  a  wound 
occurring  in  soldiers  with  comparatively  empty  gastro-intestinal  tracts 
—brought  about  by  starvation  and  diarrhea,  common  conditions  in 
soldiers — might  be  recovered  from;  whereas,  a  pistol  ball,  which  is 
usually  larger,  rounder,  and  of  less  velocity,  makes  a  greater  and  more 
ragged  opening,  through  which  extravasation  from  any  of  the  hollow 
viscera  injured  would  almost  surely  take  place.  It  is  also  far  more 
likely  to  carry  in  clothing  and  other  foreign  material  which  would 
have  a  tendency  to  cause  irritation  and  even  sepsis. 

It  is  of  interest  to  recall  the  fact  that  the  first  successful  laparotomy 
for  a  shot  wound  *  of  the  abdomen  was  a  pistol  shot  wound  of  the 
stomach,  successfully  operated  on  by  Kocher  of  Berne  in  1884.  Kin- 
loch  of  South  Carolina  had  previously  (1882)  unsuccessfully  operated  on 
a  case  of  multiple  wounds  of  the  smaller  intestines.  The  first  success 
ful  laparotomy  for  an  intestinal  wound  was  by  W.  T.  Bull  in  1884. 


TWO    OF   OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  337 

While  the  prompt,  commendable  and  praiseworthy  surgery  at  Buf 
falo  did  not  result,  as  it  deserved  to,  in  the  recovery  of  President 
McKinley,  it  has  placed  the  treatment  of  gunshot  wounds  of  the 
abdomen  upon  a  firmer  and  better  footing  than  ever  before;  just  at  a 
time,  too,  when  it  had  suffered  a  partial  eclipse,  on  account  of  the 
teachings  of  military  surgeons;  teachings  which  are  right  for  the  battle 
field  and  emergency  hospitals,  with  their  poor  equipment  for  abdominal 
work,  but  wrong  when  one  can  have  the  benefit  of  timely  aid  from  a 
competent  abdominal  surgeon  in  a  well-equipped  modern  hospital. 

If  in  dying  this  great  and  good  man  has  advanced  the  cause  of  sur 
gery,  and  has  been  the  means  of  exterminating  anarchy  in  the  country 
he  loved  and  served  so  well,  then  he  will  not  have  suffered  and  died  in 
vain! 

It  is  not  unusual  for  physicians  or  surgeons  to  make  mistakes  in 
judgment,  and  therefore  it  often  occurs,  when  a  case  is  ended  and  death 
supervenes,  that  those  who  have  been  in  attendance  look  back  and 
wish  they  had  done  a  little  differently  here  or  there.  Such  things  are 
liable  to  occur  until  the  time  comes  when  human  judgment  is  infallible. 
But  reviewing  the  facts  of  President  McKinley's  case  from  the  begin 
ning,  so  far  as  they  have  come  to  us  from  reliable  sources,  and  supple 
menting  the  reports  by  all  that  we  can  reasonably  surmise,  we  see  no 
reason  for  the  slightest  criticism  of  the  surgical  and  medical  treatment. 
Whatever  medical  science  could  do  at  the  present  time  was  apparently 
done.  The  administration  of  a  minute  quantity  of  solid  food  on  Sep 
tember  11,  which  has  been  criticised,  appears  to  us  to  have  been  per 
fectly  justifiable,  and  that  it  could  have  had  no  ill  effect  is  sufficiently 
proven  by  the  autopsy.  From  the  prompt  acceptance  of  responsibility 
by  the  surgeons  at  the  beginning  to  the  last  sad  phase,  there  is  nothing 
in  the  conduct  of  the  case  that  calls  for  self-reproach  on  their  part  or 
justifies  criticism  of  their  course  by  others.  It  shows  more  promi 
nently  than  many  cases  our  limitations,  and  is  in  this  way  humiliating, 
but  this  does  not  in  any  way  detract  from  the  services  of  those  who  did 
all  that  human  wisdom  and  ability  could  do. 

The  medical  journal  of  Philadelphia,  "American  Medicine,"  says: 

The  surgery  of  the  stomach  has  existed  but  little  over  twenty  years. 
It  is  true  that  before  1880  occasional  recoveries  followed  wounds  of  the 
stomach,  more  by  good  luck  than  good  management,  and  gastrotomy, 
like  Cesarian  section,  has  been  practiced  all  through  the  Christian  era 


318  TWO    OF   OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

when  surgeons  were  driven  to  it;  but  the  last  twenty  years  have  revolu 
tionized  this  branch  of  surgery.  The  discovery  of  anesthetics  has  made 
prolonged  operations  possible;  Lord  Lister's  contribution  of  antisepsis 
has  made  operative  intervention  practicable  with  a  certainty  of  recov 
ery  which,  were  it  not  an  everyday  occurrence,  would  be  considered 
miraculous.  While  in  olden  times  wounds  within  the  abdomen  were 
treated  "expectantly"  and  patients  allowed  to  die  of  hemorrhage  or 
peritonitis,  many  lives  are  now  saved  by  early  surgical  intervention.  In 
this  progress  Americans  have  had  no  small  part.  Gross,  Parkes  and 
Senn,  by  their  thorough  experimental  studies,  have  thrown  a  flood  of 
light  into  the  study  of  abdominal  surgery.  The  work  of  Gross  on  "The 
Nature  and  Treatment  of  Intestinal  Injuries/'  begun  in  1841,  was  one  of 
the  earliest  studies  of  this  subject  from  an  experimental  standpoint, 
while  Parkes,  author  of  "Gunshot  Wounds  of  the  Small  Intestines," 
was  practically  the  first  to  show,  by  saving  nine  dogs  out  of  nineteen  by 
operation,  while  eighteen  treated  expectantly  all  died,  that  operation 
offers  the  best  hope  for  recovery  in  penetrating  wounds  of  the  abdomen. 
The  advance  of  surgery  since  the  assassination  of  the  lamented 
Garfield  is  so  marked  as  to  demand  comment,  particularly  the  advance 
in  surgery  of  the  peritoneal  cavity.  The  introduction  of  scientific  and 
systematic  antisepsis  and  asepsis  and  a  better  knowledge  of  the  physi 
ology  and  pathology  of  the  peritoneum  are  responsible  for  this  splendid 
progress.  The  multiplicity  of  operations  devised  and  successfully  per 
formed  upon  the  stomach,  such  as  gastrostomy,  gastrotomy,  pylorec- 
tomy,  and,  more  recently,  the  operation  for  gastric  ulcer,  have  shown 
the  limits  and  possibilities  of  gastric  surgery.  Since  1846,  when 
Sedillot  performed  the  first  gastrostomy  upon  a  human  being,  until 
the  present  time,  there  has  been  a  steady  advance.  In  1881  Rydygier 
operated  first  successfully  for  ulcer  of  the  stomach,  and  the  next  year 
Czerny  also  reported  a  successful  resection  of  a  gastric  ulcer;  now  medi 
cal  literature  is  filled  with  reports  of  practicable  operations  on  the 
alimentary  canal.  But  it  is  unfair  to  compare  the  statistics  of  elective 
operations  with  the  results  of  accidental  and  emergency  surgery,  in 
which  shock,  hemorrhage  and  the  escape  of  intestinal  and  gastric 
contents  into  the  peritoneal  cavity  may  have  occurred.  A  review  of  the 
statistics  of  gunshot  wounds  of  the  abdomen  is  not  encouraging.  In  less 
than  five  per  cent  of  those  in  which  the  peritoneal  cavity  has  been  pene 
trated  have  the  viscera  escaped  injury.  Of  any  one  hundred  such  wounds 


TWO    OF  OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  319 

as  they  occurred  during  the  Civil  War  there  were  sixty-four  of  the  intes 
tines-,  seventeen  of  the  liver,  seven  and  three-fourths  of  the  stomach  and 
kidneys,  three  of  the  spleen  and  one-half  of  one  of  the  pancreas.  The 
general  mortality  has  been  very  high,  its  rate  being  in  our  Civil  War 
87.2  per  cent,  and  in  general  wars,  as  tabulated  by  Otis,  75.1  per  cent. 
Even  in  the  less  grave  injuries  of  civil  life  the  mortality  until  recently 
has  been  generally  much  about  50  per  cent.  For  a  long  time  the  results 
were  so  unfavorable,  whether  cases  were  treated  by  exploratory  laparo- 
tomy  or  by  the  "do  nothing"  system,  that  surgeons  were  divided  as  to 
the  proper  plan  of  procedure;  but  present  increased  knowledge  and  experi 
ence  have  brought  better  results,  and  all  are  now  agreed  that  early  and 
rapid  operation  with  arrest  of  hemorrhage,  toilet  of  peritoneum, 
removal  of  irritant  and  septic  material  and  careful  closure  of  any  and 
all  openings  in  the  viscera,  offer  the  best  hope  of  saving  life.  All 
observations  show  that  the  chances  of  recovery  rapidly  diminish  in  pro 
portion  to  the  lapse  of  time  before  operation,  the  patient  rarely  surviving 
a  section  done  a  half  day  or  more  subsequent  to  the  injury.  Korte, 
Reclus,  Nogues,  Morton  and  others  have  collected  statistics  giving  the 
death  rate  after  operation  varying  from  65  per  cent  to  78  per  cent,  and 
personal  reports  from  fifty-five  of  our  American  surgeons  of  all  their  cases 
of  abdominal  gunshot  wounds  give  a  mortality  rate  of  70.66  per  cent. 

"The  Medical  News"  says  in  an  editorial  on  "The  Mentally  Un 
balanced  in  Modern  Life,"  in  referring  to  the  shooting  of  President  Me- 
Kinley : 

It  would  seem  as  though  such  occurrences  must  be  more  or  less  in 
evitable  in  our  modern  life,  for  the  unbalanced  we  have  always  with  us, 
and  the  psychological  moment  that  prepares  so  sad  an  occurrence  as  this 
may  not  easily  be  detected.  Yet  there  are  certain  lessons  that  the  event 
teaches,  certain  warnings  that  it  emphasizes.  When  the  struggle  for  life 
was  severer  than  at  present,  many  more  of  the  mentally  unqualified  were 
eliminated  early  in  life.  There  is  in  our  crowded  world  an  ever-growing 
number  of  individuals  to  whom  chance  influences  may  prove  the  source 
of  impulses  to  acts  with  consequences  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  original 
influence,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  this  country  has  been  chosen  as 
an  outlet  for  an  immense  number  of  this  class,  as  well  as  a  general 
rendezvous  for  criminals  who  cannot  find  a  resting  place  in  their  own 
land.  There  is  need,  then,  for  a  more  thorough  and  honest  control  of 
immigration,  and  it  daily  becomes  more  apparent  that  not  only  those  who 


320  TWO    OF   OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

suffer  from  physical  ills  and  financial  stress  should  be  refused  an  entrance 
here,  but  those  whose  early  surroundings  and  training  have  been  such  as 
to  engender  the  seeds  of  anti-social  conduct. 


PHYSICIANS    WHO    ATTENDED    PRESIDENT    MCKINLEY    DECLARE    THAT   THERE 
WAS   NO   DISAGREEMENT   CONCERNING   THE   CASE. 

Buffalo,  Sept.  17. — The  following  statement  was  given  out  to-night  by 
the  physicians  who  attended  President  McKinley  during  his  last  illness : 

The  undersigned  surgeons  and  physicians  who  were  in  attendance 
on  the  late  President  McKinley  have  had  their  attention  called  to  certain 
sensational  statements  recently  published  indicating  dissensions  and 
recriminations  among  them. 

We  desire  to  say  to  the  press  and  public,  once  for  all,  that  every  such 
publication  and  all  alleged  interviews  with  any  of  us  containing  criticism 
of  one  another  or  of  any  of  our  associates  are  false. 

We  say  again  that  there  was  never  a  serious  disagreement  among 
the  professional  attendants  as  to  any  of  the  symptoms  or  as  to' the  treat 
ment  of  the  case  or  as  to  the  bulletins  which  were  issued.  A  very  unusual 
harmony  of  opinion  and  action  prevailed  all  through  the  case. 

The  unfortunate  result  could  not  have  been  foreseen  before  the  unfav 
orable  symptoms  declared  themselves  late  on  the  sixth  day  and  could  not 
have  been  prevented  by  any  human  agency. 

Pending  the  completion  and  publication  of  the  official  reports  of  the 
post-mortem  examiners  and  attending  staff  we  shall  refuse  to  make  any 
further  statements  for  publication,  and  alleged  interviews  with  any  of  us 
may  be  known  to  be  fictitious,  Matthew  D.  Mann. 

Roswell  Park. 
Herman  Mynter. 
Eugene  Wasdin. 
Charles  G.  Stockton. 

While  there  were  no  officially  recognized  discussions  among  the  medi 
cal  men,  it  seems  certain  there  were  some  serious  differences  of  opinion, 
especially  as  to  whether  the  fatal  bullet  was  poisoned.  There  is  one  satis 
faction  in  the  united  testimony  of  the  physicians.  The  case  was  profes 
sionally  well  handled,  and  the  wound  was  a  death  stroke  from  the  start. 
The  cause  of  death  was  plainly  gangrene.  The  handkerchief  through 
which  the  assassin  fired  was  a  woman's  handkerchief.  It  was  an  ordinary 


TWO    OF   OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  321 

fabric  of  white  cotton,  such  as  can  be  purchased  for  five  cents.  It  was  of 
the  machine  hemstitched  variety,  about  ten  inches  square.  One  of  the 
corners  was  missing,  having  been  burned  by  the  exploding  powder,  or 
shot  away  altogether  by  a  bullet  speeding  to  its  mark.  At  first  glance 
the  handkerchief,  with  two  holes  near  the  middle,  looked  not  unlike  a 
mask  improvised  by  bandits  with  openings  through  which  to  see.  The 
two  openings,  each  somewhat  larger  than  a  silver  dollar,  and  with 
fringes  singed  brown  by  the  flames  of  burning  powder,  showed  unmis 
takably  where  the  bullets  passed  through.  The  presence  of  the  two 
holes  and  a  rent  was  explained  by  the  theory  that  one  of  the  bullets 
passed  through  the  handkerchief  at  a  point  where  it  happened  to  have 
been  gathered  momentarily  in  a  fold. 

When  the  President  was  shot  Detective  Gallaher  was  one  of  the 
secret  service  men  in  the  vicinity  of  the  spot  where  the  Presidential 
reception  was  being  held  in  the  Temple  of  Music  of  the  Pan-American 
Fair.  He  was  not  by  any  means  the  nearest  of  the  group  of  secret  service 
men,  but  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  pounce  on  the  assassin  after  the  reports 
from  Czolgosz'  revolver  resounded  in  the  great  rotunda. 

Other  secret  service  men  wrenched  the  revolver  from  the  assassin's 
grasp  as  they  fell  on  him.  In  the  excitement  incident  to  the  endeavor 
to  save  the  murderer  from  the  enraged  crowds  Detective  Gallaher  alone 
surmised  that  the  handkerchief  through  which  the  revolver  shots  pene 
trated  had  been  used  for  a  "blind." 

Only  by  the  circumstance  that  the  handkerchief  had  caught  fire  was 
Gallaher's  suspicion  aroused.  He  picked  it  up,  believing  that  it  had  been 
used  as  a  strategem  for  securing  unmolested  approach  to  the  President— 
a  view  which  the  Chicago  detective  heard  confirmed  later  in  the  confession 
made  by  Czolgosz  to  the  Buffalo  police. 

The  fight  that  the  physicians  made  to  save  the  life  of  the  President 
is  set  forth  in  a  most  interesting  way  as  follows : 

The  doctors  attending  the  President  defend  the  administering  of 
food  and  assert  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  do  so.  The  reason 
for  the  resulting  bad  effects  they  explain  by  saying  that  the  intestines 
failed  to  do  their  part — not  the  stomach.  As  to  the  food  administered 
it  was  almost  nothing,  and,  under  normal  conditions,  would  not  be  a 
mouthful  for  a  child. 

One  of  the  surgeons  attending  the  President  was  told  that  many  people 
were  criticising  the  surgeons  for  having  permitted  the  President  to  eat 


322  TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL    TRAGEDIES. 

toast,  because  there  was  a  general  belief,  among  laymen  at  any  rate,  that 
toast  was  a  substance  that  would  be  gritty  and  tend  to  irritate  the  weak 
ened  stomach.  In  reply  he  said. 

"I  know  we  were  criticised,  and  bitterly,  whenever  a  change  for  the 
worse  appeared  in  the  President's  condition,  no  matter  what  we  did. 
If  he  had  recovered,  the  people  would  have  been  grateful  to  us.  People 
cannot  be  altogether  responsible  at  such  a  time  and  in  such  matters  as 
this,  and  we  are  too  human  ourselves  to  expect  them  to  be. 

"But  about  the  toast?"  The  physician  held  out  his  index  finger  and 
the  one  next  to  it  and  crossed  them  just  below  the  nail  of  the  index  finger. 
"There,"  he  said,  "that  is  as  large  as  the  piece  of  toast  the  President  had, 
and  it  was  quite  thin,  much  thinner  by  half  than  are  my  fingers.  He 
merely  nibbled  at  the  toast.  He  had  hardly  a  mouthful  of  it,  not  a 
mouthful,  not  half  a  bite  altogether.  It  was  given  to  him  not  so  much  as 
food,  but  because  there  seemed  to  be  no  better  way  of  removing  the  heavy 
coating  on  his  tongue  and  the  inside  of  liis  mouth.  The  coating  was 
disagreeable  to  him  and  was  endangering  his  comfort." 

The  surgeon  added  that  of  all  the  troubles  of  the  surgeons  of  the  last 
twenty-four  hours  none  was  more  distressing  to  them  than  the  way  the 
President's  heart  acted.  Some  people  have  said  that  the  President  had 
a  "tobacco  heart."  This  description  has  not  satisfied  the  physicians. 
They  cannot  understand  the  causes  which  influenced  the  action  of 
the  heart,  and  they  cannot  treat  at  all  conditions  which  have  symptoms 
which  they  cannot  understand.  Altogether  the  irregularity  of  the  heart 
action  had  been  the  most  alarming  feature  of  their  day's  work. 

Concerning  the  development  of  intestinal  toxaemia,  in  the  President's 
case  this  explanation  is  made : 

Toxaemia  means  the  presence  of  a  toxin  or  poison  in  the  system.  In 
testinal  toxaemia  means  that  the  toxin  is  in  evidence  somewhere  within 
the  alimentary  canal,  between  the  beginning  of  the  duodenum  at  the 
pyloric  orifice  of  the  stomach  and  the  sphincter  ani.  This  portion  of  the 
alimentary  tract  is  twenty-five  feet  in  length  and  comprises  the  small 
and  large  intestines.  The  former  is  twenty  feet  in  length  and  the  latter 
five  feet. 

Toxic  products  developed  in  the  intestinal  canal  must  of  necessity 
arise  from  imperfectly  digested  food.  The  poisonous  substances  which 
thus  develop  are  termed  ptomaines.  If  not  swept  out  of  the  tract  they 
increase  with  alarming  rapidity  and  unless  checked  the  entire  system 


TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  323 

succumbs  to  the  effects  of  the  poison.  The  heart  muscle  relaxes  and 
becomes  atonic  and  a  fatal  termination  is  inevitably  the  result.  This 
saturating  of  the  system  by  toxins  developed  in  this  manner  is  called 
auto-intoxication.  Intestinal  toxaemia  is  more  likely  to  develop  in  the 
small  intestines,  probably  in  the  duodenum,  jejunum,  ileum,  caecum,  or 
in  some  portion  of  the  ascending,  transverse  or  descending  colon. 

The  failing  heart  is  aggravated  by  the  conditions  of  the  stomach  and 
remaining  portions  of  the  alimentary  tract  in  such  cases. 

It  was  said  that  an  irritation  at  the  rectal  opening  developed  as  a 
result  of  administration  of  nourishment  per  rectum  by  means  of  a  rectal 
tube,  and  that  in  consequence  the  sphincter  ani,  the  muscle  which  con 
trols  the  termination  of  the  large  intestine,  became  relaxed  and  refused  to 
perform  its  function.  The  liquid  nourishment  could  not,  therefore,  be 
retained,  and  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  administer  food  by  the 
mouth. 

Conceding  that  the  repair  of  the  stomach  had  reached  a  point  where 
that  organ  could  resume  its  normal  activity  and  perform  its  function  in  a 
satisfactory  manner,  then,  in  the  opinion  of  the  attending  physicians, 
according  to  a  statement  which  is  vouched  for,  it  made  no  difference 
whether  the  food  given  in  the  natural  way  consisted  of  liquids  or  solids. 
It  is  further  asserted  that  the  stomach  did  perform  its  function,  but  that 
the  intestines  failed  to  respond  to  the  demand  made  upon  them  by  the 
partly  digested  food,  after  it  had  passed  from  the  stomach  through  the 
pylorus  and  into  the  duodenum. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  the  most  important  part  of  digestion 
takes  place  in  the  intestines  and  not  in  the  stomach,  as  was  formerly 
believed,  this  is  an  important  consideration.  The  nutritious  elements 
of  the  food  are  absorbed  from  the  intestinal  walls,  and  a  failure  on  the 
part  of  the  walls  to  perform  their  function  threatens  starvation. 

In  the  present  instance  relaxation  of  not  only  the  sphincter  ani 
resulted,  but  relaxation  and  atony  of  the  entire  intestinal  tract  followed. 
As  a  consequence,  the  partially  digested  food  simply  formed  an  inert 
mass  in  the  intestines,  which  were  unable  either  to  convert  it  into 
stimulating  and  nourishing  products  or  to  expel  it.  It  remained  there, 
for  a  time,  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  hotbed  for  the  production  of  toxic 
agents.  Hence  the  early  and  vigorous  employment  of  cathartics,  whose 
depressing  effects  the  physicians  endeavored  to  counteract  by  the  use  of 
powerful  cardiac  and  respiratory  stimulants. 


324  TWO    OF   OUR  PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

Dr.  Mann  gave  his  views  as  follows : 

"The  only  parts  in  the  abdominal  cavity  penetrated  or  touched  by 
the  bullet  were  the  stomach  walls  and  the  top  of  the  kidney.  Pancreas 
was  not  touched,  although  it  was  involved  in  the  gangrenous  process. 

"I  was  surprised,  in  fact  astounded,  at  the  condition  of  the  internal 
organs  revealed  by  the  autopsy.  In  all  my  experience  I  have  never  found 
organs  in  such  a,  state." 

"Did  you  share  in  the  general  feeling  that  the  President  would  surely 
recover?" 

"No,  I  did  not.  When  the  most  optimistic  feeling  existed  I  said,  and 
was  quoted  as  saying,  that  Mr.  McKinley  was  not  yet  out  of  the  woods." 

Concerning  the  Wasdin  assertion  of  poison  a  distinguished  surgeon 
of  New  York  says: 

"First,  as  to  the  question  you  ask  me,  'Were  the  bullets  poisoned?' 
I  am  most  strongly  inclined  to  think  so  with  Dr.  Wasdin.  You  will 
remember  there  have  been  numerous  rumors,  hints  growing  stronger  and 
stronger,  that  the  bullets  were  poisoned?  Wasdin's  reasoning  that  they 
were  is  almost  convincing.  Gangrene  followed  wherever  the  bullet 
struck.  You  just  understand  the  difference  between  gangrene  and  peri 
tonitis.  Gangrene  is  local  death — putrefaction  in  effect," 

"I  have  considered  the  President's  condition  critical  from  the  begin 
ning,"  said  Dr.  B.  B.  Eads,  "I  have  held  this  view  in  that  his  rapid 
heart  beats  and  his  temperature  have  not  corresponded.  The  trouble 
had  its  seat  in  the  heart  and  probably  had  been  going  on  there  for  years. 
So  far  as  his  treatment  is  concerned,  it  was  up  to  date,  and  I  believe  that 
for  efficiency  and  speed  the  operation  was  one  of  the  most  creditable  ever 
performed." 

"I,  too,  have  never  felt  certain  that  the  President  would  recover," 
said  Dr.  E.  J.  Senn.  "The  patient's  pulse  was  always  high.  The  news, 
while  startling  to  the  public  at  large,  did  not  astonish  me,  for  a  high  pulse 
alwaj^s  shows  critical  conditions." 

"This  high  temperature  always  showed  that  the  trouble  was  serious," 
said  Dr.  Allen  Haight.  "When  a  temperature  of  102  comes  as  a  result 
of  a  wound  it  is  alarming.  The  relapse  may  have  been  caused  by  either 
of  two  things — pain  caused  by  the  failure  of  the  stomach  to  act  or  as  a 
result  of  pressure  of  gas.  So  far  as  we  in  this  city  can  judge  the  Presi 
dent  had  the  best  of  care." 

"The  President's  pulse  was  rapid  enough  all  of  the  time  to  cause 


TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  325 

alarm/'  said  Dr.  Christian  Fenger,  "and  such  a  sinking  spell  as  he 
suffered  was  not  to  be  considered  probable.  So  far  as  the  sinking  spell 
is  concerned,  there  seemed  to  be  no  direct  cause  for  it.  The  desire  of 
the  patient  to  smoke  a  cigar  was  a  splendid  sign,  but  it  could  not,  with 
safety,  have  been  given  him,  for  the  effect  of  smoke  on  a  convalescent 
is  uncertain  and  may,  in  weakening  the  heart,  do  great  harm." 

Dr.  D.  W.  Graham  was  not  surprised  by  the  relapse.  "A  gunshot 
through  the  stomach  is  next  in  danger  to  one  through  the  head,"  he  said. 
"Such  wounds  always  are  critical.  The  sinking  spell  was  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  for  the  case  was  grave  from  the  first.  His  pulse  was  146  the 
first  day — a,  dangerous  sign — and  while  it  has  been  as  low  as  115,  usually 
ran  about  120.  Even  under  ordinary  circumstances  that  is  a  bad  sign. 
Then,  too,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  there  were  signs  of  a  tobacco  heart.  I 
have  no  criticism  to  make  on  this  case,  for  the  President  was  well 
attended.  If  the  food  taken  by  the  patient  caused  his  sinking  no  one  can 
be  blamed,  for  the  President  had  been  without  food  for  a  week.  After 
that  time  food  should  be  taken  through  the  mouth  or  the  patient  would 
starve. 

"The  food  given  him  was  strictly  proper — the  toast,  the  only  solid  part 
of  it,  being  wholly  unobjectionable.  It  could  not  have  done  any  mechani 
cal  injury,  for  the  wounds,  in  the  stomach  heal  quickly.  Within  twenty- 
four  hours  after  the  operation  the  stitches  might  have  been  removed  and 
the  stomach  might  then  have  stood  digestion.  I  am  satisfied  that  all 
that  could  be  done  by  surgical  and  medical  skill  was  accomplished." 

The  tragedy  of  Garfield  has  never  been  so  well  told  as  in  the  peroration 
of  Elaine's  oration  before  the  Houses  of  Congress : 

"On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  2d,  the  President  was  a  contented 
and  happy  man — not  in  an  ordinary  degree,  but  joyfully,  almost  boyishly 
happy.  On  his  way  to  the  railroad  station,  to  which  he  drove  slowly, 
in  conscious  enjoyment  of  the  beautiful  morning,  with  an  unwonted 
sense  of  leisure,  and  a  keen  anticipation  of  pleasure,  his  talk  was  all 
in  the  grateful  and  gratulatory  vein.  He  felt  that  after  four  months  of 
trial  his  administration  was  strong  in  its  grasp  of  affairs,  strong  in 
popular  favor,  and  destined  to  grow  stronger ;  that  grave  difficulties  con 
fronting  him  in  his  inauguration  had  been  safely  passed;  that  troubles 
lay  behind  him  and  not  before  him,  that  he  was  soon  to  meet  the  wife 
whom  he  loved,  now  recovering  from  an  illness  which  had  but  lately 


326  TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES. 

disquieted  and  at  times  almost  unnerved  him;  that  he  was  going  to  his 
alma  mater  to  renew  the  most  cherished  associations  of  his  young 
manhood,  and  to  exchange  greetings  with  those  whose  deepening  interest 
had  followed  every  step  of  his  upward  progress  from  the  day  he  entered 
upon  his  college  course  until  he  attained  the  loftiest  elevation  in  the  gift 
of  his  countrymen. 

"Surely,  if  happiness  can  ever  come  from  the  honors  or  triumphs  of 
this  world,  on  that  quiet  morning  James  A.  Garfield  may  well  have  been 
a  happy  man.  No  foreboding  of  evil  haunted  him;  no  slightest  pre 
monition  of  danger  clouded  his  sky/  His  terrible  fate  was  upon  him 
in  an  instant,  One  moment  he  stood  erect,  strong,  confident,  in  the 
years  stretching  peacefully  out  before  him.  The  next  he  lay  wounded, 
bleeding,  helpless,  doomed  to  weary  weeks  of  torture,  to  silence  and  the 
grave. 

"Great  in  life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in  death.  For  no  cause,  in 
the  very  frenzy  of  wantonness  and  wickedness,  by  the  red  hand  of  murder, 
he  wa,s  thrust  from  the  full  tide  of  this  world's  interests,  from  its  hopes, 
its  aspirations,  its  victories,  into  the  visible  presence  of  death — and  he 
did  not  quail,  l^ot  alone  for  one  short  moment,  in  which,  stunned  and 
dazed,  he  could  give  up  life,  hardly  aware  of  its  relinquishment,  but 
through  days  of  deadly  languor,  through  weeks  of  agony,  that  was  not 
less  agony  because  silently  borne,  with  clear  sight  and  calm  courage, 
he  looked  into  his  open  grave.  What  blight  and  ruin  met  his  anguished 
eyes,  whose  lips  may  tell — what  brilliant,  broken  plans,  what  baffled, 
high  ambitions,  what  sundering  of  strong,  warm,  manhood's  friendship, 
what  bitter  rending  of  sweet  household  ties!  Behind  him  a  proud, 
expectant  nation,  a  great  host  of  sustaining  friends,  a  cherished  and 
happy  mother,  wearing  the  full,  rich  honors  of  her  early  toil  and  tears; 
the  wife  of  his  youth,  whose  whole  life  lay  in  his;  the  little  boys  not  yet 
emerged  from  childhood's  day  of  frolic;  the  fair,  young  daughter;  the 
sturdy  sons  just  springing  into  closest  companionship,  claiming  every 
day  and  every  day  rewarding  a  father's  love  and  care ;  and  in  his.  heart 
the  eager,  rejoicing  power  to  meet  all  demand.  Before  him,  desolation 
and  great  darkness!  And  his  soul  was  not  shaken.  His  countrymen 
were  thrilled  with  instant,  profound  and  universal  sympathy.  Master 
ful  in  his  mortal  weakness,  he  became  the  center  of  a  nation's  love, 
enshrined  in  the  prayers  of  a  world.  But  all  the  love  and  all  the 
sympathy  could  not  share  with  him  his  suffering.  He  trod  the  wine- 


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TWO    OF   OUR   PRESIDENTIAL   TRAGEDIES.  329 

press  alone.  With  unfaltering  front  he  faced  death.  With  unfailing 
tenderness  he  took  leave  of  life.  Above  the  demoniac  hiss  of  the  assassin's 
bullet  he  heard  the  voice  of  God.  With  a  simple  resignation  he  bowed  to 
the  Divine  decree. 

"As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea  returned.  The 
stately  mansion  of  power  has  been  to  him  the  wearisome  hospital  of 
pain,  and  he  begged  to  be  taken  from  his  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive, 
stilling  air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness.  Gently,  silently, 
the  love  of  a  great  people  bore  the  pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing 
of  the  sea,  to  live  or  to  die,  as.  God  should  will,  within  sight  of  its  heaving 
billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold  voices.  With  wan,  fevered  face 
tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling  breeze,  he  looked  out  wistfully  upon  the 
ocean's  changing  wonders;  on  its  far  sails,  whitening  in  the  morning 
light;  on  its  restless  waves  rolling  shoreward  to  break  and  die  beneath 
the  noonday  sun ;  on  the  red  clouds  of  evening,  arching  low  to  the  horizon ; 
on  the  serene  and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let  us  think  that  his 
dying  eyes  read  a  mystic  meaning  which  only  the  rapt  and  parting  soul 
may  know.  Let  us  believe  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world  he  heard 
the.  great  waves  breaking  on  a  further  shore  and  felt  already  upon  his 
wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal  morning." 

This  famous  passage  of  a  noble  oration  will  carry  the  story  of  the 
death  of  Garfield  far  along  with  its  melancholy  beauty,  and  each  mind  and 
heart  can  apply  that  which  was  said  of  Garfield  to  McKinley,  and  in  the 
painting  of  the  deathbed  scene  find  portrayed  not  only  the  last  scene  of 
Garfield's  life,  but  the  lamentable  death  of  McKinley. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

The  Inside  History  of  the  Paris  Negotiation  as  Told  in  the  Confidential  "Cables,"  Chiefly 
Those  of  the  President,  From  Which  the  Injunction  of  Secrecy  Was  Only  Removed 
in  January  Last— This,  Until  Lately  Secret  History,  Gives  the  Best  Expression  of  the 
Methods  of  the  President  and  His  Character  that  Anywhere  Exists— It  Is  Most 
Creditable  and  Gives  a  Perfectly  Authentic  Measure  of  the  Man— How  McKinley  in 
Public  Policy  Was  the  Kock,  While  Those  Against  Him  Were  as  the  Waves. 

It  seems  to  be  always  clear  as  the  serenity  of  a  cloudless  day  that 
it  will  be  written  broadly  and  brightly  where  all  men  shall  read  arid 
understand,  that  President  McKinley's  statesmanship  in  the  expansion 
of  our  territories,  by  possessing  the  archipelagoes  of  the  Pacific  that  are 
ours,  and  dispossessing  Spain  in  the  west  Atlantic  as  well  as  the  west 
according  to  the  American  situation  for  observation,  and  we  may  add  the 
Danish  Islands  which  should  include  Iceland  and  Greenland,  must  be 
regarded  as  a  happy  and  glorious  consummation.     It  was  by  no  means 
simply  land  greediness  that  commanded  the  expansion  of  our  territory, 
to  which  President  McKinley  consented.     He  did  not  go  forth  seeking 
land  that  he  might  devour  it  for  the  sake  of  the  country.     If  any  one 
of  a,  dozen  Presidents  of  the  days  before  the  Civil  War,  and  perhaps  in 
more  than  one  case  since,  had  McKinley's  opportunity,  to  take  Cuba 
strong  handed,  and  stifle  resistance,  it  would  have  been  improved  for 
the   common  good — upon   the   broad    ground  that  we  need   all  the 
resources  we  can  gather  unto  ourselves,  all  the  riches  of  the  torrid  and 
arctic  climes,  as  well  as  of  the  temperate  zone.    We  need  not  have  so 
tamely  given  up  the  scope  of  the  Pacific  coast  that  is  held  by  England. 
We  have  the  better  part  of  the  Pacific  coast,  but  we  ought  to  have  been 
urgent  for  more,  and  asserted  the  natural  rights  of  the  North  American 
power.     There  has  not  been  a  great  nation  of  the  earth  in  three  hundred 
years  that  would  not  have  taken  the  three  archipelagoes,  our  possessions 
in  the  Pacific,  without  an  hour's  actual  hesitation.    With  Porto  Eico  and 
the  Danish  Islands  we  have  a  commanding  position  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  we  do  not  absolutely  need  Cuba  to  fortify  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — the 
Mediterranean  Ocean  of  the  hemisphere  of  the  Americas. 

330 


TEE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  331 

There  was  many  a  sneer  at  President  McKinley  on  account  of  his 
persistently  proclaiming  the  war  with  Spain  was,  on  our  part,  one  of 
humanity,  but  that  characteristic  of  the  warfare  was  the  charm  of  it 
for  McKinley,  who  had  held  the  course  of  National  policy  unswervingly 
on  a  straight  line.  The  result  will  be,  Cuba  free  to  govern  herself  and 
find  the  broader  freedom  under  our  flag. 

Eight  to  that  point  drifts  the  serious  public  opinion  of  Cuba,,  and  we 
do  not  want  a  miniature  South  America  in  the  great  island  so  near  our 
shores  that  there  is  manifest  destiny  in  magnetic  attraction.  The  policy 
of  the  late  President  was  not  impetuous  or  peremptory,  but  it  was  the 
slow  but  sure  and  right  way.  It  was  not  the  original  purpose  of  the 
President  to  grasp  the  Philippines,  but  Dewey's  victory  made  for  us 
at  least  the  use  of  the  harbor  at  Manila,  the  naval  arsenal  at  Cavite, 
and  the  retention  of  the  command  of  the  wide  waters  that  we  gained 
by  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  Dewey  provided  the  American 
Asiatic  squadron  a  home  on  the  eastward  shore,  looking  from  Asia,  of 
the  sea  of  China,  The  President  was  the  remotest  man  high  in  public 
favor,  and  with  a  natural  American  ambition,  to  be  found  in  the  country 
from  being  a  filibuster.  He  was  not  of  the  propaganda  of  the  American 
Presidents  Polk,  Pierce  and  Buchanan.  He  had  not  even  the  militant 
methods  of  Generals  Grant,  Sherman  and  Sheridan,  who  inherited  the 
proud  passion  of  the  West  for  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and 
warned  Napoleon  III.  out  of  Mexico. 

Certainly  McKinley  did  not  want  the  West  India  islands  as  sovereign 
states  in  our  Union,  and  there  was  wisdom  in  his  reserve.  He  did  not 
desire  to  push  the  Ostend  Conference  policy  that  made  James  Buchanan 
President,  because  he  was  a  member  of  the  Conference,  and  Douglas 
could  not  submit  his  policy  of  the  annexation  of  Cuba  to  Pierre  Saule. 
We  had  already  a  good  deal  of  Mexican  territory  to  put  into  shape  for 
auspicious  assimilation. 

The  management  of  President  McKinley  that  has  preserved  the  peace 
in  Cuba,  since  the  abandonment  of  her  last  American  colonies  by  Spain, 
and  has  at  the  same  time  maintained  with  dignity  our  rights,  is  a  master 
piece,  and  there  has  been  no  difficulty  of  importance,  because  there  was 
not  a  Cuban  so  factious  as  not  to  know  he  could  trust  the  word  of  Mc 
Kinley.  It  was  not  the  design  or  desire  of  President  McKinley  to  acquire 
the  Philippine  archipelago.  He  cabled  Dewey  and  called  for  Merritt,  and 
sought  the  fullness  of  information  from  General  Frank  Green,  and  his 


332  THE   TREATY   WITH   SPAIN. 

first  anxiety  was  that  we  might  occupy  one  of  a  thousand  islands  as  a  coal 
station.  But  the  difficulties  in  the  way  could  not  be  overcome.  There 
was  no  native  government.  We,  after  destroying  Spanish  power,  had  to 
accept  the  responsibility  of  preserving  order,  and  the  one  way  to  protect 
the  people  we  had  liberated  from  European  colonization  was  to  hold  them 
for  ourselves.  Little  attention  has  been  given  to  the  official  papers  in 
the  case  of  Cuba  and  the  Philippines  that  were  the  last  to  be  given  to  the 
public,  because  they  were  so  personal  to  the  President,  and  the  presiden 
tial  campaign  of  last  year  was  so  controversial  touching  our  new  posses 
sions,  the  rights  by  which  we  gained  them,  the  use  we  had  for  them,  what 
they  had  cost  and  were  costing  us,  what  the  war  was  about  and  when  it 
could  be  brought  to  a  close,  that  a  thousand  shapes  of  contention  arose. 
There  was  conflict,  and  there  was  a  fog  of  dust  and  smoke,  mist  and 
sand  and  gravel  in  the  air,  that  the  time  did  not  seem  propitious  for  the 
trial  of  the  Nation  for  its  official  position  and  proposals,  and  put  into 
court  the  evidence. 

This  testimony  is  freely  available  now,  and  the  proof  is  that  first 
and  last  and  all  the  time  President  McKinley  was  true  to  his  pledges  to 
the  Cubans  and  the  Filipinos — meant  what  he  said  all  the  time — had 
a  sense  of  honor  about  candor  in  the  matters  great  and  small — was  wise, 
strong,  true  and  fair  in  the  most  exact  sense  of  the  word.  Diplomacy 
meant  to  him  plain  dealing  and  fair  play. 

The  people  who  seek  the  truth  of  history  and  prize  it  do  not  generally 
realize,  and  the  history-makers  are  hardly  conscious  of,  the  paramount 
proof  of  great  transactions  that  are  carried  on  across  continents  and 
through  oceans  by  cabled  communications.  The  most  certain,  self-evi 
dent  truth  telling  about  international  questions  in  dispute  is  to  be  found 
in  the  dispatches  telegraphed  between  the  high  contending  parties.  The 
dispatches  that  passed  between  the  War  Office  and  the  Navy  and  State 
Departments  and  the  generals  and  admirals,  ambassadors  and  com 
missioners,  give  the  very  atmosphere  of  the  debates — the  truth  as  it 
was,  terse  and  in  confidence.  The  people  of  our  country  ought  to 
know  the  full  proportions  of  the  work  done  by  William  McKinley  during 
the  war  and  the  times  before  the  war — the  negotiations  that  were  pre 
carious,  the  military  and  naval  operations  that  were  rushed  by  wire. 
Heretofore  history  had  not  the  absolute  truth  in  detail  to  fall  back  upon. 
The  fact  should  be  brought  to  the  front  now  and  have  the  electric 
lights  turned  on  it,  that  all  the  people  may  know  for  themselves  what  the 


THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  333 

labors  of  the  President  were.  There  is  a  resource  that  is  new — witnesses 
that  cannot  lie — and  they  are  in  the  aggregate  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  of  telegrams.  The  President  was  not  only  in  the  bottom 
secrets,  and  was  the  highest  authority  in  them  all,  but  here  are  bales  of 
news  that  came  by  wire.  We  pass  over  the  presidential  supervision  of 
the  three  departments  immediately  associated  with  the  war  business, 
wrhere  the  preparations  were  made  to  back  our  purposes,  the  taking 
time,  for  instance,  to  get  ready  for  war  before  declaring  it — a  point  at 
which  there  was  friction  between  the  President  and  Congress. 

Take  the  war  itself.  One  end  of  it  was  in  Asia,  and  one  in  Europe, 
and  the  storm  centers  of  it  were  in  Cuba  and  Luzon.  The  famous 
dispatch  to  Dewey  at  Hong  Kong  was  sent  first  across  the  Atlantic,  then 
across  Europe,  and  then  across  Asia,  and  opened  the  war  with  a  thunder 
clap — a  city  shaken  by  the  war  of  our  guns,  a  Spanish  fleet  in  flames,  when 
the  war  had  been  declared  a  week.  There  was  a  sense  in  which  McKinley 
directed  all  the  operations  of  the  army  and  the  navy  and  of  the  diplo 
matic  corps  and  the  consular  service.  It  was  as  easy  to  send  a  cable  ten 
thousand  or  twenty  thousand  miles  giving  an  order,  as  for  the  ranking 
officer  in  a  fleet  to  signal  a  ship  a  mile  or  half  a  dozen  miles  away.  In 
the  Court  of  Honor  bringing  out  the  whole  truth  of  the  naval  operations 
at  Santiago  we  have  the  logs  of  the  several  ships,  showing  what  the 
weather  was,  what  the  coal  supply  was,  what  the  signals  were,  by  whom 
the  codes  were  understood,  the  distances  at  which  firing  was  done,  and 
we  know  recently  the  records  of  the  correspondence  between  the  fleets  and 
armies  and  the  War  and  Navy  Departments — that  is,  with  the  President 
himself,  who  commands  all.  The  chapters  of  the  history  of  combats  are 
well  known.  This  country  of  ours,  and  all  countries,  know  about  the 
battles,  but  the  knowledge  of  the  talk  over  the  wires  between  Washington 
City  and  Paris  during  the  presence  in  the  French  Capital  of  the  Com 
missioners  of  the  two  countries,  on  examination,  will  soon  disclose  to  the 
student  capable  of  studiousness  that  very  able  men  represented  at  Paris 
both  nations. 

The  President  was  as  closely  on  the  watch,  sitting  in  Washington, 
as  he  wrould  have  been  if  he  had  been  where  he  could  have  been  con 
sulted  in  conversation.  All  our  Commissioners  represented  the  Presi 
dent,  but  Judge  Day  did  so  particularly  in  a  personal  sense.  Judge  Day 
was  an  old  friend  and  characterized  by  the  President  as  a  man  with  a 
"genius  for  common  sense/'  Secretaries  Davis,  Frye  and  Gray  were 


334  THE   TREATY  WITH   SPAIN. 

important  representative  Senators,  and  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid  a  scholarly 
editor  with  experience  of  official  relations  abroad  to  our  foreign  affairs. 
The  call  upon  the  President  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  archives  was 
made  Jan.  6,  1899;  the  injunction  of  secrecy  removed  Jan.  31,  1901. 
It  was  a  year  and  thirty  days  after  the  papers  were  laid  on  the  table  of  the 
Senate  until  the  removal  of  the  injunction  of  secrecy.  It  will  be  remarked 
that  this  year  included  the  entire  year  of  the  Presidential  election.  The 
call  for  the  papers  was  undoubtedly  welcomed  by  the  President.  The  pa 
pers  are  all  such  as  he  would  care  to  have  all  the  world  know.  The  only 
hesitation  that  could  have  been  felt  on  the  subject  was  the  respect  due  to 
the  sensibilities  of  Spain.  The  President,  in  his  confidential  instruc 
tions  to  the  Commissioners,  took  high  ground,  and  we  quote; 

"It  is  my  wish  that  throughout  the  negotiations  intrusted  to  the 
Commission  the  purpose  and  spirit  with  which  the  United  States  ac 
cepted  the  unwelcome  necessity  of  war  should  be  kept  constantly  in 
view.  We  took  up  arms  only  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  humanity 
and  in  the  fulfillment  of  high  public  and  moral  obligations.  We  had  no 
design  of  aggrandizement  and  no  ambition  of  conquest.  Through  the 
long  course  of  repeated  representations  which  preceded  and  aimed  to 
avert  the  struggle,  and  in  the  final  arbitrament  of  force,  this  country 
was  impelled  solely  by  the  purpose  of  relieving  grievous  wrongs  and 
removing  long-existing  conditions  which  disturbed  its  tranquillity, 
which  shocked  the  moral  sense  of  mankind,  and  which  could  no  longer 
be  endured. 

"It  is  my  earnest  wish  that  the  United  States  in  making  peace  should 
follow  the  same  high  rule  of  conduct  which  guided  it  in  facing  war. 
It  should  be  as  scrupulous  and  magnanimous  in  the  concluding  settle 
ment  as  it  was  just  and  humane  in  its  original  action.  The  luster  and 
the  moral  strength  attaching  to  a  cause  which  can  be  confidently  rested 
upon  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  world  should  not  under  any 
illusion  of  the  hour  be  dimmed  by  ulterior  designs  which  might  tempt 
us  into  excessive  demands  or  into  an  adventurous  departure  on  untried 
paths.  It  is  believed  that,  the  true  glory  and  the  enduring  interests  of 
country  will  most  surely  be  served  if  an  unselfish  duty  conscientiously 
accepted  and  a  signal  triumph  honorably  achieved  shall  be  crowned 
by  such  an  example  of  moderation,  restraint,  and  reason  in  victory  as 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  335 

best  comports  with  the  traditions  and  character  of  our  enlightened 
Republic. 

"Our  aim  in  the  adjustment  of  peace  should  be  directed  to  lasting 
results  and  to  the  achievement  of  the  common  good  under  the  demands 
of  civilization  rather  than  to  ambitious  designs.  The  terms  of  the  proto 
col  were  framed  upon  this  consideration.  The  abandonment  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere  by  Spain  was  an  imperative  necessity.  In  present 
ing  that  requirement  we  only  fulfilled  a  duty  universally  acknowledged. 
It  involves  no  ungenerous  reference  to  our  recent  foe,  but  simply  a.  recog 
nition  of  the  plain  teachings  of  history,  to  say  that  it  was  not  compatible 
with  the  assurance  of  permanent  peace  on  and  near  our  own  territory 
that  the  Spanish  flag  should  remain  on  this  side  of  the  sea." 

The  masterful  tone  of  this  paper  cannot  escape  attention,  nor  can  the 
lofty  sentiment  of  it  be  mistaken.  The  paragraphs  we  have  just  quoted 
contain  the  keynote  of  the  whole  proceeding,  and  the  President  permitted 
no  discordant  variation.  After  passing  the  guiding  principles  the  Presi 
dent  said,  certainly  with  a  distinction  of  moderation:  "The  United 
States  can  not  accept  less  than  the  cession  in  full  right  and  sovereignty  of 
the  island  of  Luzon.  Numerous  persons  are  now  held  as  prisoners  by 
the  Spanish  Government  for  political  acts  performed  in  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico,  or  other  Spanish  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  as  well  as  in  the 
Philippines.  You  are  instructed  to  demand  the  release  of  these  prisoners 
so  far  as  their  acts  have  connection  with  the  matters  involved  in  the 
settlement  between  the  United  States  and  Spain." 

The  concluding  paragraph  of  the  instruction  is : 

"It  is  desired  that  your  negotiations  shall  be  conducted  with  all 
possible  expedition  in  order  that  the  treaty  of  peace,  if  you  should  suc 
ceed  in  making  one,  may  be  submitted  to  the  Senate  early  in  the  ensuing 
session.  Should  you  at  any  time  in  the  course  of  your  negotiations 
desire  further  instructions,  you  will  ask  for  them  without  delay. 

William  McKinley." 

The  date  of  this  document  is  September  16,  1898.  The  first  telegram 
from  Day  of  the  Commission  was  dated  Paris,  September  28,  1898 : 

"Commission  send  greetings.  All  well  and  preparing  for  meeting 
on  Saturday.  Spanish  Commissioners  are  here.  Minister  of  Foreign 


336  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

Affairs  entertains  our  body,  also  Spanish  Commissioners,  on  Thursday 
morning  at  breakfast." 

Telegrams  follow: 

Paris,  September  28,  1898. 

Commission  presented  to  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  yesterday.  Will 
communicate  as  to  General  Greene  after  we  have  seen.  General  Merritt, 
unless  you  wish  to  send  him  at  once.  Day. 

Washington,  September  29,  1898. 

Present  my  congratulations  to  the  Commissioners  upon  their  safe 
arrival  in  good  health,  and  the  auspicious  beginning  of  their  important 
work.  William  McKinley. 

Washington,  September  28, 1898. 

The  order  will  be  issued.  General  Greene  has  just  arrived  and  had 
long  talk  with  him.  He  is  thoroughly  well  informed.  If  you  care  to 
have  him,  will  direct  him  to  report  to  you.  William  McKinley. 

MR.  DAY  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris,  September  30,  1898. 

Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  gave  joint  entertainment  yesterday  to 
the  two  Commissions;  passed  off  very  agreeably.  Meet  for  business 
to-morrow.  Commissioners  will  be  presented  to  the  President  of 
France  on  Tuesday.  Can  you  send  word  of  greeting  to  him  to  be  deliv 
ered  at  our  presentation?  Day. 

THE   PRESIDENT    TO   MR.   DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Washington,  September  30,  1898. 

Answering  your  telegram  of  to-day,  I  request  you  to  deliver  to 
President  of  the  Republic,  on  the  occasion  of  your  presentation,  the 
following  message  in  my  name: 

His  Excellency  Felix  Faure, 

President  of  the  French  Republic,  Paris: 

On  this  occasion,  when  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  and 
Spain  are  about  to  assemble  in  the  capital  of  France  to  negotiate  peace, 
and  when  the  representatives  of  this  Government  are , receiving  the 


THE   TKKATY   WITH   SPAIN.  337 

hospitality  and  good  will  of  the  Republic,  I  beg  to  tender  to  you  a  most 
friendly  personal  greeting  and  the  assurances  of  my  grateful  apprecia 
tion  of  your  kind  courtesies  to  the  American  Commissioners. 

William  McKinley, 
President  of  the  United  States. 

MR.    DAY  TO    THE   PRESIDENT. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris,  October  1,  1898. 

At  our  first  meeting  to-day  the  Spanish  Commissioners  by  instruc 
tion  of  their  Government  presented  as  preliminary  to  any  discussion 
of  a  treaty  a  written  communication  basing  on  Article  VI  of  the  pro 
tocol  a  demand  that  the  American  commission  join  them  in  declaring 
that  the  status  quo  in  the  Philippine  Islands  existing  at  the  time  of  the 
signing  of  the  protocol  must  be  immediately  restored  by  the  contracting 
party  that  may  have  altered  it  or  have  consented  or  failed  to  prevent 
its  alteration  to  the  prejudice  of  the  other.  Spanish  communication 
represents  that  status  quo  has  been  altered  and  continues  to  be  altered 
to  prejudice  of  Spain  by  Tagalo  rebels,  whom  it  describes  as  an  auxil 
iary  force  to  the  regular  American  troops,  and  demands  that  commis 
sioners  jointly  declare  that  American  authorities  in  Philippine  Islands 
must  at  once  proceed  completely  to  restore  status  quo  in  territories  they 
occupy  and  refrain  from  preventing  restoration  thereof  by  Spain  in  ter 
ritory  not  occupied  by  United  States.  Spanish  commissioners  ask  for 
an  answer  on  Monday  next.  We  propose  to  reply  that  these  demands 
having  been  presented  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  were 
answered  by  notes  of  the  Department  of  State  to  French  Embassy  of  Sep 
tember  5  and  16,  and  that  any  further  demands  as  to  military  opera 
tions  in -the  Philippine  Islands  must  be  addressed  to  government  at 
Washington,  and  consequently  that  we  can  not  join  in  the  proposed 
declarations.  We  await  instructions.  Day. 

MR.    DAY    TO   MR.   HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

To  Secretary  of  State: 

Our  answer  submitted  to  Spanish  commissioners  declining  to  join 
in  declarations  as  to  restoration  status  quo  in  Philippine  Islands  on 
grounds  stated  in  our  telegram  October  1st  well  received  by  them. 
*Y^  then  submitted  articles  of  the  treaty  covering  Cuba,  Porto  Kico  and 


338  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

ether  islands  in  West  Indies  and  Guam,  as  provided  in  protocol.  They 
asked  until  Friday  to  consider  them.  Adjourned  to  Friday  afternoon. 
Hear  Merritt  to-morrow.  Day. 

MR.   DAY   TO  MR.   HAY." 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  2.]  Paris,  October  4, 1898—12:51  p.  m. 

The  opinions  of  Admiral  Dewey,  in  the  possession  of  the  Commis 
sion,  seem  to  favor  retention  of  Luzon  alone,  but  appear  to  have  been 
given  in  answer  to  question  as  to  which  island  in  Philippine  Islands 
the  United  States  should  retain.  If  this  assumption  is  correct,  will  you, 
if  it  is  deemed  advisable,  ascertain  by  telegraph  through  proper  chan 
nel,  and  telegraph  us  whether  Admiral  has  formed  an  opinion,  and  if  so 
what  (it)  is  on  the  question  whether  it  would  be  better  for  United  States 
to  retain  Luzon,  and  perhaps  one  or  two  small  adjacent  islands,  or  the 
whole  group.  Day. 

THE  PRESIDENT  OF  FRANCE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris,  October  4,  1898, 

I  have  had  great  pleasure  in  receiving  the  American  Plenipoten 
tiaries  of  the  Spanish- American  Peace  Commission.  During  the  audi 
ence  Mr.  Day  read  me  the  telegram  which  you  had  the  kindness  to  send 
me.  I  am  much  touched  at  the  sentiment  which  Your  Excellency  has 
had  the  goodness  to  express  in  respect  to  me,  and  I  thank  you  very 
much.  I  hope  that  the  American  Commissioners  will  have  a  .pleasant 
memory  of  their  stay  in  Paris,  and  I  will  do  my  best  to  make  it  agree 
able.  I  sincerely  trust  that  the  peaceful  work  of  the  commission  will 
come  to  a  happy  conclusion.  Felix  Faure. 

It  will  not  be  overlooked  that  there  must  have  been  a  considerable 
saving  of  telegraph  tolls  due  to  the  fact  of  the  brevity  of  the  names  of 
Mr.  Day  and  Mr.  Hay. 

Mr.  Hay,  on  October  5, 1898,  stated  that  "the  President,  on  the  13th  of 
August,  requested  Dewey's  opinion  on  relative  desirableness  of  the  sev 
eral  islands." 

The  Spanish  Commissioners  at  Havana  construed  the  protocol  in  a 
surprising  way,  and  the  President's  cable  was: 


TEE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  339 

Wade,  Habana: 

Your  message  of  October  5,  giving  the  differences  between  the  Span 
ish  Commissioners  and  yourselves,  is  received.  Their  claims  are  wholly 
inadmissible,  and  yours  are  in  strict  accordance  with  the  protocol  and 
the  instructions  heretofore  given,  and  must  be  adhered  to. 

William  McKinley. 

Executive  Mansion, 
Washington,  October  7,  1898. 
To  Day: 

There  are  still  3,500  Spanish  troops  in  Porto  Eico.  No  transports 
have  been  provided  to  carry  them  to  Spain.  Longer  delay  can  not  be 
permitted.  Can  you  hasten  transports?  If  troops  can  not  be  moved 
away  on  or  before  October  18,  then,  on  that  day,  possession  should  be 
given  to  the  American  Evacuation  Commission  and  notice  should  be 
so  served.  Whatever  help  the  American  Peace  Commission  can  give  in 
this  direction  should  be  given.  The  Cuban  Commissioners  are  evidently 
intent  upon  delay,  and  they  have  been  notified  that  the  evacuation  must 
be  completed  by  the  1st  of  December.  William  McKinley. 

MR.    HAY   TO   MR.    DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  October  13,  1898. 

The  President  sees  no  reason  for  departing  from  instructions  already 
given,  but  many  reasons  for  adhering  strictly  to  terms  of  protocol  con 
cerning  Cuba.  We  must  carry  out  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  resolution 
of  Congress.  The  Commission  will  use  its  own  best  judgment  as  to 
pressing  to  definite  conclusions. 

Thursday,  3  afternoon.  Hay. 

MR.   HAY   TO   MR.   DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  October  14, 1898. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has  just  received  the  following  telegram 
from  Admiral  Dewey,  which  is  communicated  for  your  information: 

It  is  important  that  the  disposition  of  the  Philippine  Islands  should 
be  decided  as  soon  as  possible,  and  a  strong  government  established. 


340  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

Spanish  authority  has  been  completely  destroyed  in  Luzon,  and  general 
anarchy  prevails  without  the  limits  of  the  city  and  bay  of  Manila. 
Strongly  probable  that  islands  to  the  south  will  fall  into  same  state 
soon.  Distressing  reports  have  been  received  of  inhuman  cruelty  prac 
ticed  on  religious  and  civil  authorities  in  other  parts  of  these  islands. 
The  natives  appear  unable  to  govern.  Dewey. 

Hay. 

MR.    HAY    TO   MR.    DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  October  23,  1898. 

Your  numbers  thirteen  and  fourteen  received.  Your  position  as  to 
Cuban  debt  and  your  proposed  procedure  in  accordance  with  engage 
ments  of  note  of  July  30th  are  fully  approved.  Hay. 

MR.    HAY    TO   MR.    DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  October  24,  1898. 

The  following  telegram  has  been  received  by  the  President  from 
Habana: 

October  23,  1898. 

Believe  it  not  possible  under  existing  circumstances  for  Spain  to 
complete  military  evacuation  before  January  1.  From  unofficial  infor 
mation  have  reason  for  believing  that  agreement  with  Spanish  Com 
mission  may  be  reached  in  fixing  date.  This  not  to  interfere  with  our 
taking  possession  at  earlier  date  in  event  of  completion  of  evacuation 
before  that  time.  This  statement  made  for  your  information  and  such 
direction  as  you  may  wish  to  give.  Wade,  Major  General. 

To  this  the  President  to-day  made  the  following  reply: 
Answering  your  message  of  October  23,  you  can  fix  January  1,  1899, 
for  Spain  to  complete  the  military  evacuation,  b.ut  it  should  be  done  by 
that  time;  this  date  not  to  interfere  with  our  occupation  of  such  places 
as  may  be  evacuated  at  an  earlier  date  or  which  may  require  to  occupy 
for  military  reasons.  You  must  continue  to  insist  that  no  fixed  artillery 
or  military  or  naval  armament  shall  be  removed  or  disposed  of. 

William   McKinley. 
i  Hav. 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  341 

There  were  differences  of  opinion  among  the  Commissioners  of  the 
United  States  concerning  the  Philippine  Islands,  the  President  strongly 
inclined  to  take  Manila  and  the  Island  of  Luzon.  This  would  have  been 
to  let  Europe  in,  as  was  soon  understood,  and  it  appeared  that  if  there 
was  to  be  any  rebellion  it  would  be  in  Luzon,  and  that  if  other  centers  of 
commerce  were  found  for  European  colonies  the  trade  would  be  di 
verted  from  Manila.  Cushman  K.  Davis,  William  P.  Frye  and  White- 
law  Reid  said  over  their  joint  signatures : 

"There  is  hardly  a  single  island  in  the  group  from  which  you  can  not 
shoot  across  to  one  or  more  of  the  others — scarcely  another  archipelago 
in  the  world  in  which  the  islands  are  crowded  so  closely  together  and 
so  interdependent.  Military  and  naval  witnesses  agree  that  it  would 
be  practically  as  easy  to  hold  and  defend  the  whole  as  a  part — some  say 
easier,  all  say  safer.  Agree,  too,  that  ample  and  trustworthy  military 
force  could  be  raised  among  natives,  needing  only  United  States  officers 
and  a  small  nucleus  of  United  States  troops;  also  that  islands  could  be 
relieved  from  oppressive  Spanish  taxation,  and  yet  furnish  sufficient 
revenue  for  the  whole  cost  (of)  administration  and  defense.  Great  dan 
gers  must  result  from  division.  Other  islands,  seeing  benefits  from  our 
government  of  Luzon,  are  sure  to  revolt  and  to  be  aided  and  encouraged 
by  natives  of  Luzon,  thus  repeating  in  more  aggravated  form  our  trou 
bles  with  Spain  about  Cuba. 

"Visayas  already  in  revolt.  Division  would  thus  insure  lawlessness 
and  turbulence  within  gunshot  of  our  shores,  with  no  prospect  of  relief, 
unless  in  Spanish  sale  of  islands  to  unfriendly  commercial  rivals,  which 
would  probably  happen  if  we  hold  the  most  important,  Luzon,  and  re 
lease  the  others.  Generally  expected  now  that  this  would  be  attempted 
the  moment  wre  released  them." 

Day  would  not  agree  that  wre  "should  peremptorily  demand  the 
whole  Philippine  group,"  and  he  added:  "The  insurgents  could  not  be 
left  to  mere  treaty  stipulations  or  to  their  unaided  resources,  either  to 
form  a  government  or  to  battle  against  a  foe  which,  (although)  unequal 
to  us,  might  readily  overcome  them.  On  all  hands  it  is  agreed  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  islands  are  unfit  for  self-government.  This  is  par 
ticularly  true  of  Mindanao  and  the  Sulu  group.  Only  experience  can  de 
termine  the  success  of  colonial  expansion  upon  which  the  United  States 


342  THE   TREATY   WITH   SPAIN. 

is  entering.  It  may  prove  expensive  in  proportion  to  the  scale  upon 
which  it  is  tried  with  ignorant  and  semi-barbarous  people  at  the  other 
side  of  the  wrorld.  It  should  therefore  be  kept  within  bounds." 

Gray  would  "not  agree  that  it  was  wise  to  take  the  Philippine 
Islands  in  whole  or  in  part."  Gray  added  it  was  absurd  "to  say  that  we 
will  not  negotiate  but  will  appropriate  the  whole  subject-matter  of  ne 
gotiation."  Hay  cabled  Day  October  26th  that  "the  information  which 
has  come  to  the  President  since  your  departure  convinces  him"  that 
"the  cession  must  be  of  the  whole  archipelago  or  none — the  latter 
wholly  unstable  and  the  former  therefore  be  required." 

Hay  said  further  this  conclusion  was  reached  by  the  President  "after 
most  thorough  consideration  of  the  whole  subject,"  and  he  was  "deeply 
sensible  of  the  grave  responsibilities  it  will  impose." 

The  crisis  in  the  negotiations  came  in  the  night.  This  declaration 
by  the  President  reached  Paris — Day — "Thursday  morning,  3."  Cable 
was  wired,  dated  Paris,  October  27th,  sent  the  President,  as  follows: 

"Special  (No.  17  A)  for  the  President.] 

"Our  telegram  No.  15  to  Secretary  of  State  Hay  informs  you  of  the 
question  put  by  us  to  Spanish  Commissioners  on  Monday.  Last  night 
Spanish  Ambassador  called  upon  Mr.  Eeid.  Eepresented  that  Spanish 
Commissioners  must  break  off  treaty  rather  than  answer  it  in  such  wise 
as  to  abandon  their  claims  on  Cuban  debt  unless  they  could  get  some 
concession  elsewhere.  Mr.  Reid  assured  ambassador  that  we  could  not 
assume  this  debt.  The  American  people  and  Commission  absolutely 
united  upon  it  without  exception  and  without  distinction  of  party.  Am 
bassador  then  urged  the  question  to  be  laid  aside  until  it  could  be  seen 
if  some  concessions  elsewhere  might  not  be  found  which  would  save 
Spanish  Commission  from  utter  repudiation  at  home;  if  not,  rupture 
was  inevitable.  Montero  Rios  could  not  return  to  Madrid  now  if  known 
to  have  accepted  entire  Cuban  indebtedness. 

"Mr.  Reid  said  Commissioners  insisting  on  settlement  of  Cuban  busi 
ness  now.  Ambassador  again  said  that  if  forced  to  direct  answer  on 
the  question  now  must  answer  no  and  break  off  conference.  Mr. 
Reid  earnestly  urged  them  not  to  take  that  course,  declaring  that  it  must 
be  far  worse  for  Spain.  Ambassador  then  begged  him  to  search  for 
some  possible  concession  somewhere,  and  inquired  about  Philippine 
Islands.  Mr.  Reid  said  at  first  the  American  people  not  very  eager  for 


THE   TREATY  WITH   SPAIN.  343 

them;  believed,  however,  had  practically  conquered  them  when  con 
quered  capital,  sunk  fleet  and  captured  arms,  and  had  right  to  all  of 
them.  Preponderance  of  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  taking  all,  but  re 
spectable  and  influential  minority,  which  did  not  go  to  that  length. 
It  was  possible,  he  said,  but  not  probable,  that  out  of  these  conditions 
the  Spanish  Commissioners  might  be  able  to  find  something  either  in 
territory  or  debt  which  might  seem  to  their  people  at  home  like  a  con 
cession. 

"To-day  Spanish  Commissioners  presented  document  now  being 
translated,  which  we  understand  accepts  articles  proposed  by  us,  sub 
ject  to  agreement  in  final  treaty,  and  invite  proposals  as  to  the  Philip 
pine  Islands  from  us.  After  meeting  Spanish  Secretary  said  to  me  that 
they  accepted  our  articles  in  the  hope  of  liberal  treatment  in  Philip 
pine  Islands;  said  no  government  in  Spain  could  sign  treaty  giving  up 
everything  and  live,  and  that  such  surrender  without  some  relief  would 
mean  national  bankruptcy.  He  made  further  appeal,  to  which  I  made 
no  answer  except  to  receive  his  communication.  We  shall  now  be  in  po 
sition  to  take  up  Philippine  Islands  matter.  We  deem  it  proper  that 
you  should  know  exact  situation  before  sending  conventional  instruc 
tions  on  Philippine  Islands.  We  are  inclined  now  to  believe  that  rup 
ture  to-day  only  averted  because  Spaniards  grasped  at  hint  thrown  out 
in  the  conversation  of  Mr.  Reid  last  night  with  Ambassador.  Day." 

Reid's  conversation  saved  the  negotiation,  and  the  fruit  of  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  negotiation — instead  of  the  war — was  the  payment  of 
$20,000,000  for  the  Philippines,  and  the  repudiation  of  the  Cuban  debt 
incurred  by  the  Spaniards.  Whether  the  "suggestion"  that  had  so  great 
a  result  was  Mr.  Reid's  own  proposal  is  not  stated.  He  seems  to  have 
taken  the  responsibility.  The  reply  of  the  President  through  Mr.  Hay 
was  delayed  a  day.  Thus  explained: 

"Washington,  October  28,  1898. 
"Hay  to  Day: 

"President  in  Philadelphia.  Have  sent  him  this  day's  dispatches. 
He  returns  to-morrow  morning.  Instructions  will  be  sent  to-morrow." 

This  was  dated  Thursday,  1:30  afternoon.  On  that  date  Hay  cabled 
Day: 

"We  can  not  permit  Spain  to  transfer  any  of  the  islands  to  another 


344  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

power.  Nor  can  we  invite  another  power  or  powers  to  join  the  United 
States  in  sovereignty  over  them.  We  must  either  hold  them  or  turn 
them  back  to  Spain. 

"Consequently,  grave  as  are  the  responsibilities  and  unforeseen  as 
are  the  difficulties  which  are  before  us,  the  President  can  see  but  one 
plain  path  of  duty — the  acceptance  of  the  archipelago.  Greater  diffi 
culties  and  more  serious  complications — administrative  and  interna 
tional — would  follow  any  other  course.  The  President  has  given  to  the 
views  of  the  Commissioners  the  fullest  consideration,  and  in  reaching 
the  conclusion  above  announced  in  the  light  of  information  communi 
cated  to  the  commission  and  to  the  President  since  your  departure,  he 
has  been  influenced  by  the  single  consideration  of  duty  and  humanity. 
The  President  is  not  unmindful  of  the  distressed  financial  condition  of 
Spain,  and  whatever  consideration  the  United  States  may  show  must 
come  from  its  sense  of  generosity  and  benevolence,  rather  than  from 
any  real  or  technical  obligation." 

MR.    DAY    TO   MR.    HAY. 

'Paris,  October  29, 189$. 

"Telegraphic  instructions  as  to  Philippine  Islands  received.  We  will, 
unless  otherwise  instructed,  present  on  Monday  an  article  to  provide  for 
cession  of  the  whole  group,  together  with  statement  that  we  are  pre 
pared  to  insert  in  the  treaty  a  stipulation  for  the  assumption  by  the 
United  States  of  any  existing  indebtedness  of  Spain  incurred  for  neces 
sary  works  and  improvements  of  a  pacific  character  in  the  Philippine 
Islands.  Day." 

Senator  Fry e  cabled  Mr.  Adee  of  the  State  Department  "for  the  Pres 
ident"  that  "it  seems  to  me  that  the  most  undesirable  happening  would 
be  our  return  without  a  treaty  of  peace.  Yet  that  is  probable  in  my 
opinion. 

"If  the  Spanish  Commissioners  should  accede  to  our  demands  as  at 
present  outlined  they  could  not  return  home,  while  our  country,  it  may 
be,  would  not  justify  us  in  tendering  any  more  liberal  terms.  Spain 
made  a  determined  fight  to  secure  concessions  as  to  the  Cuban  debt, 
while  we  were  persistent  in  our  refusal  to  yield  anything.  Our  articles 
were  accepted,  but  provisionally,  for  if  no  final  agreement  is  reached 


THE  McKINIEY  FAMILY  PLAT   IN  WESTLAWN  CEMETERY, 
CANTON.  WHERE  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY    WILL    REST. 


TT  A  TTT  m         T"VT 


fi  A  i-rm^-vr          f\-rrff\ 


(From   Harper's   Weekly— Copyright,    1901,   by   Harper   &   Brothers.) 

ENTERING    THE   HALL    OF    MARTYRS. 


THE   TREATY   WITH   SPAIN.  347 

they,  too,  failed.  It  seemed  to  me  that  we  might  have  agreed  to  use 
our  good  offices  with  any  government  hereafter  established  in  Cuba  to 
secure  the  assumption  by  it  of  any  indebtedness  incurred  in  internal 
improvements  there,  and  ourselves  assume  any  like  indebtedness  in  the 
territories  finally  ceded  to  us.  The  amount  could  not  be  large.  Might 
we  not  go  further  and  agree  to  pay  to  Spain  from  ten  to  twenty  million 
dollars  if  thus  a  treaty  could  be  secured?  If  no  treaty,  then  war,  a  con 
tinued  disturbance  of  business,  an  expenditure  of  a  million  dollars  a  day 
and  further  loss  of  life.  Would  not  our  people  prefer  to  pay  Spain  one- 
half  of  war  expenditures  rather  than  indulge  in  its  costly  luxury? 
Europe  sympathizes  with  Spain  in  this  regard  exactly. 

"The  correspondent  of  the  London  Times,  in  his  yesterday's  letter, 
criticised  severely  our  attitude.  The  precedents  for  the  last  century 
are  antagonistic  to  our  position.  Of  course  we  will  not  pay  debts  in 
curred  in  the  suppression  of  colonial  rebellions.  I  do  not  forget  that  we 
demand  no  money  indemnity  for  cost  of  war  to  us.  It  may  be  because 
our  enemy  is  bankrupt.  I  am  sorry  the  Carolines  were  not  taken  by  us, 
as  they  are  infinitely  more  valuable  than  the  Ladrones.  If  war  is  re 
sumed  I  hope  orders  will  be  given  Dewey  to  seize  at  once  all  of  the  Phil 
ippine  Islands,  also  the  Carolines: 

"You  may  be  sure  I  should  not  make  these  suggestions  if  I  did  not 
regard  a  treaty  of  peace  of  vital  importance  to  our  country  and  the 
danger  of  failure  to  secure  it  gravely  imminent. 

"Sunday,  midnight.  Frye." 

MR.    HAY   TO    MR.    FRYE. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Department  of  State, 
"Washington,  November  1,  1898. 

"Your  message  marked  special  received  yesterday.  The  President 
directs  me  to  say  that  no  one  would  more  deeply  regret  than  himself 
a  failure  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  is  surprised  to  hear  from  you 
that  that  result  is  not  improbable.  He  hopes  and  believes  that  your 
negotiations  can  be  so  conducted  as  to  prevent  so  undesirable  a  happen 
ing.  He  desires  the  commissioners  to  be  generous  in  all  matters  which 
do  not  require  a  disregard  of  principle  or  duty,  and  whatever  the  com 
missioners  may  deem  wise  and  best,  in  the  matter  of  the  debts  for  inter 
nal  improvements  and  public  works  of  a  pacific  character  in  the 


348  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

ippines  will  receive  his  favorable  consideration.  Nor  does  he  desire  the 
commission  to  disregard  well-established  precedents  or  make  any  condi 
tions  which  will  not  be  worthy  of  ourselves  and  merit  the  approval  of 
the  best  judgment  of  mankind.  If  it  should  be  the  opinion  of  the  com- 
missioners  that  there  should  be  paid  a  reasonable  sum  of  money  to 
cover  peace  improvements,  which  are  fairly  chargeable  to  us  under 
established  precedents,  he  will  give  cheerful  concurrence.  The  money 
payment,  if  any  is  determined  upon,  should  rest  solely  upon  the  consid 
erations  suggested  in  your  message  of  Sunday  night.  He  desires  that 
you  may  read  this  to  the  commission  with  your  message  to  him. 

Hay." 

MR.    HAY   TO   MR.    DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State. 
(Undated;  about  November  1,  1898.) 

Surely  Spain  can  not  expect  us  to  turn  the  Philippines  back  and 
bear  the  cost  of  the  war  and  all  claims  of  our  citizens  for  damages  to 
life  and  property  in  Cuba  without  any  indemnity  but  Porto  Rico.  Does 
she  propose  to  pay  in  money  the  cost  of  the  war  and  the  claims  of  our 
citizens  and  make  full  guarantees  to  the  people  of  the  islands  and  grant 
to  us  concessions  of  naval  and  telegraph  stations  in  the  archipelago 
and  privilege  to  our  commerce,  the  same  as  enjoyed  by  Spain,  rather 
than  surrender  the  archipelago  ?  Hay. 

MR.    DAY   TO    MR.    ADEE. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

United  States  Peace  Commission, 

Paris,  November  3,  1898 — 10  a.  m. 
T*or  the  President. — Special.) 

After  a  careful  examination  of  the  authorities,  the  majority  of  the 
commission  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  our  demand  for  the  Philippine 
Islands  can  not  be  based  on  conquest.  When  the  protocol  was  signed 
Manila  was  not  captured,  siege  was  in  progress  and  capture  made  after 
the  execution  of  the  protocol.  Captures  made  after  agreement  for  arm 
istice  must  be  disregarded  and  status  quo  restored  as  far  as  practicable. 
We  can  require  cession  of  Philippine  Islands  only  as  indemnity  for 
losses  and  expenses  of  the  war.  Have  in  view,  also,  condition  of  islands, 


THE   TREATY   WITH   SPAIN.  349 

the  broken  power  of  Spain,  anarchy  in  which  our  withdrawal  would 
leave  the  islands,  etc.  These  are  legitimate  factors.  Have  written 
fully. 

Thursday,  11:30  morning. 


MR.    HAY    TO   MR.    DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  November  3,  1898. 

The  President  has  received  your  dispatch  of  this  date  and  awaits 
your  letter.  Meantime,  however,  the  question  may  be  ultimately  de 
termined.  He  assumes  you  have  not  yielded  the  claim  by  right  of  con 
quest.  In  fact,  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  on  May  1  was  the 
conquest  of  Manila,  the  capital  of  the  Philippines.  The  President  has 
confidence  that  the  commission  will  be  able  to  make  a  treaty  on  just  and 
honorable  grounds;  a  failure  to  do  so  would  be  greatly  to  be  regretted. 

Hay. 

Davis  cabled  that  the  situation  demanded  an  ultimatum.  Frye  fa 
vored  taking  entire  group  and  paying  110,000,000.  Day  thought  Spain 
might  be  allowed  to  keep  Mindanao  and  Sulu  group.  There  was  a  great 
deal  of  cabling,  and  it  came  to  this  from  Hay  to  Day  November  13th: 

"You  are  instructed  to  insist  upon  the  cession  of  the  whole  of  Phil 
ippines,  and,  if  necessary,  pay  to  Spain  ten  to  twenty  millions  of  dollars, 
and  if  you  can  get  cession  of  a  naval  and  telegraph  station  in  the  Caro 
lines  and  the  several  concessions  and  privileges  and  guaranties,  so  far 
as  applicable,  enumerated  in  the  views  of  Commissioners  Frye  and  Reid, 
you  can  offer  more.  The  President  can  not  believe  any  division  of  the 
archipelago  can  bring  us  anything  but  embarrassment  in  the  future. 
The  trade  and  commercial  side,  as  well  as  the  indemnity  for  the  cost  of 
the  war,  are  questions  we  might  yield.  They  might  be  waived  or  com 
promised,  but  the  questions  of  duty  and  humanity  appeal  to  the  Presi 
dent  so  strongly  that  he  can  find  no  appropriate  answer  but  the  one  he 
has  here  marked  out.  You  have  the  largest  liberty  to  lead  up  to  these 
instructions,  but  unreasonable  delay  should  be  avoided.  Hay." 

Again  Hay  to  Day: 

"Washington,  November  29,  1898. 

"The  President  wishes  to  know  the  opinion  of  the  commission  as  to 
inserting  in  treaty  provisions  on  the  subject  of  citizenship  of  inhabit- 


350  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

ants  of  Philippines  which  will  prevent  extension  of  that  right  to  Mon 
golians  and  others  not  actually  subjects  of  Spain;  also  whether  you  con 
sider  it  advisable  to  provide,  if  possible,  for  recognition  of  existence  of 
uncivilized  native  tribes  in  same  manner  as  in  Alaska  treaty,  perhaps 
leaving  to  Congress  to  deal  with  status  of  inhabitants  by  legislative  act. 

"Hay." 

The  definite  ai;d  final  acceptance  of  conditions  by  Spaniards  was 
November  29th.  December  8th  the  agreement  on  articles  of  treaty  was 
made. 


MR.   HAY   TO   MR.   DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Department  of  State, 
"Washington,  December  8,  1898. 

"Your  No.  37  received.  The  President  sends  to  all  of  you  his  most 
cordial  thanks  and  congratulations.  Permit  me  to  add  my  own. 

"John  Hay." 

MR.    DAY    TO   MR.   HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Paris,  December  10,  1898. 
"Treaty  signed  at  8:5Q,  this  evening.  Day." 

This  inside  view  of  a  most  important  matter  presents  the  President 
to  the  public  as  a  most  masterful  Chief  Magistrate,  dominating  and  di 
recting  the  negotiation  with  perfect  calmness — no  sign  of  friction  or 
worry — through  the  cable-taking  command,  and  above  all  persisting 
in  consideration  of  the  humanities,  or,  as  Secretary  of  State  Hay  states 
the  case,  when  the  President's  will  was  made  clearly  known  and  had  to 
be  accepted  or  rejected.  Hay  said  there  were  things  we  might  yield, 
"but  the  questions  of  duty  and  humanity  appeal  to  the  President  so 
strongly  that  he  can  find  no  appropriate  answer  but  the  one  he  has 
here  marked  out"'1  The  President's  way  was  the  only  one. 

Perhaps  the  placid  power  of  the  President  in  overcoming  objections 
to  policies  that  he  was  persuaded  to  pursue  has  its  most  convincing 
illustration  in  the  persistence  with  which  the  way  the  President  wanted 


THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

soon  proved  to  be  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  commissioners.    The 
last  stand  of  the  Spaniards  was  reported  to  Assistant  Secretary  Moore. 

MR.   MOORE    TO    MR.    HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  25.]  Paris,  November  18,  1898. 

Spanish  commissioners  yesterday  presented  long  paper  in  which 
they  reply  to  our  last  memorandum.  Discuss  provisions  of  protocol  re 
lating  to  Philippine  Islands,  and  support  by  argument  their  recent 
proposals  thereon.  They  declare  that  our  memorandum  abounds  in 
grave  errors  of  fact  and  strange  doctrines  of  lawT,  and  deny  that  they 
have  withdrawn  their  provisional  acceptance  of  our  articles  on  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico  and  Guam;  that  acceptance,  however,  was  conditional  upon 
agreement  on  whole  treaty  and  was  given  for  compensation  which 
might  be  obtained  in  other  articles  for  sacrifice  of  Spain  as  to  debts, 
but  only  subsequent  development  in  negotiations  is  the  demand  for 
cession  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  Spanish  commissioners  would  there 
fore  have  been  justified  in  insisting  on  claims  as  to  transmission  of 
colonial  obligations  and  debts,  but  have  confined  themselves  to  con 
tradicting  affirmations  to  which  they  could  not  assent.  They  quote 
royal  decrees  and  the  text  of  bonds  to  disprove  that  greatest  part  of 
the  Cuban  debt  was  contracted  in  the  effort  first  to  conquer  Cuban 
insurgents  and  then  to  oppose  the  United  States,  as  well  as  to  show 
that  colonial  revenues  were  primary  security  for  debt. 

They  maintain  legal  right  of  Spain  so  to  contract  the  debt  and  the 
legal  validity  of  the  debt  so  contracted,  and  cite  our  demands  that 
Spain  suppress  rebellion  and  maintain  order  in  Cuba  as  a  proof  of  our 
recognition  of  her  sovereignty  in  the  premises  and  the  legitimacy  of 
its  exercise  for  that  purpose;  but  in  concluding  this  part  of  the  paper 
they  say  the  duty  of  defending  the  bondholders  does  not  belong  to 
Spain;  that  it  is  sufficient  for  her  to  defend  the  legitimacy  of  her  ac 
tion,  her  perfect  right  to  create  the  debt  and  the  mortgage  by  which  it 
was  secured,  and  her  strict  right  not  to  pay  interest  or  principal  except 
upon  proof  of  insufficiency  of  mortgaged  revenues.  The  responsibility 
of  failing  to  apply  revenues  will  rest  on  those  who  control  them,  and  not 
upon  Spain,  who  has  not  the  means  to  compel  the  performance  of  the 
duty.  Spain  neither  will  nor  can  do  anything  to  impair  the  rights  of 


352  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

bondholders,  who  can  without  great  effort  demonstrate  [the]  justice  of 
their  cause. 

Spanish  commissioners  then  discuss  Article  III  of  the  protocol  and 
contend  that  it  should  be  read  in  light  of  prior  negotiations.  They  quote 
telegram  of  August  1  to  Cambon,  saying  that  our  demand  seemed  to  lack 
precision;  that  Spanish  government  supposed  there  was  no  question 
in  regard  to  Spain's  permanent  sovereignty  over  archipelago  and  thai- 
occupation  of  Manila,  its  harbors  and  bay,  by  the  United  States  would 
last  only  during  the  time  necessary  for  two  countries  to  agree  on  admin 
istrative  reforms.  They  then  refer  to  Cambon's  interview  with  the 
President  of  August  3d  and  to  dispatch  of  Spanish  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  of  August  7th,  and  say  that  never  till  now  has  the  United  States 
consented  to  give  concrete  form  to  the  idea  involved  in  the  phrase  "con 
trol,  disposition  and  government"  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  If  the 
United  States  meant  that  joint  commission  should  determine  the  sov 
ereignty  of  the  group  by  agreeing  or  disagreeing  to  its  cession  to  the 
United  States,  why  did  it  not  say  so? 

American  commissioners  say  that  word  "control"  must  be  construed 
in  the  sense  of  authority  or  command,  because  that  is  its  broadest  mean 
ing  in  English,  but  fail  to  notice  that  the  protocol  was  also  written 
and  signed  in  French,  and  that  the  French  word  "controle"  means  only 
investigation  or  inspection.  The  word  "disposition,"  while  it  conveys 
the  idea  of  alienation  in  private  law,  usually  means  in  French  distribu 
tion  according  to  a  certain  and  determined  order.  The  word  "govern 
ment"  may  mean  the  right  of  administering  or  exercising  sovereignty, 
but  may  also  signify  manner  of  governing  or  form  which  may  be  given 
to  government.  The  words  therefore  do  not  possess  a  clear  and  precise 
meaning,  incapable  of  doubt  or  ambiguity,  and  yet  it  was  the  United 
States,  not  Spain,  that  insisted  upon  retaining  them  and  refused  to  ex 
plain  them.  Vattel,  Volume  III,  page  197,  declares  that  doubts  must  be 
resolved  against  him  who  gives  the  law  in  the  treaty,  since  it  is  his  fault 
not  to  have  expressed  himself  with  more  clearness.  The  party  who 
dictates  conditions  should  not  be  allowed  to  convert  vague  or  ambigu 
ous  terms  into  bonds  to  tie  up  the  more  feeble  contracting  party. 

In  the  American  note  of  July  30th  it  was  said  that  if  the  terms  of 
fered  by  the  United  States  were  accepted  in  their  entirety  commission 
ers  would  be  appointed  to  settle  the  details  of  treaty  of  peace,  etc. 
Could  unexpressed  demand  for  cession  of  immense  territory,  with  a  pop- 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  353 

ulation  of  9,000,000  inhabitants,  have  been  considered  as  a  detail  of  the 
treaty?  Spanish  commissioners  here  review  at  some  length  interviews 
of  Cambon  with  the  President  and  compare  versions  thereof,  and  con 
tend  that  by  the  note  of  Spanish  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  August 
7th  government  reserved  a  priori  its  sovereignty  over  Philippine  Islands 
and  that  Article  III  of  the  protocol  can  in  law  bind  it  only  with  this 
reservation,  which  was  never  withdrawn.  They  say  that  the  only  ob 
jection  made  in  our  note  of  August  10th  to  Spanish  note  of  August  7th 
was  that  the  latter  was  not  entirely  explicit,  owing  to  various  transfor 
mations  which  it  had  undergone.  This,  they  maintain,  could  not  have 
referred  to  paragraph  on  Philippine  Islands,  since  it  explicitly  reserved 
a  priori  Spanish  sovereignty  over  the  islands.  The  Paris  conference 
is  therefore  authorized  to  determine  only  their  internal  regime. 

Spanish  commissioners  then  proceed  to  support  their  last  proposals 
as  to  what  should  be  done  regarding  Philippine  Islands  in  the  treaty 
of  peace.  ~  They  disclaim  intention  to  assert  that  General  Merritt  and 
Admiral  Dewey  had  knowledge  of  protocol  when  they  took  Manila  on 
August  13th,  but  refer  to  the  Admiral's  message  to  the  governor  of 
Manila  of  May  1st,  threatening  to  destroy  city  if  all  vessels,  torpedo 
boats  and  warships  under  the  Spanish  flag  were  not  immediately  sur 
rendered,  and  say  they  presume  this  message  will  have  no  place  in  the 
chapter  of  history  in  which  are  recorded  the  services  rendered  to  the 
cause  of  humanity  of  which  there  is  so  much  ostentation  in  these  days. 
They  also  refer  to  circumstances  in  connection  with  delay  in  taking- 
Manila;  that  the  number  of  insurgents  about  the  city  increased  because 
of  postponement  of  it,  and  complains  of  statement  in  American  memo 
randum  that  the  captain-general  fled  before  the  surrender.  They  main 
tain  that  our  occupation  of  Manila  pending  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  was  intended  and  agreed  upon  merely  by  way  of  a  guaranty, 
and  that  protocol  makes  no  connecdon  between  future  occupation  of  the 
place  and  the  payment  of  a  war  indemnity. 

They  observe  that  the  American  commissioners  do  not  in  their 
memorandum  argue  that  suspension  of  hostilities  did  not  go  into  effect 
immediately,  but  that  they  endeavor  to  invalidate  the  Spanish  claim 
as  dilatory.  They  state  that  this  claim  was  made  twenty-three  days 
after  capitulation  and  inquire  what  law  or  practice  forfeits  such  a  claim 
unless  presented  before  the  twenty -three  days  reckoned  from  the  act  giv 
ing  rise  to  it.  Even  if  the  claim  tad  not  been  then  presented,  the  Span- 


354  ,    THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

ish  commissioners  might  present  it  now,  since  they  are  empowered  to 
ask  for  a  faithful  execution  of  the  protocol.  They  quote  from  Wharton's 
International  Law  Digest  that  compacts  between  enemies  should  be 
specially  adhered  to  as  of  immediate  interest  and  duty,  not  only  to  the 
parties,  but  to  all  mankind.  They  combat  the  argument  that  occupa 
tion  of  Manila  under  the  protocol  is  same  as  or  equivalent  to  a  military 
occupation  by  conquest. 

They  contend  that  (occupation?)  by  force  of  a  territory  which  sur 
renders  through  an  act  of  war  has  a  special  name,  which  is  "capitula 
tion;"  and  that  to  call  by  this  name  the  occupation  under  the  protocol 
in  order  to  bring  it  wdthin  the  terms  of  the  illegal  capitulation  of  Ma 
nila  after  the  protocol  was  signed  is  an  error  never  heretofore  officially 
or  scientifically  made.  They  contend  that  occupation  as  a  guaranty  con 
veys  no  greater  right  than  to  maintain  a  military  force  in  that  territory 
till  the  performance  of  the  principal  obligation,  and  that  the  occupying 
party  has  therefore  usually  taken  care 'even  to  stipulate  for  the  taking 
of  provisions  for  his  forces.  The  occupation  under  the  protocol  can  not 
be  considered  as  a  military  one,  since  it  was  not  effected  by  force  nor  as 
the  result  of  a  belligerent  operation.  Moreover,  it  was  after  August 
16th,  when  the  American  commanders  heard  of  the  protocol,  that  they 
began  to  take  possession  by  military  force  of  the  machinery  of  govern 
ment,  of  the  public  moneys,  revenues  and  imposts. 

Spanish  commissioners  say  they  might  here  bring  the  paper  to  a 
close  did  they  not  desire  to  find  some  way  in  harmony  with  senti 
ments  of  humanity  and  patriotism  of  both  commissioners  to  remove 
obstacles  to  peace;  this  can  be  done  only  through  the  bona  fides  of  both 
parties;  the  commissioners  are  equally  divided.  The  United  States 
does  not  go  further  than  to  claim  that  under  the  protocol  it  has  right 
to  ask  for  the  sovereignty  over  Philippine  Islands.  It  does  not  claim 
the  right  to  order  the  cession  to  be  made.  Shall  the  negotiations  then 
be  broken  off  and  hostilities  renewed?  Can  not  the  good  faith  of  the 
parties  suggest  some  means  of  averting  these  terrible  consequences? 
The  commissioners  might  agree  to  leave  the  question  of  sovereignty 
over  Philippine  Islands  for  direct  negotiations  between  the  two  govern 
ments,  and  continue  meanwhile  the  discussions  of  all  other  points  to  be 
embodied  in  the  treaty.  This  method  is,  however,  attended  with  the 
danger  of  the  governments  failing  to  agree.  The  Spanish  commission 
ers  think  it  more  sensible  and  more  sure  for  the  two  commissions  to 


THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  ^355 

agree  to  propose  to  their  governments  an  arbitrator  or  a  trilpmal  of  ar 
bitration  to  determine  the  true  sense  in  which  Articles  III  and  VI  of  the 
protocol  should  be  taken. 

If  there  is  any  controversy  between  nations  which  men  of  good  will 
should  endeavor  to  settle  by  justice  and  equity  it  is  that  of  a  differ 
ence  as  to  the  interpretation  of  a  treaty.  Sovereigns  may  refuse  to  sub 
mit  to  judgment  of  a  third  party  that  which  affects  their  honor  or  even 
their  amour  propre,  but  in  the  modern  and  Christian  world  it  is  incon 
ceivable  they  should  prefer  covering  earth  with  corpses  and  deluging  it 
with  human  blood  to  submitting  their  own  opinions  on  a  matter  so  ex 
posed  to  fallibility  as  the  sense  which  a  party  to  a  treaty  may  desire  to 
give  it.  The  United  States,  say  the  Spanish  commissioners,  have  to  their 
glory  taken  among  civilized  peoples  the  initiative  in  appealing  to  the 
humane,  rational  and  Christian  method  of  arbitration,  rather  than  inflict 
bloody  war.  The  Senate  of  Massachusetts  in  1835  approved  the  proposal 
for  creation  of  an  international  court  te  settle  all  differences  between 
countries.  In  1851  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  recommended  inser 
tion  of  arbitration  clause  in  treaties,  and  the  Senate  approved  a  report 
in  1853. 

In  1873  the  Senate  again,  and  in  1874  both  Houses  of  Congress,  reaf 
firmed  this  humanitarian  aspiration;  and  finally,  in  1888,  not  satisfied 
with  having  marked  out  a  line  of  conduct  so  laudable,  both  Houses  of 
Congress  adopted  joint  resolutions  requesting  the  President  to  use  his 
influence  to  induce  governments  maintaining  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  United  States  to  submit  questions  that  might  arise  between  them 
in  future  to  arbitration.  The  Spanish  commissioners  declare  the  hope 
that  the  case  before  the  Paris  conference  will  not  lead  the  United 
States,  by  departing  from  such  glorious  precedents,  to  wish  to  settle 
the  difficulty  by  the  last  means  which  among  national  and  free  beings 
is  sadly  inevitable,  although  it  may  never  be  lawful,  in  the  absence  of 
other  means  more  humane  and  tending  to  preserve  unalterable  peace 
among  men. 

Our  commissioners  propose  to  reply  to  this  and  reaffirm  their  pre 
vious  position,  and  to  make,  unless  otherwise  instructed,  the  proposal 
conveyed  to  you  in  my  special  of  November  15th,  and  give  the  Spanish 
commissioners  a  week  in  which  definitely  and  finally  to  accept  it. 

Moore. 


356  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

November  13th  Secretary  of  State  Hay  cabled  Mr.  Day :  "A  treaty  of 
peace  is  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  United  States  if  it  can  be  had 
without  the  sacrifice  of  plain  duty.  The  President  would  regret  deeply 
the  resumption  of  hostilities  against  a  prostrate  foe.  We  are  clearly 
entitled  to  indemnity  for  the  cost  of  the  war."  The  statement  of  the 
President's  views  continued  that  we  must  find  indemnity  "in  the  archi 
pelagoes  of  the  Philippines  and  Carolines.  Porto  Eico  was  not  enough. 

There  was  strong  opposition  to  the  President's  policy  by  the  Ameri 
can  commissioners,  as  displayed  in  the  extremely  candid  cable  commu 
nication  following: 

MR.    DAY    TO    MR.    ADEE. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris,  November  4,  1898 — 2:20. 
(For  the  President — Special.) 

Telegram  of  November  3d  from  the  Secretary  of  State  received.  We 
have  not  yielded  the  claim  by  a  right  of  conquest.  Telegram  to  you 
on  that  subject  was  on  the  afternoon  of  discussion  with  Spanish  com 
missioners.  We  shall  not  foreclose  important  matters  without  advis 
ing  you.  We  are  doing  all  in  our  power  to  secure  treaty  in  accord^ 
ance  with  your  views.  In  the  opinion  of  a  majority  of  the  Commission 
we  shall  not  promote  this  end  by  putting  forward  the  claim  that  Manila 
was  taken  by  conquest  on  May  1st.  Subsequent  military  operations  and 
capitulation,  no  less  than  mutual  acceptance  of  protocol,  preclude  mak 
ing  demand  upon  that  ground.  Our  opinion  as  to  ineffectiveness  of 
capitulation  after  protocol  has  already  been  stated.  Day. 

I  think  we  can  demand  cession  of  entire  archipelago  on  other  and 
more  valid  grounds  than  a  perfected  territorial  conquest  of  the  Phil 
ippine  Islands,  such  as  indemnity  or  as  conditions  of  peace  imposed 
by  our  general  military  success  and  in  view  of  our  future  security  and 
general  welfare,  commercial  and  otherwise.  I  think  the  protocol  admits 
all  these  grounds,  and  that  the  ground  alone  of  perfected  territorial 
conquest  of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  too  narrow  and  untenable  under 
protocol. 

Friday,  3:30  afternoon.  Cushman  K.  Davis, 


THE  TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  357 

MR.   HAY   TO   MR.   DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  November  5,  1898. 

Yours  of  November  4th,  special,  and  that  of  Senator  Davis  received. 
The  President  has  no  purpose  to  question  the  Commission's  judgment 
as  to  the  grounds  upon  which  the  cession  of  the  archipelago  is  to  be 
claimed.  His  only  wish  in  that  respect  is  to  hold  all  the  ground  upon 
which  we  can  fairly  and  justly  make*  the  claim.  He  recognizes  fully 
the  soundness  of  putting  forward  indemnity  as  the  chief  ground,  but 
conquest  is  a  consideration  which  ought  not  to  be  ignored.  How  our 
demand  shall  be  presented,  and  the  grounds  upon  which  you  will  rest 
it,  he  confidently  leaves  with  the  commissioners.  His  great  concern  is 
that  a  treaty  shall  be  effected  in  terms  wThich  will  not  only  satisfy  the 
present  generation,  but,  what  is  more  important,  be  justified  in  the  judg 
ment  of  posterity.  The  argument  which  shall  result  in  such  a  consum 
mation  he  confides  to  the  Commission.  He  appreciates  the  difficulties 
and  embarrassments,  and  realizes  the  delicate  work  before  you,  but  that 
the  commissioners  will  be  able  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  satisfactory 
to  the  country,  justified  by  humanity  and  by  precedent,  is  the  belief 
of  the  President  and  your  countrymen  generally.  Hay. 

MR.  DAY  TO  MR.  HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  20.]  Paris,  November  5, 1898. 

Spanish  commissioners,  in  paper  presented  yesterday,  maintain  that 
demand  for  whole  Philippine  Islands  violates  protocol,  which  by  its 
terms  contemplated  only  provisional  occupation  Manila  and  did  not 
impair  Spanish  sovereignty  over  group.  They  cite  circular  French  Min 
ister  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  August  last  announcing  to  French  Ambas 
sadors  in  Europe  the  signature  of  protocol  and  saying  our  demand 
for  Philippine  Islands  was  for  provisional  occupation  of  Manila  by  the 
American  forces;  also  clause  of  capitulation  Manila  providing  for  re 
turn  of  arms  to  Spanish  forces  on  evacuation  of  city.  They  also  invoke 
our  argument  that  Spain  is  now  precluded  from  bringing  forward  Cu 
ban  debt  because  she  failed  to  mention  it  during  negotiation  of  proto 
col.  They  quote  interviews  between  the  President  and  Cambon  to  show 
that  former  did  not  intend  to  demand  cession  group,  but  agreed  that 


358  THE   TREATY   WITH  SPAIN. 

Philippine  Islands  question  should  be  subject  of  negotiation  at  Paris 
and  particularly  his  declaration  that  clause  in  protocol  did  not  decide 
anything  against  either  government;  also  refer  to  answer  in  Spanish 
note  of  August  7th  to  demand  as  to  Philippine  Islands  as  showing  their 
government's  understanding  thereof,  and  argue  that  United  States  by 
omitting  to  deny  admitted  correctness  of  that  understanding.  They  fur 
ther  maintain  that  nothing  has  occurred  since  signing  of  protocol  to 
justify  United  States  in  enlarging  demands. 

As  to  our  proposal  to  assume  debts  for  pacific  improvements,  they 
say  archipelago  burdened  with  debt  400,000,000  pesetas,  or  $40,000,000, 
secured  by  mortgages  on  revenues  Manila  custom-house,  vesting  in 
third  parties  of  various  nationalities  rights  which  do  not  belong  to 
Spain.  They  declare  and  say  that  they  hope  there  will  be  no  necessity 
to  repeat  that  Spain  can  not  and  ought  not,  since  respect  for  others 
forbids  it,  to  agree  in  any  treaty  to  anything  implying  impairment  or 
suppression  or  even  disregard  of  private  rights  of  others  against  the 
will  of  their  legitimate  and  special  proprietors.  They  say  there  are 
besides  unsecured  colonial  debts.  These  likewise  forbid  acceptance  of 
American  proposal  which  involves  revision  of  legitimate  acts  of  internal 
sovereignty,  the  debt  having  been  lawfully  contracted.  Any  inquiry 
whether  proceeds  were  judiciously  invested  is  inadmissible  on  grounds 
of  national  self-respect  or  as  affecting  obligation  of  debt. 

Spanish  paper  then  discusses  armistice;  maintains  ineffectiveness 
capitulation  of  Manila,  and  holds  acts  of  military  administration  unlaw 
ful,  such  as  taking  public  funds,  collecting  revenues,  and  controlling 
courts  and  police;  and  specifically  complains  of  alleged  release  on  Sep 
tember  21  of  thirteen  prisoners  in  jail  for  common  crimes,  which  it 
describes  as  an  unheard  of  act.  On  points  of  law  they  cite  article  140 
of  our  instructions  to  armies  in  field,  Halleck's  International  Law,  and 
Field's  Code,  and  say  that,  according  to  authorities  and  the  protocol, 
treaty  of  peace  should  provide  for  immediate  delivery  of  Manila  to 
Spain,  immediate  release  of  garrison,  return  to  Spanish  Government 
of  all  funds  and  public  property  taken  by  American  army  since  its 
occupation  of  place,  and  all  taxes  collected,  and  indemnification  of 
Spain  for  damages  occasioned  by  detentions  Spanish  troops  resulting 
in  spread  of  Tagalo  insurrection  and  involving  ill-treatment  of  Spanish 
prisoners. 

In  conclusion,  Spanish  commissioners  invite  American  commission- 


THE   TREATY   WITH   SPAIN.  359 

ers  to  present  a  proposition  in  accordance  with  articles  3  and  6  of 
the  protocol,  and  covering  obligations  of  United  States  growing  out  of 
acts  of  war  committed  after  signing  of  protocol,  in  seizing  Manila  and 
doing  of  thing*  in  excess  of  rights  under  article  3.  We  have  word  of 
French  minister  for  foreign  affairs  that  statement  in  his  circular  was 
oversight  and  will  immediately  be  corrected.  We  are  preparing  reply 
to  Spanish  paper  to  be  presented  at  next  joint  meeting  on  Tuesday 
afternoon. 

Saturday,  6  afternoon.  Day. 

MR.  DAY  TO  MR.  HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  21.]  Paris,  November  9,  1898. 

In  order  to  finish  copying  answer  to  Spanish  paper  on  the  Philippine 
Islands,  we  asked  postponementof  meeting  yesterday  from  2  to  4  o'clock 
p.  m.  Spanish  commissioners  replied  that  they  had  engagement  later 
in  the  afternoon,  and  suggested  postponement  till  2  to-day.  We  met 
accordingly  this  afternoon  and  presented  answer.  We  repel  Spanish 
assumption  that  we  base  our  demands  as  to  Philippine  Islands  on  con 
cessions  in  the  protocol,  as  in  the  case  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  but 
we  maintain  that  by  third  article  we  reserved  and  secured  full  and 
absolute  right  to  make  demands  in  future,  and  that  our  present 
demands  are  justified  by  and  are  included  in  the  terms  of  the  protocol. 
We  also  deny  that  provisions  of  the  protocol  can  be  qualified  or  limited 
by  anything  in  Spanish  notes  prior  to  its  signature.  We  show  by 
review  of  the  negotiations  and  of  interviews  at  Executive  Mansion  that 
protocol  was  made  only  because  Spanish  response  of  August  7  was 
unacceptable. 

We  quote  to  same  effect  from  French  Yellow  Book  telegram  of  Mr. 
Cambon  transmitting  draft  of  protocol  and  saying  United  States  had 
decided  to  state  precisely  (preciser)  therein  the  terms  on  which  negoti 
ations  for  peace  would  be  undertaken.  We  quote  in  full  note  of  Secre 
tary  of  State  to  Cambon,  of  August  10,  and  show  that  our  interpretation 
is  justified  by  written  correspondence,  conversations  at  Executive  Man 
sion,  and  terms  of  protocol.  We  go  over  this  ground  at  length.  We 
express  surprise  at  apparent  renewal  of  Cuban  debt  question  so  soon 
after  it  was  waived.  We  quote  their  language  as  to  not  wishing  to 
have  to  refer  to  this  again,  and  as  to  not  permitting  any  discussion  o_f 


360  THE   TREATY   WITH  SPAIN. 

certain  phases  of  the  question,  characterizing  this  as  language  unusual 
in  diplomacy  unless  to  convey  a  deliberate  ultimatum.  We  then 
inquire  again  as  to  final  intentions  of  Spanish  commissioners  upon 
this  subject.  We  call  attention  to  admitted  fact  that  considerable  part 
of  proceeds  Cuban  loans  was  expended  in  prosecuting  war  against 
United  States,  and  inquire  if  they  mean  to  be  understood  as  refusing  to 
permit  any  consideration  of  this  expenditure. 

We  then  take  up  question  of  capitulation  of  Manila,  and  maintain 
that  our  powers  as  occupant  under  the  protocol  are  the  same  in  all 
respects  as  to  government  and  administration  as  under  capitulation. 
In  closing,  we  refer  to  another  aspect  of  capture  of  Manila;  noting 
that  Spanish  commissioners  complain  of  it  as  occurring  a  few  hours 
after  signature  of  protocol,  we  ask  if  just  and  impartial  mind  might 
not  consider  why  not  captured  before — namely,  through  humane  desire 
to  save  city  and  Spanish  residents  from  dreaded  vengeance  of  insur 
gents,  and  suggest  that  men  to  whom  that  humane  delay  was  due, 
General  Merritt  and  Admiral  Dewey,  were  entitled  to  better  treatment 
than  their  insinuation  of  needless  slaughter  and  conscious  violation  of 
protocol. 

Our  answer  covered  fifty  typewritten  pages.  Spanish  commission 
ers  asked  till  Saturday  to  study  it,  and  reserved  right  to  ask,  if  neces 
sary,  for  more  time.  At  this,  the  next  meeting,  we  may  need  to  outline 
definite  and  final  propositions  on  whole  question  of  Philippine  Islands, 
including  possible  cash  payments. 

Wednesday  evening,  9:30.  Day. 

MR.   DAY  TO    MR.   HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  22.]  Paris,  November  10,  1898. 

We  have  information  Philippines  debt  as  follows:  Prior  to  insur 
rection,  August,  1896,  colony  paid  its  way  by  local  taxes  and  moderate 
tariff.  After  war  began  captain-general  instructed  to  draw  from  pros 
perous  local  banks,  such  as  deposit  bank,  local  savings  bank,  and  Banco 
Hispano-Filipino.  He  also  obtained  advances  from  friars.  Expenses 
increasing,  colonial  minister  empowered  to  draw  on  funds  raised  for 
expenses  Cuban  war,  which  he  did  to  the  extent  of  7,660,40313/ioo  pesos, 
or  dollars.  Expenses  still  increasing  Government  was  authorized  by 
law  of  Cortes,  tenth  June,  1897,  published  Madrid  Gazette  29th  June, 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  361 

to  grant  general  guarantee  of  nation  for  operations  of  credit  which 
would  be  necessary  for  Philippine  Islands  in  consequence  of  disturb 
ances  there.  Then  royal  decree  28th  June,  1897,  authorized  colonial 
minister  to  issue  four  hundred  thousand  hypothecated  bonds  of  Philip 
pine  Islands  treasury,  at  six  per  cent,  redeemable  at  par  in  forty  years, 
with  special  guarantee  of  Philippine  Islands  revenues  and  general 
guarantee  of  Spanish  nation. 

The  issue  consists  of  one  series  of  two  hundred  fifty  thousand 
bonds  of  five  hundred  pesetas  each,  and  another  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  bonds  of  one  hundred  pesos  each;  first  series  reserved 
for  issue  in  Spain,  two  hundred  thousand  immediately  placed,  and  fifty 
thousand  kept  back  by  minister  for  the  colonies  and  placed  later  on,  also 
in  Spain;  second  series  intended  for  Manila,  part  to  reimburse  advances 
and  rest  to  be  placed  there.  This  loan  produced  38,570,49427/ioo  pesos 
net.  Madrid  Gazette,  20th  October,  1898,  shows  that  of  this  sum 
19,891,8006%00  were  used  for  war  in  Philippine  Islands;  7,G60,40313/10o 
reimbursed  to  Cuban  treasury,  and  10,93S,4772/100  advanced  to  same, 
leaving  balance  13th  June,  1898,  to  credit  of  Philippine  Islands  treas 
ury  of  79,8135%oo  pesos.  Nothing  in  Gazette  or  other  official  document 
shows  any  part  of  this  loan  applied  to  purely  local  purposes  or  objects 
of  utility.  It  is  said  that  not  5  per  cent  of  Philippine  islands  bonds 
have  been  placed  outside  of  Spain  and  colonies,  and  of  fifteen  million 
intended  for  Manila  between  ten  and  eleven  million  actually  placed 
there  and  rest  returned  to  Spain  and  placed  easily,  chiefly  in  Barcelona. 

You  may  expect  very  shortly  a  telegram  embodying  views  of  Ameri 
can  commissioners  on  Philippine  Islands  question.  Day. 

PEACE    COMMISSIONERS    TO    MR.    HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No.  23— Special.]  Paris,  November  11,  1898. 

Our  commissioners  desire  definite  instructions  as  to  Philippine 
Islands  as  soon  as  practicable.  The  following  statements  embody  indi 
vidual  expression  of  their  views  upon  the  subject. 

Moore. 

(1)  Holding  the  view  that  the  Philippine  Islands  group  is  likely  to 
prove  a  burden  rather  than  a  benefit  to  the  United  States,  I  would  mini 
mize  our  holdings  there  to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with  our  obliga 
tions.  This  view  I  undertook  to  express  in  my  telegram  of  October  25. 


362  TEE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

Our  advantage  is  a  naval  and  commercial  base  in  the  East.  More 
than  this  we  should  not  seek.  Our  obligations  seem  to  require  us  to 
take  Luzon  and  islands  so  near  as  to  be  essential  thereto.  Assuming 
that  the  President  and  Cabinet  have  determined  to  take  whole  group, 
then  I  believe  we  will  be  justified  in  paying  lump  sum,  say  fifteen  mil 
lions,  recognizing  that  we  are  dealing  with  a  bankrupt  people;  that 
Spain  loses  her  colonies,  the  revenues  of  which  are  charged  with  out 
standing  debts,  and  parts  with  a  considerable  portion  of  her  revenue- 
producing  domain.  I  would  assume  no  part  of  the  so-called  Cuban 
and  Philippine  Islands  bonded  debt. 

Bather  than  fail  to  secure  treaty  of  peace  I  think  demand  for  whole 
group  might  be  so  modified  a,s  to  let  Spain  keep  Mindanao  and  Sulu 
group  without  conditions,  paying  same  sum  as  above  indicated.  These 
islands  with  money  payment  would  be  a  substantial  concession.  In 
that  alternative  we  might  secure  one  of  the  Caroline  group  as  naval 
station  and  at  the  same  time  safeguard  our  interests  and  people  there. 

Day. 

(2)  Favor  taking  the  entire  group  and  paying  ten  million  dollars 
in  gold,  a  fair  estimate  of  debt  properly  chargeable  to  the  Philippine 
Islands.  If  necessary  to  secure  treaty,  and  I  believe  it  is,  I  would  take 
Luzon,  Mindoro,  Palawan,  also  Ponape  of  the  Carolines,  paying  from 
five  to  ten  millions  of  dollars.  I  would  require :  First,  free  interchange 
of  products  of  the  islands  for  consumption  there,  also  that  products  of 
other  islands  in  group  intended  for  export  from  Manila  be  admitted 
free  with  distribution  of  goods  imported  into  Manila  to  other  islands 
without  additional  duties.  Second,  the  right  of  entry  into  such  ports 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  as  are  not  ceded,  upon  terms  of  equal  favor 
with  Spanish  ships  and  merchandise  in  relation  to  port  and  customs 
charges,  while  Spain  shall  have  similar  rights  as  to  her  subjects  and 
vessels  in  the  ports  of  any  territories  in  their  Pacific  Islands  ceded  to 
the  United  States.  Third,  charges  against  American  vessels  for  entry 
into  peninsular  ports  of  Spain  no  higher  than  imposed  on  Spanish  vessels 
in  American  ports.  Fourth,  in  all  ports  of  these  islands  remaining 
under  Spanish  rule  our  citizens  shall  have  all  questions  at  issue  tried 
before  an  American  consul  or  other  duly  qualified  American  officer. 
Fifth,  all  persons  held  by  Spain  for  political  acts  performed  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Kico,  Ponape,  Guam,  or  the  Philippine  Islands  to  be  immedi- 


s 


W 

GO 


H 

n 


WILCOX  MANSION— BUFFALO. 

Where  Vice  President  Roosevelt  took  oath  of    office    as    President    of    the    United    States. 


LIBRARY  OF  THE  WILCOX  MANSION— BUFFALO. 

WHERE  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  WAS   SWORN  IN   AS  TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STAT 
KEY    TO   PICTURE.— 1— Where   President   Roosevelt  stood.     2— Secretary    Long.      3— Secretary      Wilson.       4— Secretary      I 
Ansley  Wilcox.     6— Private  Secretary  Loeb.     7— Secretary  Root.     8— Postmaster-General    Smith.      9— Senator    Depew.      1.0— U 
-Dr    Stockton      12— Judge  John   R.   Hazel.     13— Group   of   Newspaper  Men.     14— Mrs.  Ansley  Wilcox.     15— Miss  Wilcox.     1 

Milburn.     17— Mrs.    Carlton   Sprague.     18— Mrs.    Mann.     19— Mrs.   Charles    Carey.      20— Dr.    Charles    L.    Carey.      21— Canton 
-M     P     Sawyer.     23— John   Scatcherd.     24— Robert    Scatcherd.     25— George  L.  Williams.    26— George  R.  Keating.    27— Willian 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  365 

ately  released.  Sixth,  absolute  freedom  of  religion  in  the  Philippine 
Islands,  Ladrones,  and  Caroline  Islands.  Seventh,  United  States  shall 
have  the  right  to  land  cables  on  any  of  these  islands  and  the  tolls  for 
messages  on  our  trans-Pacific  cables  or  interisland  lines  shall  be  regu 
lated  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  Eighth,  United  States 
shall  have  the  right  to  extend  its  submarine  cables  from  Porto  Kico, 
via  the  Canaries,  to  the  coast  of  Africa  or  Spain  and  thence  to  any 
Spanish  Mediterranean  island.  Apply  so  many  of  these  articles  as  may 
be  necessary  if  the  entire  Philippine  Islands  group  is  taken. 

Frye. 

(3)  The  undersigned  begs  to  say  that,  while  adhering  to  the  views 
expressed  in  his  telegram  of  the  26th  October,  he  is  of  the  opinion  that 
it  is  immensely  important  to  the  country  that  we  should  not  separate 
without  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace.  A  renewal  of  the  state  of 
active  war,  even  if  Spain's  resistance  be  continued  feeble  or  none  at 
all,  would  compel  us  to  seize  with  the  strong  hand  all  of  her  colonial 
possessions.^  This  is  not  a  role  that  is  desirable  for  the  United  States 
to  assume.  We  have  achieved  all  and  more  than  we  went  to  war  to 
accomplish,  and  Spain  has  conceded  it  in  a  protocol.  The  same  pro 
tocol  left  the  fate  of  the  Philippine  Islands  to  be  determined  by  a 
treaty  to  be  thereafter  concluded  between  the  two  countries.  The 
stipulation  was  not  that  it  should  be  determined  as  the  United  States 
should  dictate,  but  by  a  treaty  between  the  parties.  This  necessarily 
leaves  it  open  to  a  negotiation  which  must  result  in  an  agreement 
which  implies  a  quasi  freedom  of  consent  by  Spain  as  well  as  by  the 
United  States.  If  that  consent  can  not  be  obtained  we  are  relegated 
to  the  state  of  active  war  which  the  armistice  suspended,  and  the 
sword  will  again  be  drawn  and  the  conquest  completed.  Though 
Spain  makes  no  physical  resistance*  she  will  state  her  case  to  the 
world  as  having  consented  to  do  all  that  she  promised  to  do  in  the 
protocol,  but  that  she  could  not  subscribe  to  terms  which  she  had  no 
right  to  expect. 

It  would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned,  be  most  unfortunate 
if  the  United  States  should  feel  compelled  to  abandon  the  high  position 
taken  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  and,  instead  of  crowning  their  tri 
umphs  by  setting  an  example  of  moderation,  restraint,  and  reason  in 
victory,  act  the  part  of  a  ruthless  conqueror.  Believing  that  the  result 


366  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

of  a  failure  to  obtain  a  treaty  would  be  the  forcible  seizure  of  the 
whole  Philippine  Islands  group,  an  event  greatly  to  be  deprecated  as 
inconsistent  with  the  traditions  and  civilization  of  the  United  States,  I 
would  be  willing  to  take  the  islands  by  the  cession  of  a  treaty  of  peace, 
and  I  would,  to  that  end,  make  such  reasonable  concessions  as  would 
comport  with  the  magnanimity  of  a  great  nation  dealing  with  a  weak 
and  prostrate  foe.  I  mean  that  I  would  prefer  the  latter  alternative 
to  the  former,  not  that  I  have  changed  my  mind  as  to  the  policy  of  taking 
the  Philippine  Islands  at  all.  George  Gray. 

( 4 )  Our  duty  not  to  return  to  Spain  any  territory  in  which  we  have 
broken  down  her  rule  has  been  enforced  in  our  instructions  from  the 
outset.  Furthermore,  the  right  of  a  nation  which  has  been  successful 
in  a  war  forced  upon  it  to  exact  an  indemnity  afterwards  for  the  cost 
of  the  war  is  recognized.  Adding  pensions  and  other  proper  items  to 
this  cost  as  already  tabulated,  we  have  a  total  of  between  two  hundred 
and  fifty  and  three  hundred  millions.  Spain  is  without  money  or  the 
means  of  procuring  it,  and  can  therefore  pay  us  in  nothing  but  terri 
tory.  She  has  so  far  given  us  only  Porto  Rico.  How  far  does  that 
go  towards  repaying  our  outlay  in  cash,  to  say  nothing  of  the  derange 
ment  of  business  and  loss  of  life?  For  a  standard  of  valuation  we  may 
perhaps  refer  to  the  five  considerable  purchases  of  territory  we  have 
made  within  a  century  and  the  others  we  have  considered. 

We  paid  twelve  million  for  Louisiana;  five  million  for  Florida;  fif 
teen  million  for  territory  acquired  from  Mexico  under  the  treaty  of  Gua- 
daloupe,  including  New  Mexico,  Colorado  (and)  California;  ten  million 
for  territory  acquired  in  like  manner  by  the  Gadsden  purchase;  and  seven 
million  two  hundred  thousand  for  Ala,ska.  We  once  offered  seven  mil 
lion  and  a  half  for  St.  Thomas  and  St.  Johns,  and  later  could  have  had 
that  whole  group  for  five  million.  For  Cuba  we  once  talked  of  paying 
one  hundred  million,  and  at  another  time  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  mil 
lion.  Taking  this  last  as  coming  nearest  to  fixing  a  standard  of  value 
in  the  present  case,  we  may  reckon  that  Porto  Rico,  farther  from  us, 
less  important  to  the  protection  of  our  coasts,  and  only  one-twelfth 
size,  though  with  nearly  one-half  as  much  population,  could  not  by 
any  possibility  be  regarded  as  indemnity  for  more  than  forty  or  fifty 
million  of  our  just  claim.  Even  if  Cuba  were  added  in  its  present 
devastated  and  depopulated  condition,  the  present  valuation  of  the  two 


THE   TPEA'TY  WITH  SPAIN.  36? 

would  not  repay  the  outlay  forced  upon  us  by  the  war;  but  we  have 
all  along  refused  to  take  Cuba.  What  else  has  Spain  with  which  to 
repay  us  except  the  archipelago,  which  lies  at  our  mercy  with  its  cap 
ital  in  our  possession?  Its  area  is  just  about  two  and  a  half  times  that 
of  Cuba,  but  instead  of  being  near  our  coasts  it  is  halfway  around  the 
globe  from  us.  Some  of  our  people  think  it  .worthless  to  us,  and  prob 
ably  few  that  it  could  be  valued  so  high  as  the  remaining  two  hundred 
or  two  hundred  and  fifty  million  of  our  cash  outlay;  but  it  is  an  asset 
of  some  sort — whether  to  develop  or  to  dispose  of — and  we  ought  now 
to  retain  the  power  to  do  either  as  the  Government  and  the  people  on 
fuller  knowledge  may  determine. 

Are  at  the  end  of  six  weeks  of  fruitless  negotiation  (one-half  longer 
than  it  took  France  and  Germany  to  agree  upon  their  first  treaty  of 
peace  after  their  last  war) ;  this  suggests  to  me  now  the  desirableness  of 
our  calling  time  on  the  Spanish  commissioners,  and  giving  notice  that 
we  must  either  make  some  progress  or  close  the  protocol.  At  the  same 
time,  in  our  own  interest,  we  must  shrink  from  renewing  the  war,  even 
in  name,  over  our  prostrate  foe,  and  must  take  into  consideration  the 
great  desirableness  of  securing  a  definite  and  permanent  treaty  of  peace. 
To  do  this  I  would  be  willing  to  make  some  concessions  from  our  just 
dues  if  sure  they  could  not  be  misinterpreted  and  used  as  a  pretext  for 
greater  delays  and  further  unreasonable  demands. 

I  would  be  willing,  as  one  proposition,  under  such  conditions  and 
only  as  a  certain  means  of  speedily  securing  a  treaty,  to  leave  Spain, 
Mindanao  and  the  Sulu  group  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Philippine 
Islands — that  is  to  say,  the  Mohammedan  part  of  the  archipelago, 
being  about  one-third  of  it — and  take  instead  all  the  Carolines  and  the 
Ladrones,  while  making  stringent  requirements  as  to  the  freedom  of 
religion  as  well  as  forbidding  Spanish  restrictions  on  trade  with  the 
rest  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  I  would  not  compromise  our  position 
on  the  Cuban  debt  by  doing  anything  to  recognize  that  of  the  Philip 
pine  Islands,  it  being  apparent  that  it  was  used  to  prosecute  the  war 
against  insurgents,  partly  in  the  Philippine  Islands  and  partly  in 
Cuba;  but  rather  than  lose  a  treaty  and  resume  hostilities  I  would, 
as  another  proposition,  be  willing  to  take  the  Carolines  in  addition  to 
all  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  in  return  for  the  Carolines  and  for 
past  pacific  expenditures  in  them  and  in  the  Philippine  Islands  I  would 
be  willing  to  give  a  lump  sum  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen  million  dollars, 


368  THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN. 

providing  ultimately  for  this  sum  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  islands; 
and,  finally,  as  a  last  concession  from  this  second  proposition,  I  would 
not  sacrifice  the  treaty  for  the  sake  of  retaining  Mindanao  and  the 

Sulu  group. 

Whitelaw  Reid. 

(5)  It  is  iny  opinion  that  the  existing  situation  requires  that  the 
United  States  present  without  much  delay  an  ultimatum  insisting  upon 
the  signature  of  a  treaty  for  the  cession  by  Spain  of  the  entire  Philip 
pine  Islands  archipelago,  Porto  Rico,  and  Guam  and  the  relinquish- 
ment  of  sovereignty  over  Cuba.  I  am  also  of  the  opinion  that  we 
should  pay  no  money  to  Spain  on  account  of  her  debt  or  on  any  other 
account  whatsoever,  and  that  we  should  so  declare  in  an  ultimatum,  if 
necessary.  It  now  appears  that  Spain  has  paid  nothing  for  any  pacific 
improvements  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  They  have  all  been  paid  for 
by  the  proceeds  of  local  taxation  of  the  islands.  I  believe  that  one  of 
the  purposes  of  Spain  in  protracting  these  negotiations  is  to  entangle 
the  United  States  with  some  of  the  European  powers.  The  Spanish 
commissioners  have  reoccupied  their  first  position,  that  the  United 
States  shall  assume  or  be  bound  for  the  so-called  colonial  debt,  and  it 
is  plain  that  so  long  as  her  commissioners  thus  contend  the  negotia 
tion  stands  just  as  it  did  as  its  beginning.  I  do  not  believe  we  shall 
ever  get  a  treaty  except  as  a  result  of  such  an  unyielding  ultimatum. 

Friday  morning,  29th. 

C.  K.  Davis. 

The  treaty  was  very  much  as  the  President  cared  to  have  it.  He  made 
some  concessions,  but  carried  the  substantial  points.  The  powerfully 
drawn  opinions  of  Davis  and  Day  were  allowed  to  float  aside.  This  chap 
ter  of  history  should  put  an  end  to  the  impression,  which  has  been  with 
such  assiduity  cultivated,  that  the  President  was  easily  managed.  The 
fact  is  he  managed  the  managers,  and  the  "Bosses"  knew  the  limitations 
of  these  pasture  lands.  President  McKinley  was  not  a  yielding  disposi 
tion.  He  had  that  reputation  very  erroneously.  The  fact  is  that  he  was 
very  firm  in  his  convictions,  that  his  courtesy  and  consideration  for  others 
caused  a  misunderstanding.  He  always  stood  out  for  the  important 
points,  gaining  them  by  conceding  those  of  minor  importance.  If  he 
yielded  what  seemed  to  be  an  important  point,  it  was  to  gain  one  more 
important.  He  had  his  way  to  a  most  remarkable  degree,  while  seeming 


THE   TREATY  WITH  SPAIN.  369 

to  be  compliant.  Hispolicy,  his  personal  force,  dominated  Congress  more 
than  any  President  I  have  ever  known,  and  without  creating  ill-feeling. 
Men  were  yielding  to  him,  and  giving  him  his  way,  when  they  thought 
they  were  overcoming  the  presidential  will.  No  matter  that  he  set  his 
mind  on  having  go  his  way,  ever  failed  to  do  so.  He  wanted  reciprocity  to 
be  sure,  but  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  he  had  not  set  his  heart  upon  it, 
but  his  Buffalo  speech  showed  that  he  was  going  to  fight  for  it,  It  was 
in  a  sense  unfortunate  for  him  that  there  was  a  misapprehension  as  to  his 
being  pliable — it  gave  him  the  reputation  of  being  easily  influenced,  but 
that  diplomatic  pliability  enabled  him  to  secure  his  way  with  less  diffi 
culty.  He  won,  and  those  who  did  not  wish  him  to  do  so  did  not  learn 
until  later  that  he  had.  The  general  public  has  regarded  Senator  Hanna 
as  all-influential,  but  Hanna  often  truly  told  his  personal  friends  that  he 
could  not  move  McKinley,  and,  in  consequence,  was  thought  insincere 
when  he  had  simply  failed.  The  latter  quietly  and  unobtrusively  ruled, 
and  ruled  his  cabinet  equally  with  others.  That  which  is  thus  proven 
in  the  history  of  war  is  demonstrated  also  in  the  story  of  peace. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE   CHRISTIAN   CHARACTER   OP   PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 

His  Dying  Recognition  of  "God's  Way"— The  Death  of  Mr.  McKinley  an  Impressive 
Testimony— The  Poetry  About  the  Tragedy— The  Keynote  of  Faith  in  Life— Dr. 
Talmage  on  McKinley's  Religious  Character. 

"It  is  God's  way,"  were  the  dying  words  of  William  McKinley, 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  there  was  a  momentous  depth  in 
the  simple  words.  There  was  no  man  on  the  face  of  the  earth  who  had 
fairer  and  grander  prospects  for  doing  good  than  he.  His  speech  of 
the  day  before  declared  how  busy  his  mind  was  with  the  great  future  of 
his  country,  how  he  had  mapped  out  for  himself  an  enormous  task  of 
good-will  labor.  He  had  succeeded  in  so  many  things,  he  had  con 
fidence  in  the  achievements  of  the  hereafter  in  America.  In  a  moment 
had  been  revealed  to  him  the  vision  of  sudden  death.  It  came  in  a 
bloody  mist  of  murder.  He  told  his  faithful  secretary  to  be  careful  how 
the  truth  would  reach  his  wife,  and  he  bore  up  bravely.  He  had  been 
at  school  in  war,  and  said  to  the  surgeons  when  they  had  him  on  the 
table,  and  when  he  knew  they  were  men  of  science,  that  he  was  in 
their  hands.  All  at  last  was  in  vain,  and  the  dark  way  he  was  to  go 
was  "God's  way."  He  was  ,a  believer  in  Christianity,  humbly,  truly, 
devotedly.  He  was  an  observer  of  the  golden  rule.  It  is  said  of  him 
that  for  thirty-five  years  he  never  failed  to  find  a  service  of  religion 
on  Sunday,  and  there  are  few  men  in  the  world  of  whom  that  can  be 
said  so  unreservedly. 

There  is  this  to  say  as  to  the  result:  The  death  of  McKinley — won 
derfully  as  the  Master  died — has  given  an  impulse  to  Christian  feeling, 
and  lifted  up  broken  hearts  and  comforted  mourners  by  the  sublime 
example  extraordinary  in  the  annals  of  the  profession,  expansion  and 
elevation  of  the  influence  of  the  Christian  faith. 

The  tragic  death  of  President  McKinley  has  moved  all  sorts  and  con 
ditions  of  the  American  people  to  express  their  emotions  in  verse.  Dur 
ing  the  past  week  the  Inter  Ocean  mentions  that  it  has  received  about 
one  hundred  poems  upon  various  phases  of  the  sad  event.  Not  one  of 
them,  so  far  as  a  rather  extensive  acquaintance  with  current  literature 

370 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  AlcKINLEY,  371 

can  judge,  has  come  from  a  "professional"  poet — one  to  whom  the 
writing  of  verse  is  the  principal  business  of  life.  Such  poets  doubtless 
realize  from  experience  the  difficulty  of  doing  their  best  work  "off> 
hand,"  and  are  waiting  until  their  emotions  are  clarified  by  reflection 
that  they  may  then,  perchance,  be  able  to  sing  of  the  nation's  fallen 
leader  some  song  that  will  give  the  singer  lasting  fame. 

Such  an  attitude  betokens  an  ambition  altogether  worthy,  but  the 
average  man  knows  not  its- impulses.  He  simply  seeks  to  express  his 
feelings,  and  if  he  possesses  anything  of  the  lyric  on  such  occasions  it 
dominates.  He  pauses  not  to  think  of  niceties  of  form,  but  out  of  the 
abundance  of  his  heart  his  mouth  speaks  and  his  pen  writes.  Two  or 
three  of  the  poems  received  are  the  productions  of  working  newspaper 
men,  who  do  not  consider  themselves  poets  in  the  highest  sense,  but 
whose  training  has  given  them  facility  of  expression  and  whose  enm 
tions  move  them  ,at  such  times  to  poetic  endeavor.  But  the  great 
majority  come  from  men  and  women — whether  of  formal  education  or 
lacking  its  advantages — who  would  not  ordinarily  dream  of  trying  to 
write  poetry.  They  are  men  of  business  and  of  the  professions  and  of 
the  mechanic  arts.  They  are  women  engrossed  with  the  care  of  homes 
and  children.  The  grief  that  moved  a  nation  has  lifted  them  for  the 
nonce  out  of  their  everyday  lives,  and  writh  hands  often  unaccustomed 
they  have  taken  up  the  pen  to  try  and  tell  wrhat  they  feel. 

Many  of  these  poems,  however,  while  technically  defective  in  some 
respects,  contain  fine  and  original  ideas.  They  are  diamonds  in  the 
rough,  which  need  but  a  little  more  polish  to  bring  out  their  latent 
beauties.  Although  the  writers  were  not  poets  by  profession,  the  great 
impulse  of  a  nation's  grief  has  made  them  such  for  the  time.  And  to 
the  reflective  and  patriotic  mind  those  "artless  strains  of  unpremedi 
tated  song"  are  more  valuable  than  the  products  of  the  deliberate  skill 
of  the  professional  writer.  They  are  songs  right  out  of  the  people's 
hearts,  and  it  is  ,a  great  thing  for  any  man  to  have  inspired  so  general 
and  genuine  an  outburst  of  sincere  feeling. 

These  songs  we  reproduce  with  the  annotations  that  accompanied 
their  original  publication. 

Of  all  the  poems  received  the  first  that  follows  seems  to  strike  most 
clearly  the  general  note  of  emotion  over  the  nation's  loss.  Critics  of 
the  kind  that  censured  Rudyard  Kipling's  "Recessional"  may  also  say 
that  these  lines  contain  nothing  positively  new.  Yet  as  the  "Reces- 


372  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

sional"  was  seen  to  sum  up  an  age  and  a  nation's  place  in  the  world, 
so  this  sums  up  the  American  people's  present  emotions  of  sorrow,  hope 
and  faith: 

LUX    E    TENEBRIS. 

"  Nearer  to  thee;"  with  dying  lips  he  spoke 

The  sacred  words  of  Christian  hope  and  cheer, 
As  toward  the  Valley  of  the  Shadow  passed 
His  calm,  heroic  soul  that  knew  no  fear. 

"Thy  will  be  done;"  the  anxious  watchers  heard 

The  faint,  low  whisper  in  the  silent  room; 

Earth's  darkness  merging  fast  into  the  dawn, 

Eternal  Day  for  Night  of  somber  gloom. 

"  It  is  God's  will;"  as  he  had  lived  he  died— 

Statesman  and  soldier,  fearing  not  to  bear 
Fate's  heavy  cross;  while  swift  from  sea  to  sea 
Rolled  the  deep  accents  of  a  nation's  prayer. 

"  Dust  unto  dust;"  in  solemn  state  he  lies 

Who  bowed  to  Death,  yet  won  a  deathless  name, 
And  wears  in  triumph  on  his  marble  brow 

The  martyr's  crown,  the  hero's  wreath  of  fame. 
Chicago.  George  T.  Pardy. 

The  next  shows,  perhaps,  a  more  delicate  imagination  and  great 
deftness  of  expression.  It  is  the  man  of  letters  rather  than  the  average 
man's  poem,  but  it  is  beautiful  in  itself,  and  well  worthy  of  remem 
brance.  At  least  one  line — "Mankind  stands  at  salute" — displays  a 
breadth  of  vision  deserving  the  highest  praise: 

MANKIND    AT    SALUTE. 

Where  meets  the  touch  of  lips— 

Where  closes  clasp  of  hand- 
Where  sail  the  stately  ships — 

Where  blooms  each  flowering  land; 
Where  palm  and  pine  trees  shed 

Their  balm  of  bough  and  leaf, 
A  world  bends  low  its  head 

In  brotherhood  of  grief. 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  373 

Out  of  the  distance,  infinite,  vast- 
Echo  of  myriad  marching  feet — 

Biseth  a  prayer  when  all  is  past 

"Take  him,  O  God;  his  life  was  sweet." 

Where  sultry  sun  beats  down — 

Where  shining  ice  fields  gleam- 
Where  pathless  forests  frown- 
Where  languid  islands  dream ; 
Mankind  stands  at  salute 

Wherever  thought  has  birth; 
A  universe  is  mute, 

A  dirge  goes  round  the  earth. 

Out  of  the  distance — mystical,  tender- 
Whispered  appeal  to  forever  endure— 

Riseth  a  prayer  to  the  Great  Defender, 
"Take  him,  O  God;  his  life  was  pure." 

Where  breathes  a  clown  or  king- 
Where  prince  and  pauper  stride — 

Where  races  sigh  or  sing — 
Where  woe  or  pomp  abide; 

Downcast  and  soft  of  tread, 

Churl,  statesman,  beggar,  slave, 

Walk  for  a  moment  with  the  dead— 
A  world  weeps  at  a  grave. 

And  out  of  the  distance,  falling,  falling  - 

Murmured  appeal  for  the  martyred  dust- 
Cometh  the  prayer  of  the  nations  calling: 

"Take  him,  O  God;  his  life  was  just." 
Chicago.  Harold  Richard  Vynne. 

Several  writers  expressed  the  general  feeling  that  not  s©  much 
William  McKinley  the  man  as  liberty  herself  and  the  majesty  of  law 
were  assailed  by  the  assassin,  and  that  it  was  time  for  all  law  and  free 
dom  loving  men  to  stand  up  against  the  spirit  of  destruction  that 
prompted  so  vile  a  deed.  Different  phases  of  this  emotion  are  well 
expressed  in  the  two  following  poems : 

PLEDGE  WE  OUR   FAITH! 

The  waves  of  pain  break  o'er  the  land, 
From  East  and  North  and  South  the  woe 


374  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

Streams  to  the  ocean  and  the  gulf,  and  West 

The  continental  flow 

Sweeps  o'er  the  mountains  to  the  wondering  sea — 
A  mighty  people  writhes  in  agony. 

Arouse  we  from  this  useless  grief, 

Americans  of  might! 
Cast  off  the  antique  shackles  of  the  law, 

And  wreak  a  vengeance  right! 
Nay!  Our  majestic  dead  forgave,  and  we 
To  honor  him  must  be  what  he  would  have  us  be! 

Yet  it  is  hard,  this  bitter  cross 

To  suffer  under  heaven, 
When  we  did  hold  our  hearts  and  pray, 

And  death's  the  answer  given — 
Though  dead  he  speaks  from  his  supernal  day: 
"  Ascend  the  path  of  pain,  this  is  God's  way!" 

"  Thy  will  be  done,"  he  said,  and  we  submit; 

We  will  be  strong  and  brave; 
We  thank  Thee  for  our  heroes  all, 

Each  in  his  honored  grave. 
And  here  upon  this  consecrated  sod 
Pledge  we  our  faith  anew  to  Fatherland  and  God! 
Chicago.  F.  P.  Ramsay. 


THE    HEART   OF    LIBERTY. 

Oh,  great  departed,  nations — nay,  a  race— 

Beside  thy  sacred  tomb,  with  face  wet 

With  tears,  are  mourning  one  who  grandly  died; 

Not  deck'd  in  warrior  spoils;  not  one  who  dragg'd 

A  groaning  train  of  conquered  provinces 

Behind  his  chariot;  but  one  who  led 

The  hemispheres  in  triumph  at  the  wheels 

Of  Peace.     Not  one  who  paid  the  price  of  death 

For  high  Ambition's  bauble;  one  who  bound 

The  laurel  to  his  brow  with  heart-strings.     Nay— 

But  one  who  died  with  hands  outstretched  to  bid 

Us  love  and  guard  our  liberties;  and  blessed 

Us  with  his  latest  breath  of  pain,  then  laid 

Him  down  to  martyrdom  and  truest  glory. 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  375 

No  enemies  tkou  hadst;  but  foeinen,  yes, 
Who  joined  the  battle  with  a  foeman's  love 
Of  great  antagonists.     No  garland  on  thy  bier 
Is  laid  with  gentler  high  regard  than  blooms 
That  grew  in  hostile  gardens.     Ne'er  a  sob 
Of  comrade  of  the  self-same  standard  pays 
A  truer  tribute  than  the  tears  that  fall 
From  the  eyes  that  loved  another  banner  more. 
Thy  death  doth  pay  the  ransom  of  a  cause 
That  rallies  all  the  world  beneath  its  flag. 
The  hand  that  snapped  thy  thread  of  life  struck  not 
At  thee.     It  knew  no  malice  save  the  hate 
Of  Liberty;  it  sought  her  heart,  not  thine; 
Beside  thy  tomb  we  bow  and  consecrate 
A  new  devotion  to  the  heritage 
Thy  wounds  have  left  us.     From  thy  Calvary 
Of  pain,  whereon  thou  died  from  weal  of  all 
Mankind,  we  lift  and  lay  thy  body  down 
To  sleep.     Already  is  thy  better  part 
Arisen,  and  thy  sacrifice  not  vain. 
Thy  life  hath  made  the  dead  more  dearly  brave 
By  teaching  us  a  higher  love  for  what 
They  died  for;  and  thy  world-wept  death  hath  made 
The  living  freer  than  were  e'er  the  dead. 
Kansas  City,  Mo  Frank  A.  Marshall. 

The  treachery  and  cruelty  of  the  attack  were  commented  upon  by 
many  writers.  Of  the  poems  of  this  class  the  following  are  perhaps  the 
most  striking  specimens: 

"THEN    BURST    HIS    MIGHTY    HEART." 

With  kindly  eyes  and  outstretched  hand  he  stood 
Among  his  people,  giving  friendly  greetings. 

Then  one  came  there  whose  bandaged  hand  betokened 
Some  bitter  pain.     McKinley  forward  leaned 
With  instant  sympathy.     The  treacherous  hand 
The  bandage  shook  away,  and  smote  him  downT 

Then  from  those  kindly  eyes  there  came  a  look 
Whereof  men  speak  in  whispers,  vainly  seeking 
For  words  to  tell  the  grief  it  more  than  spoke. 


376  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

As  mighty  Julius  looked  upon  the  friend 
Whose  dagger  took  his  life,  e'en  so  McKinley, 
Whose  every  thought  was  for  his  countrymen^ 
Gazed  with  a  breaking  heart  when  forced  to  know 
That  one  of  these,  his  people,  so  beloved, 
Had  sent  that  murderous  bullet  to  his  breast. 
That  knowledge  slew  him — broke  his  loving  heart- 
He  closed  his  eyes  and  prayed,  "Thy  will  be  done," 
And  sank  to  rest;  but  they  who  saw  that  look, 
So  piteous  and  forgiving,  understand 
What  Judas  saw  when  he  his  Lord  betrayed. 
Heafford,  Wis.  Elloie  Funston. 

THE  SHAME  AND   PITY  OF  IT. 

Our  country  mourns  a  heart  that  loved  her  well, 
And  small  the  soul  that  light  regards  such  loss, 
Whose  shadow  shall  fall  dark  the  years  across. 
Sad  looks,  half-masted  flags,  and  tolling  bell 
To  the  large  world  a  people's  sorrow  tell. 
We  with  his  record  fitly  may  emboss 
The  nation's  shield.     Ah!  treason  none  may  gloss — 
The  stroke  by  which  our  chief  so  honored  fell. 
The  pity  of  it !     He  so  glad  to  give 
That  hand-clasp  as  a  sign  of  brotherhood, 
Trusting  men's  aims  because  his  own  were  pure — 
The  shame  of  it!  that  dastard  could  receive 
Such  gentle  courtesy  and  in  vile  mood 
Make  of  his  own  response  Death's  grisly  lure. 
Santa  Barbara,  Cal.  F.  B. 

The  sentiment  that  it  is  a  time  when  men  should  turn  in  prayer  to 
the  Author  of  the  Universe  as  children  to  a  pitiful  and  merciful  father 
is  also  general.  Of  this  feeling  the  following  poems  give  typical  expres 
sion.  They  disclose  the  emotion  which  made  millions  on  Thursday  bow 
their  heads  simultaneously  in  reverent  silence  and  checked  all  over  the 
land  the  wheels  of  traffic  and  industry: 

THE    NATION'S    PRAYER. 

When  dark  the  cloud  hangs  o'er  our  land, 

O  Father,  hear  us; 
Where  grief  hath  laid  its  heavy  hand, 

Our  God,  be  near  us; 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  377 

Teach  Thou  our  hearts  and  lips  to  say, 
"  Thy  will  be  done,"  from  day  to  day, 
Hear,  as  we  bow  in  deep  distress, 
Hear  Thou  our  prayer,  Thy  people  bless. 

Sore  stricken  by  the  hand  of  hate, 

O  Father,  hear  us; 
Thy  love  alone  can  compensate, 

Our  God,  be  near  us; 
Thou  who  hast  led  us  through  the  years, 
Comfort  our  hearts  and  dry  our  tears, 
Thy  love  and  mercy  we  address. 
Hear  Thou  our  prayer,  thy  people  bless. 

Here  on  our  country's  altar  slain, 

O  Father,  hear  us; 
Let  not  this  sacrifice  be  vain, 

Our  God,  be  near  us; 

Renew  our  faith,  make  strong  our  hands, 
Unite  us  all  in  firmer  bands — 
For  freedom,  truth  and  righteousness. 
Hear  Thou  our  prayer,  thy  people  bless. 
Hammond,  Ind.  Robert  P.  Twiss. 

A   PRAYER. 

Deep  is  our  sorrow,  deep  our  disgrace, 
Lord,  from  thy  people  hide  not  Thy  face. 
Now,  while  affliction  darkens  our  sun, 
Help  us  to  say,  Lord,  "Thy  will  be  done." 
Unto  our  cry,  Lord,  Thine  ear  incline; 
Help  us  to  know  that  Wisdom  is  Thine; 
All  Thou  wouldst  teach,  Lord,  aid  us  to  learn; 
Forbid,  ah,  forbid,  Thy  rod  we  should  spurn. 
Father,  behold  Thy  children's  deep  woe; 
Unto  our  sins  do  Thou  mercy  show ; 
Draw  near  our  hearts  in  our  day  of  affliction; 
Grant  to  our  souls  Thy  divine  benediction. 
Elkhart,  Ind.  Mary  Frances  Bigelow. 

The  feeling  that  by  too  indulgent  toleration  of  the  infamous  doc 
trines  whose  disciple  slew  the  good  President  the  nation  has  fallen  into 
disgrace  and  incurred  a  stain  upon  its  honor  which  must  be  effaced, 
expressed  in  the  foregoing,  has  struck  other  writers  even  more  forcibly: 


378  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 


WEEP    FOR    THE    CRIME. 

Weep  not  for  your  leader  fallen, 

America's  sons  to-day: 
Know  ye  not  that  our  nation's  hero 

Is  safe  with  his  God  for  aye? 

Know  ye  not  that  his  deeds  of  glory 

Will  shine  as  the  noonday  sun, 
As  our  great  republic  ages 

Through  its  life  but  just  begun? 

But  with  bitter  tears  of  repentance, 

In  sackcloth  and  ashes  mourn, 
For  the  wild  beast  ye  have  nourished, 

That  has  Freedom's  heart  strings  torn. 

With  shame-covered  face,  ye  people, 

In  your  tears  make  a  sacred  vow, 
With  God's  help  to  cleanse  our  nation 

From  the  crime  that  stains  it  now. 

Then  bright  our  flag  and  scutcheon 

Will  shine  through  endless  time, 
And  Columbia  rise  from  her  sorrow 

To  majesty  sublime. 
Chicago,  111.  M.  G.  H. 

The  sense  of  personal  loss  which  millions  felt  in  William  McKinley's 
death  is  well  expressed  in  the  following  lines,  whose  author  omitted  to 
give  either  name  or  address : 

HIS   PEOPLE'S    CRY. 

We  would  that  we  might  sing  of  him 

In  proudest  song; 
We  would  that  we  could  speak  the  lauds 

That  to  him  belong— 
The  bravest  and  the  tenderest  soul 

That  men  can  know- 
But  only  this  our  trembling  voice1 — 

"We  loved  him  so !" 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  379 

The  nations  pause  in  startled  grief 

At  the  awful  word— 
The  nations  that  his  wise,  just  voice 

Attentive  heard— 
But  we  his  people  but  behold 

Our  chief  laid  low— 
We  can  but  sob  from  stricken  hearts, 

"We  loved  him  so!" 

The  stalwart  craftsman  at  his  toil 

Turns  pale  and  still ; 
The  clamors  falter  in  the  mart, 

And  hard  eyes  fill ; 
The  plowman  cries  across  his  fields 

With  words  of  woe, 
And  children  whisper  tearfully, 

"We  loved  him  so!" 

The  starry  flag,  the  flag  he  spread 

O'er  new-born  lands, 
Droops  low  upon  its  staff  to  seek 

Those  patient  hands; 
Great  God!  Thou  who  alone  our  hearts 

Canst  wholly  know, 
To  him  give  thy  Eternal  Peace  - 

We  loved  him  so! 

The  belief  that  McKinley,  the  man,  even  more  than  McKinley,  the 
statesman,  deserves  to  be  mourned,  the  lesson  his  life  should  teach,  and 
the  example  his  career  has  left  to  posterity  are  touched  upon  in  the 
following  poems: 

WE   MOURN   THE   MAN. 

Nobility  at  last  must  reach  the  plain 
Where  all  life  finds  a  level  once  again. 
Not  fame,  with  all  its  panoply  of  power, 
Can  soothe  the  .anguish  of  the  final  hour; 
One  day  a  pauper  to  the  potter's  field, 
The  next  a  King  to  destiny  doth  yield. 
No  downy  couch  awaits  the  monarch's  form, 
For  Mother  Earth's  embrace  is  just  as  warm 
For  pauper  as  for  Prince — or  just  as  cold ; 
No  diadem  can  keep  away  the  mold. 


380  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

Nobility  of  soul  means  more  than  birth. 
The  truly  great  is  he  of  simple  worth, 
Who  ever  strives  to  do  the  Master's  will 
With  benefit  for  hurt,  with  good  for  ill. 

We  mourn  the  man,  forgetting  his  estate, 

For  he  was  good — what  matters  it  how  great? 

The  note  this  nation  voices  in  its  grief 

Is  not  mere  honor  paid  a  martyr' d  chief. 

It  is  the  sign  of  sympathy  and  love 

Wrought  in  our  hearts  by  him  who  reigns  above. 

Eternal  God,  Preserver  of  mankind, 

Hear  Thou  this  nation's  prayer.    Though  we  be  blind 

Because  of  tears  that  rise,  thou  seest  all 

Who  suffer  here,  Thou  answerest  those  wTho  call. 

With  thy  strong  arm  sustain  that  lonely  one, 

That  she,  with  us,  may  say,  "Thy  will  be  done." 

Chicago.  Donald  D.  Donnan, 


FAREWELL. 

We  mourn  for  the  lov'd  and  the  lost,  but  our  mourning 
Is  edg'd  as  the  storm-cloud  is  edg'd  by  the  sun, 

As  he  sinks  to  his  rest  through  the  glory  adorning 
The  couch  of  the  day,  when  his  labor  is  done. 

We  weep  for  the  brave  and  the  true,  but  our  weeping 
Is  not  with  the  tears  that  we  shed  on  a  grave, 

For  we  know,  and  the  soul  knows  heaven  has  in  keeping, 
There  can  be  no  death  for  the  true  and  the  brave. 

We  pray,  not  for  him,  but  for  those  left  behind  him; 

For  her  who  must  mourn,  for  the  love  gone  before; 
But  the  soul  which  he  lov'd,  when  it  follows,  shall  find  him, 

As  sure  as  love  lives,  to  be  parted  no  more. 

We  pray  for  these,  Lord,  and  ourselves  and  the  nation; 

We  pray  we  may  keep  what  his  wisdom  has  won; 
That  Thy  pity  may  crown  us  with  Thy  consolation, 

And  faith  in  believing  Thy  will  is  well  done. 
Des  Moines,  Iowa.  Charles  Gould  Beede. 


a 


B 


o 

ES3 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  383 

"WHO,  BEING  DEAD,  YET  SPEAKETH." 

Oh,  best  beloved- 
Father,  yet  ward  of  this  young,  lusty  land, 

Why  should'st  thou  fall 

When  gathered  'round  about  thee  strong  and  true 
Thy  sons  in  loyal  'tendance  proudly  stand? 

Alas!  the  Judas  comes  and  with  a  traitor's  smile, 
He  masks  a  murderer's  heart  with  well-feigned  guile. 
A  shot  is  heard — it  echoes  o'er  the  main, 
And  never  shall  thy  voice  be  heard  again. 
Yea,  stilled  for  aye — Columbia  doth  mourn 
The  voice  of  one  who  did  her  states  adorn— 
A  loving  husband,  noble,  loyal  friend, 
Who  kept  his  country's  welfare  to  the  end. 

Yet  in  the  days  to  come,  altho'  asleep, 
Thy  counsel  wise  shall  stijl  our  footsteps  keep; 
And  thus  thy  bright  example  ever  more  shall  shine 
As  beacon  clear  to  link  our  lives  with  thine. 
Chicago.  Henry  G.  Longhurst. 

AT  REST. 

A  nation  mourns  thee  with  a  grief  sincere; 
To  loyal  hearts  forever  dear 

Thy  name  will  bright  remain; 
As  Freedom's  emblem  waves  o'er  all 
May  we  with  love  and  pride  recall 
Those  days  our  soldiers  like  a  wall 

Guarded  its  folds  from  stain; 
When  thou  above  the  clouds  of  war 
Rose  as  a  bright  and  radiant  star. 

Shall  Anarchy  now  rule  our  land, 

Blood-bought  by  each  heroic  band, 
That  Peace  might  dwell  secure? 

Nay,  God  forbid!    Our  land  shall  be 

A  haven  of  rest,  where  all  are  free 

To  serve  their  God,  from  sea  to  sea- 
Forever  to  endure, 

Till  Time  no  more  shall  toll  his  bell — 

For  Christ,  our  Lord,  doth  all  things  well! 


384  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

Rest  thou  in  peace,  Columbia's  son, 
God's  will  in  all  things  e'er  is  done, 

Though  deep  our  grief  may  be; 
Dwell  thou  with  God  forevermore, 
As  down  Time's  dim  and  sounding  shore 
We  travel  on,  may  we  adore 

And  serve  our  God  like  thee; 
Bring  lilies  with  full  hands  for  him  we  love 
Whose  soul  now  rests  in  peace  with  God  above. 
Chicago,  111.  David  B.  Metcalf. 

McKINLEY   SLEEPS. 

Cut  down  in  life,  just  as  a  mighty  oak 
Withers  and  dies,  after  the  lightning's  stroke. 
A  man  of  peace,  he  trusted  friend  and  foe; 
He  could  forgive  the  one  who  laid  him  low. 
A  king  was  he,  by  choice,  and  not  by  birth; 
Friends  he  had  made  in  every  land  on  earth. 
Our  nation  mourns,  but  sorrows  not  alone; 
Love's  tributes  come  from  many  a  distant  throne. 
Bring  flags  and  flowers  and  place  them  round  his  bier; 
O'er  his  dear  face  let's  drop  a  silent  tear. 
Fold  his  brave  arms  across  his  loving  breast; 
He  now  has  found  that  sweet  eternal  rest. 
Chicago.  Sallie  Keep  Best. 

References  to  the  beloved  and  faithful  wife  so  cruelly  made  a  widow 
are  frequent  in  these  poems  from  the  people,  and  one  writer  has  devoted 
some  verses  entirely  to  her: 

DEAR    STRICKEN    ONE! 

Dear  stricken  one!    A  nation  mourns  with  thee. 

Hearts  fill  with  grief,  and  eyes  with  tears  o'erswell; 
The  depths  of  loss,  the  emptiness  of  heart, 

The  loneliness  wherein  thou  now  must  dwell, 
Are  known  to  thee  and  God.    None  else  can  know 
Save  she  who  bears  and  he  who  gives  the  blow. 

Dear  stricken  one!    The  whole  world  mourns  with  thee! 

Thy  lov'd  is  gone,  his  labors  here  are  done; 
Repine  not,  patient  soul,  with  him  all's  well; 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  385 

Reward  is  his,  exceeding  great,  well  won. 
From  present  ills  look  to  thy  God  and  see 
"Thy  glory  which  shall  be  reveaPd  in  thee." 

Chicago,  111.  Alice  D.  Wilson. 

The  soldier  comrades  of  the  dead  have  also  voiced  their  grief.  As 
is  quite  natural,  they  tend  to  emphasize  the  unity  of  the  nation,  the 
concord  of  brethren  once  discordant  and  belligerent,  which  President 
McKinley's  administration  was  destined  to  make  so  clear  to  all  the 
world. 

OUR    COMRADE. 

Passing  away,  yes,  passing  away; 
Fewer  our  numbers  day  by  day, 
Over  the  river  with  noiseless  tread 
One  by  one  go  the  soldier  dead, 

And  enter  their  tents  of  clay; 
Free  from  the  cares  of  this  earthly  life, 
Free  from  the  call  of  drum  or  fife, 
Free  from  the  clamors  of  sin  and  strife, 

They  wait  for  the  judgment  day. 

Passing  away,  yes,  passing  away; 
Dropping  from  broken  ranks  each  day, 
Camping  beneath  the  grassy  mound, 
Sleeping  till  comes  the  trumpet's  sound, 

Rending  the  earth  and  skies; 
Resting  unmov'd  by  the  falling  tear, 
Resting  unvex'd  by  the  venom'd  sneer, 
Resting  until  a  Voice  they  hear, 

Calling  for  them  to  rise. 

Passing  away,  yes,  passing  away; 
They  who  were  gathered  in  brave  array, 
Who  proudly  rnarch'd  o'er  the  fields  of  death, 
Hush'd  by  the  blight  of  the  reaper's  breath, 

Garnering  sheaves  that  fell; 
Slowly  they  pass  from  mortal  view, 
Slowly  march  to  the  grand  review, 
Slowly  gather  where  gray  an$  blue 

Ever  in  peace  shall  dwell. 


386  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  AlcKlXLEY. 

Passing  away,  yes,  passing  away; 
And  the  world  unites  with  us  to-day 
In  deepest  sorrow  for  him  who  fell 
By  deed  as  foul  as  e'er  dreamt  in  hell, 

Fell,  with  his  life  half  spent; 
Tenderly  lay  him  down  to  rest, 
Gently  with  her  whom  he  lov'd  best 
Join  our  tears  on  the  loyal  breast 

Of  our  comrade  and  President. 
Bloomington,  111.  C.  C.  Hassler. 

ONE   GOD!      ONE   FLAG! 

He  is  dead!  and  hushed  in  its  breathing 
The  nation  stands  pulseless  and  dumb, 

While  those,  who  so  lately  were  seething 
With  war  hate,  now  rev'rently  come. 

A  homage  of  love  do  they  tender 

To  him  there,  so  silent  and  still, 
As  grand  as  when  in  surrender, 

They  bowed  to  determinate  will; 

A  homage  to  splendid  achievement, 

That  to-day,  throughout  our  broad  land, 

In  this  hour  of  the  Nation's  bereavement, 
Gives  faith  that  it  ever  shall  stand. 

A  Nation — no  longer  divided; 

No  North  and  no  South,  but  at  call 
We  are  brethren,  forever  united, 

With  one  God,  and  one  flag,  over  all! 

Chicago.  James  E.  Hewlett. 

Mr.  Charles  M.  Pepper,  a  newspaper  correspondent  who  spent  a 
great  deal  of  time  with  McKinley,  and  knew  him  so  well  as  to  call  him 
by  his  good  old  name,  Major,  says: 

"The  keynote  of  his  character  was  faith.  It  was  faith  which  sus 
tained  him  after  the  assassin's  bullet  struck  him  down  in  Buffalo,  and 
this  serene  faith  in  the  wisdom  of  Providence  was  manifest  throughout 
his  public  career.  He  had  faith  in  American  institutions,  faith  in  the 
American  people,  and  faith  in  himself.  With  such  a  character,  his 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  387 

temperament  could  not  be  otherwise  than  sanguine,  and  all  public 
measures  were  studied  by  him  in  an  optimistic  mood.    . 

"I  remember  one  evening  in  the  library  at  Canton,  when,  quite  un 
consciously  and  unintentionally,  he  gave  some  of  us  a  little  talk  on 
faith.  It  was  at  the  hour  when  he  was  in  the  habit  of  seeing  those  who 
were  privileged  to  call  on  him,  and  in  whose  judgment  he  could  confide 
and  talk  freely.  Some  of  the  persons  present  had  intimated  their  dis 
belief  in  the  efficacy  of  faith  and  trust.  Without  saying  a  word  on  the 
incident  which  had  caused  the  discussion,  and  without  giving  any  opin 
ion,  Major  McKinley  related  a  number  of  instances  which  had  come 
under  his  personal  attention,  and  which  showed  the  comfort  of  faith 
and  of  prayer.  It  was  all  done  so  gently  and  without  any  intention  of 
rebuke,  but  that  little  talk  made  clear  his  own  supreme  faith. 

"I  remember  one  afternoon  in  Canton,  when  his  library  and  parlors 
were  crowded  with  men  of  national  prominence.  There  were  three  or 
four  United  States  Senators,  half  a  dozen  Representatives  in  Congress, 
two  or  three  Governors,  and  several  party  leaders, 

"A  poor  woman,  with  her  daughter,  asked  an  interview.  She  had 
with  her  a  number  of  papers,  and  she  told  the  secretary  that  it  was  a 
pension  case.  The  President-elect  saw  her  at  once.  He  looked  over 
the  papers,  explained  very  patiently  how  the  case  would  have  to  be 
sent  to  the  Pension  Office  in  Washington,  and  what  course  it  w^ould 
have  to  follow  there.  He  also  promised  her  that  it  should  receive 
prompt  attention.  Whether  it  would  be  allowed  or  not/  of  course  he 
could  not  say,  but  he  called  a  stenographer  and  dictated  a  letter  which 
at  least  would  insure  for  it  an  early  hearing.  All  this  took  ten  or  fifteen 
minutes,  but  Major  McKinley  manifested  no  annoyance,  and  by  his 
own  patient  forbearance  he  rebuked  the  distinguished  visitors  who 
showed  signs  of  impatience  because  their  business  was  not  given  prefer 
ence  over  that  of  the  poor  woman  with  the  pension  case. 

"President  McKinley's  home  life  is  so  well  known  to  the  American 
people  that  it  does  not  need  to  be  retold,  but  I  think  that  nothing  in 
all  the  world  could  have  afforded  him  such  gratification  at  his  first 
inauguration  as  the  presence  of  the  two  persons  he  most  loved  of  all 
human  beings.  These  were  his  wife  and  his  mother.  During  the  period 
between  election  and  inauguration  at  times  in  Canton  there  would  be 
some  uncertainty  about  the  health  of  one  or  the  other,  and  those  were 
the  only  periods  wThen  Major  McKinley  showed  depression. 


388  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

"After  he  became  President,  I  saw  him  occasionally  at  the  White 
House,  and  found  him  always,  with  the  same  serene  faith  and  the  same 
world-wide  charity.  Human  suffering  anywhere  appealed  to  him.  The 
Cuban  reconcentrados,  the  famine-stricken  natives  of  India,  or  the 
starving  wretches  of  China,  all  enlisted  his  sympathy,  and  I  pleasantly 
recall  the  keen  interest  he  showed  in  the  relief  measures  of  Dr.  Klopsch 
and  the  aid  which  he  gave  to  those  measures. 

"I  last  saw  President  McKinley  a  few  weeks  ago  in  his  home  at 
Canton,  spending  an  hour  with  him  in  the  library,  where,  more  than 
four  years  ago,  so  many  interviews  were  held  with  him.  He  was  full  of 
life  and  vigor  and  hope.  He  talked  to  me  chiefly  of  measures  of  public 
policy,  but  throughout  it  all  was  the  ringing  note  of  faith  which  I  have 
before  remarked  was  the  keynote  of  his  character." 

The  testimony  of  Mr.  Pepper  is  of  value — for  he  wrote  of  the  truth 
he  knew. 

Dr.  Talmage  contributes  to  the  Christian  Herald  an  article  that  all 
men  should  read.  The  theme  is  "Our  Dead  President." 

"The  President  is  dead!  A  wave  of  sorrow  rolls  over  the  land.  It  is 
to  me  a  personal  bereavement.  From  the  time  that  William  McKinley, 
as  president  of  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  at  Canton,  O., 
introduced  me  to  an  audience  until  the  present,  nothing  of  importance 
occurred  in  his  life  or  mine,  but  we  exchanged  telegrams.  We  have 
been  very  good  friends.  But  he  is  gone.  God  pity  his  wife!  God 
pity  us! 

"President  McKinley  was  all  his  life  the  enemy  of  sin,  the  enemy  of 
sectionalism,  the  enemy  of  everything  small-hearted,  impure  and  debas 
ing,  and  he  made  many  a.  crushing  blow  against  these  moral  and  polit 
ical  Philistines,  but  in  his  death  he  made  mightier  conquest.  His  one 
week  of  dying  has  made  more  illustrious  record  than  the  fifty-seven 
years  living.  'So  the  dead  which  he  slew  at  his  death  were  more  than 
they  which  he  slew  in  his  life.' 

"Our  President's  death,  more  than  his  life,  or  any  life,  eulogizes  the 
Christian  religion.  We  all  talk  about  the  hope  of  the  Christian,  and 
the  courage  of  the  Christian  and  the  patience  of  the  Christian. 
Put  all  the  sermons  on  these  subjects  for  the  last  ten  years 
together,  and  they  would  not  make  such  an  impression  as  the 
magnificent  demeanor  of  this  dying  chief  magistrate.  Going  into 


CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY.  389 

unconsciousness  under  the  power  of  anesthetics,  he  is  hearing 
whispers  of  'Thine  is  the  kingdom,  and  the  power  and  the  glory/  He 
utters  words  pitying  his  assassin.  In  his  last  moments  he  chanted 
'Nearer,  my  God;  to  Thee,  nearer  to  Thee/  He  was  no  more  afraid  to 
die  than  you  are  to  go  home  this  morning.  Without  one  word  of  com 
plaint  he  endures  the  physical  anguish.  All  he  ever  did  in  confirmation 
of  religion  in  days  of  health  was  nothing  compared  to  what  he  did  for 
it  in  this  last  crisis. 

"Many  years  ago  he  rose  in  a  religious  meeting  and  asked  for 
-prayers.  Soon  after  he  knelt  at  the  church  altar.  William  McKinley 
*iad  no  new  religion  to  experiment  with  in  his  last  hours.  It  was  the 
^ame  Gospel  into  the  faith  of  which  he  was  baptized  in  early  manhood. 
That  religion  has  stood  the  test  through  all  the  buff etings  and  perse 
cutions,  through  the  hard  work  of  life,  and  did  not  forsake  him  in  the 
tremendous  close. 

"There  have  been  thousands  of  death-beds  as  calm  and  beautiful  as 
this,  but  they  were  not  so  conspicuous.  This  electrifies  Christendom. 
This  encourages  all  the  pain-struck  in  hospitals  and  scattered  all  up 
and  down  the  world,  to  suffer  patiently.  The  consumptive,  the  can- 
cered,  the  palsied,  the  fevered,  and  the  dying  of  all  nations  lift  their 
heads  from  their  hot  pillows,  and  bless  this  heroic,  this  triumphant,  this 
illustrious  sufferer.  The  religion  that  upheld  him  under  the  surgeon's 
knife,  and  amid  the  appalling  days  and  nights  of  suffering,  is  a  good 
religion  to  have.  Show  us  in  all  the  ages  among  the  enemies  of  Chris 
tianity  a  death-bed  that  will  compare  with  this  radiant  sunset! 

"These  last  scenes  must  impress  the  world,  as  no  preachment  ever 
did,  that  when  our  time  comes  to  go,  the  most  energetic  and  skillful 
physicians  cannot  hinder  the  event.  Was  there  ever  so  much  done  to 
save  a  man's  life  as  the  life  of  President  McKinley.  But  the  doctors 
could  not  keep  him.  A  loving  and  brave  wife  could  not  keep  him.  The 
anxieties  of  a  nation  could  not  keep  him.  His  great  spirit  pushes  them 
all  back  from  the  gates  of  life,  and  soars  away  into  the  infinities. 

"This  tragedy,  as  nothing  else,  demonstrates  what  a  hideous  thing 
is  Nihilism  or  Anarchy.  That  assassin  shouted:  'I  am  an  Anarchist.' 
Anarchism  owns  nothing  but  a  knife  for  universal  cut-throatery,  and 
a  nitroglycerine  bomb  for  universal  explosion.  He  believes  in  no  God, 
no  government,  no  heaven  and  no  hell  except  what  he  can  make  on 
earth!  He  slew  the  Czar  of  Russia,  keeps  the  Emperor  of  Germany 


390  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER  OF  McKINLEY. 

a-tremble,  destroyed  the  King  of  Italy,  shot  at  Edward  the  Prince,  now 
Edward  the  King,  and  would  put  to  death  every  king  and  president  on 
earth;  and  if  he  had  the  power,  would  climb  up  until  he  could  drive  the 
God  of  Heaven  from  his  throne  and  take  it  himself,  the  universal 
butcher.  In  France  it  is  called  Communism.  In  Russia  it  is  called 
Nihilism.  It  means  complete  and  eternal  smash-up,  and  it  would  drive 
a  dagger  through  your  heart,  and  put  a  torch  to  your  dwelling,  and  turn 
over  the  whole  land  to  theft,  lust,  rapine  and  murder. 

" Where  does  this  monster  live?  In  all  the  cities  of  this  land.  It 
proposes  to  tear  to  pieces  the  ballot-box,  the  legislative  hall,  the  Con 
gressional  assembly.  It  would  take  this  land  and  divide  it  up,  or  rather 
divide  it  down.  It  would  give  as  much  to  the  idler  as  to  the  worker, 
to  the  bad  as  to  the  good. 

"Anarchism !  This  panther  having  prowled  across  other  lands,  has  set 
its  paw  on  our  soil.  It  was  Anarchism  that  burned  the  railroad  property 
at  Pittsburg  during  the  great  riots;  it  was  Anarchism  that  slew  black 
people  in  our  Northern  cities  during  the  Civil  War;  it  is  Anarchism  that 
glares  out  of  the  windows  of  the  drunkeries  upon  sober  people  as  they 
go  by.  Ah!  its  power  has  never  yet  been  tested.  .  I  pray  God  its  power 
may  never  be  fully  tested.  It  would,  if  it  had  the  power,  leave  every 
church,  chapel,  cathedral,  schoolhouse  and  college  in  ashes.  It  is  the 
worst  enemy  of  the  laboring  classes  in  our  country.  In  this  land  riot 
and  bloodshed  never  gained  any  wages  for  the  people,  or  gathered  up 
any  prosperity.  In  this  land  the  best  weapon  is  not  the  club,  not  the 
shillalah,  not  firearms,  but  the  ballot. 

"But  Anarchism  is  doomed.  Russia,  and  Germany,  and  Italy,  and 
France,  and  England  will  join  hands  with  the  United  States  in  memory 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  James  A.  Garfield,  and  William  McKinley  to 
put  down  this  villainy  of  the  centuries." 

The  Northwestern  Christian  Advocate,  under  date  of  September  18, 
speaks  as  follows  of  the  late  President  McKinley: 

"  'When  Joseph  Addison  lay  on  his  deathbed,  in  his  last  hours  of 
consciousness,  he  sent  for  his  stepson,  the  dissolute  young  earl  of  War 
wick,  whom  he  told  to  see  how  a  Christian  could  die.  History  presents 
no  Christian  deathbed  scene  more  instructive  and  memorable  than  that 
of  President  McKinley/ 

"This  is  the  tribute  paid  the  martyred  President,  not  by  a  devoted 
follower,  but  by  a  political  opponent — the  Chicago  Daily  Chronicle.  It 


CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY.  391 

expressed  in  words  the  unspoken  sentiments  of  millions  of  hearts  as 
they  read  the  accounts  of  the  last  words  of  the  dying  President.  The 
deathbed  scene  may  properly  be  described  as  beginning  the  moment  the 
assassin  fired  the  fatal  shot,  for  the  autopsy  showed  that  the  bullet  had 
poisoned  the  flesh  through  which  it  passed  and  death  from  gangrene 
was  inevitable.  From  the  moment  Mr.  McKinley  realized  that  he  had 
been  shot  until  he  lost  consciousness  every  word  and  act  was  a  mani 
festation  of  a  Christlike  spirit.  His  first  words  after  the  fatal  bullet 
pierced  his  body  were  those  of  tender  thoughtfulness  for  his  invalid 
wife;  the  next  of  consideration  for  the  man  who  had  shot  him — 'Let  no 
one  hurt  him.'  His  last  words  were  those  of  Christian  faith  and  resigna 
tion  to  the  divine  will:  'Good-bye,  all;  good-bye.  It  is  God's  wray.  His 
will  be  done,  not  ours.'  Such  a  death  was  in  harmony  with  his  life, 
which,  without  ostentation,  had  always  been  characterized  by  reverent 
and  simple  faith  in  God.  This  was  most  manifest  to  those  who  knew 
him  in  the  intimacies  of  his  home-life;  but  it  also  displayed  itself  in  the 
tone  of  his  public  utterances.  His  state  papers  and  speeches  will  rank 
with  the  noble  utterances  of  Lincoln,  and  they  reveal  the  secret  of  the 
affection  in  which  both  are  held  by  the  common  people. 

"How  tenderly  Mr.  McKinley  was  loved  is  illustrated  by  a  scene 
which  took  place  early  Saturday  morning  in  front  of  the  office  of  one 
of  the  Chicago  daily  papers.  A  great  crowd  had  gathered  to  read  the 
bulletins  which  announced  the  condition  of  the  President.  When  a  bul 
letin  was  read  that  indicated  that  the  end  was  near,  such  expressions 
were  heard  as  these :  'It  can't  be  true !'  'I  can't  believe  it !'  When  more 
favorable  news  arrived  there  was-  seldom  more  than  a  murmur  of  relief 
and  a,  cry  of  'Thank  God!'  Though  the  crowd  shifted  some,  it  was 
evident  that  many  were  determined  to  hold  their  places  and  wait  for 
the  end.  Among  these  patient  watchers  was  one  aged  couple,  both 
with  white  hair,  who  were  accompanied  by  a  young  man,  evidently 
their  son.  The  young  man  kept  urging  them  to  'come  home,'  but  the 
old  man  would  answer:  'Go  home,  if  you  want  to,  George;  mother  and 
I  want  to  wait  and  see  how  the  President  gets  along.'  'Mother'  clung 
to  the  old  man's  arm  and  evidently  thought  as  he  did.  For  two  hours 
the  old  couple  clung  to  their  places,  and  when  the  bulletins  ceased  and 
darkness  closed  down  on  the  great  crowd  they  were  still  there. 

"It  was  long  past  midnight  Saturday  morning  when  the  fateful 
words,  'the  President  is  dead,'  on  the  newspaper  bulletins,  were  read 


392  CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY. 

by  groups  of  persons  still  watching  and  waiting  in  the  streets.  At 
first  the  news  created  a  profound  silence;  then  a  voice  rose  clear  and 
unfaltering  and  the  familiar  words  and  music  of  'Nearer,  my  God,  to 
thee'  (the  hymn  which  the  bulletins  stated  the  President  had  repeated 
just  before  he  became  unconscious)  echoed  through  the  almost  deserted 
streets.  The  hymn  swelled  to  a  chorus,  heads  were  bared,  faces  were 
upturned,  the  sharp  feeling  of  grief  was  softened. 

"  'There  let  the  way  appear 

Steps  unto  heaven; 
All  that  thou  sendest  me 
In  mercy  given — ' 

"Here  spoke  the  faith  and  the  resignation  of  the  President,  while  the 
hope  and  confidence  of  the  singers,  their  dominant  purpose  was  voiced 
in  the  words : 

"  'Out  of  my  stony  griefs 
Bethel  I'll  raise.' 

"As  the  last  notes  died  away  the  prophetic  impulses  focused  by  the 
music,  the  confidence  in  the  strength  of  our  institutions  found  expres 
sion  in  a  cheer  for  the  new  President.  There  was  a  quick  reaction,  and 
the  angry  feelings  of  the  crowd  found  expression  in  the  cry,  'Down  with 
anarchy!'  It  was  a  crisis  in  history  like  that  when  Garfield,  on  the 
night  after  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  calmed  the  mob  with  his  mem 
orable  declaration:  'God  reigns  and  the  Government  at  Washington 
still  lives!'  A  young  man,  a  college  student,  named  Harold  Hoag,  was 
equal  to  the  demand  of  the  moment.  In  a  voice  heard  by  all  he  said: 
'Let  us  pray.'  Every  head  was  reverently  bowed,  and  as  he  talked  to 
the  Divine  Ruler  of  men  and  nations  the  angry  passions  of  the  crowd 
were  stilled  and  the  people  quietly  dispersed. 

"The  President's  death  had  called  forth  tributes  never  before  be 
stowed  upon  a  ruler.  In  England  the  daily  papers  were 'printed  in 
mourning  a^  an  expression  of  grief  as  for  the  loss  of  their  own  sovereign, 
and  the  stock  and  commercial  exchanges  closed.  King  Edward  has 
commanded  that  the  court  go  into  mourning  for  one  week,  and  wherever 
a  public  meeting  of  any  kind  has  been  held,  or  wherever  a  public  man 
has  had  occasion  to  speak,  expressions  of  sympathy  have  been  heard. 


CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY.  393 

In  every  place  of  public  worship  last  Sunday,  from  St.  Paul  Cathedral 
and  Canterbury  Cathedral  down,  the  preachers  made  special  reference 
to  the  terrible  event,  invoking  God's  blessing  upon  the  United  States 
and  the  American  people.  Crathie  Church  at  Balmoral,  whose  bells 
had  never  before  been  used  except  on  occasions  of  national  interest, 
broke  the  custom  and  announced  the  event  to  the  neighborhood.  In 
accordance  with  a  special  army  order  to  the  guards  at  St.  James'  palace 
and  at  all  other  points  wrhere  guard  was  mounted  throughout  the 
United  Kingdom,  honors  were  rendered  to  the  memory  of  President 
McKinley  such  as  are  usually  accorded  only  on  the  death  of  royal  per 
sonages.  The  troops  wrore  crape  and  the  bands  played  dirges.  No  such 
extended  tributes  of  sympathy  and  respect  ever  marked  the  death  of 
any  person  but  a  British  sovereign.  They  certainly  would  not  have 
been  called  out  by  the  death  of  any  continental  ruler. 

"The  traits  of  character  which  won  the  heart  of  the  world  were  sup 
plemented  by  others  which  commanded  their  respect.  Mr.  McKinley 
was  gentle  and  kind,  but  he  was  also  firm  and  courageous.  He  spoke 
harshly  to  none,  nor  of  anyone,  but  he  could  not  be  swerved  from  the 
path  of  duty  as  he  saw  it.  Time  has  vindicated  the  wisdom  of  his  course 
in  respect  to  many  decisions  for  wrhich  he  was  severely  condemned  by 
opponents.  Success,  however,  was  due  in  some  of  these,  perhaps,  as 
much  to  the  spirit  in  which  his  policy  was  carried  out  as  to  the  inherent 
wisdom  of  that  policy.  In  all  his  words  and  acts,  public  and  private, 
he  seemed  to  bear  in  mind  the  thought :  '  'Tis  not  so  much  what  we  say 
as  the  manner  in  which  we  say  it.  'Tis  not  so  much  the  language  we 
use  as  the  tones  in  which  we  convey  it.'  This  is  sneered  at  sometimes 
as  'copy-book  philosophy,'  but  its  practical  application  in  life  made 
William  McKinley  beloved  and  great. 

"Mr.  McKinley's  devotion  to  his  invalid  wife  was  ideal.  Well  may 
she  exclaim  out  of  a  broken  heart:  'How  can  I  spare  him!'  For  her 
he  had  a  more  ardent  affection  even  than  for  his  country,  if  that  were 
possible.  The  President  realized  that  he  was  about  to  die  and  asked 
for  Mrs.  McKinley.  She  came  and  knelt  down  by  his  bed  and  his  eyes 
rested  lovingly  upon  her.  All  the  love  of  thirty  years  of  married  life 
shone  in  his  face  as  he  feebly  put  out  his  hands  and  covered  her  own 
with  his.  He  knew  that  he  was  dying,  she  only  half  comprehended  it. 
But  even  in  such  a  trial  she  kept  herself  up  bravely.  She  lifted  her 
tear-stained  face  to  Dr.  Rixey's  and  exclaimed :  'I  know  that  you  will 


394  CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY. 

save  him.  I  cannot  let  him  go.  The  country  cannot  spare  him.'  Hus 
band  and  wife  were  together  for  the  last  time  on  earth.  Those  near 
the  bedside  drew  back.  Mr.  McKinley  had  said  long  ago :  ' We  are  mar 
ried  lovers.'  She  bent  over  him  and  his  lips  moved:  'God's  will,  not 
ours,  be  done.'  He  had  said  farewell  to  sweetheart,  wife  and  life.  Then 
unconsciousness  returned  to  him.  May  God  bless  and  comfort  the 
bereaved  wife! 

"Dreadful  as  was  the  fate  of  President  McKinley,  the  circumstances 
of  his  death  will  write  indelibly  upon  the  heart  and  mind  of  the  people 
of  this  nation  those  traits  of  character  which  made  him  good  and  great. 
His  physical  presence  is  gone,  but  the  influence  of  his  life  will  abide. 

"The  tribute  of  the  nation  paid  at  the  hour  of  the  funeral  services 
in  Canton  was  not  only  unique,  but  it  will  be  memorable  in  history.  It 
was  a  silent  tribute,  but  it  will  ring  through  the  ages.  For  five  minutes 
the  life  of  the  people  stopped.  Business  ceased;  trains  stopped  where 
they  were;  not  a  telegraph  message  was  sent  over  the  wires;  soldiers  and 
policemen  halted,  no  matter  where  they  were,  uncovered  their  heads 
and  placed  their  caps  or  helmets  over  their  hearts;  processions  halted 
and  stood  so  still  that  the  men  could  almost  hear  each  other's  heart 
beats.  At  the  close  of  the  five  minutes  bands  began  to  play  softly, 
'Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee,'  and  voices  joined  them  in  singing  the  hymn. 
All  the  power  of  the  Government  could  not  have  compelled  such  an  elo 
quent  tribute. 

"Was  this  tribute  paid  to  the  assassinated  President?  It  was  to  the 
true  Christian,  who,  as  President,  had  manifested  so  Christlike  a  spirit. 
The  death  and  funeral  of  McKinley  will  not  only  be  historic;  they  will 
mark  the  beginning  of  a  religious  epoch  in  American  history.  Never 
before  have  men's  thoughts  been  turned  toward  God  as  during  the  past 
three  weeks.  While  millions  of  men  stood  silent  for  five  minutes  in 
mute  tribute  to  the  dead  President  and  thought  of  his  character  and  life 
as  well  as  of  his  death,  many  of  them  also  lifted  up  their  hearts  in  prayer 
that  they,  too,  might  be  such  a  Christian  as  was  he,  and  as  they  sang, 
as  they  had  never  before  sung  the  hymn,  'Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee,'  they 
felt  a  longing  desire  that  they,  too,  might  be  drawn§ nearer  to  God.  Use 
ful  was  the  life  of  Mr.  McKinley.  Blessed  was  his  death." 

The  Epworth  Herald  of  September  24th  contains  the  following  in 
regard  to  the  noble  life  and  character  of  Mr.  McKinley: 


CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY.  395 

"Our  President  is  dead.  The  nation  is  shrouded  in  sorrow.  The 
people  of  the  world  are  shocked,  and  pour  out  their  sympathy  and  con 
dolences. 

"The  sorrow  of  our  people  is  poignant.  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  man 
of  the  people.  His  democratic  spirit  and  unassuming  manners  had 
greatly  endeared  him  to  all  classes.  The  honors  of  his  high  office  af 
fected  him  not  an  atom.  He  was  the  same  simple-minded,  kindly  gen 
tleman  as  when,  years  ago,  he  was  a  struggling  young  lawyer  at  Can 
ton.  Nothing  in  the  President's  life  has  done  more  to  endear  him  to 
the  American  people  than  his  ardent  devotion  to  his  invalid  wife  and 
the  rare  charm  of  his  domestic  life.  Even  the  editors  who  have  attacked 
with  vituperative  bitterness  every  public  act  of  the  President  since  he 
assumed  office  have  been  compelled  to  praise  the  symmetry  and  strength 
of  his  private  life.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how  warmly  the  men  who 
have  for  six  years  taken  ghoulish  glee  in  assassinating  Mr.  McKinley's 
good  name  are  now  joining  with  his  friends  in  tributes  to  his  splendid 
abilities,  his  statesmanship  and  his  personal  worth. 

"The  particulars  of  the  assassination,  the  painful  sickness,  the  alter 
nating  waves  of  hope  and  despair  which  swept  over  the  nation,  the 
final  scenes  in  the  sick-room  and  the  imposing  funeral  ceremonies,  the 
daily  press  have  fully  reported.  All  the  details  have  profoundly 
impressed  our  people.  For  the  time  all  sectional  and  political  feel 
ings  have  disappeared,  and  Americans  have  stood  at  the  open  grave 
of  their  President,  controlled  by  but  one  feeling — that  of  sincerest 
sorrow. 

"The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has  special  reason  for  sorrow. 
Mr.  McKinley  was  our  most  distinguished  layman.  He  was  a  sincere 
follower  of  Jesus  Christ.  His  faith  was  childlike  in  its  simplicity,  and 
yet  as  firm  as  Gibraltar.  Those  who  had  the  privilege  of  living  close 
to  his  heart,  and  who  knew  of  his  spiritual  life,  tell  of  its  depth  and 
serenity.  Our  martyred  President  was  never  ashamed  of  his  church 
affiliations,  and  was  ever  loyal  to  the  church  which  had  been  instru 
mental  in  leading  him  to  the  Savior." 

The  Interior  of  September  19th  contains  the  following  comforting 
words: 

"More  bitter  even  than  if  the  President's  spirit  had  fled  instantly 
when  he  was  attacked  is  the  grief  of  the  nation  now  that  after  days  of 


396  CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF    McKINLEY. 

hope  we  yet  have  lost  him.  To  fall  from  heights  of  joy  for  his  recovery 
in  a  day's  descent  to  depths  of  sorrow  for  his  death  adds  a  keener  an 
guish  to  our  woe.  It  seemed  so  clear  to  faith  that  the  supplications  of  a 
prayer-united  people  were  being  answered.  Petitions  were  already 
merging  into  praise.  We  called  the  danger  past.  Then  came  the  appall 
ing  change;  the  fluttering  moment  when  hope  fought  with  fear;  the  con 
sciousness  at  length  that  men's  skill  was  baffled;  the  article  of  death; 
the  break  of  hearts. 

"But  faith  must  not  stagger.  Our  God  could  have  saved  that  life 
for  which  we  prayed.  The  event  shows  his  good  will  not  inoperative, 
but  exercised  other  than  as  we  asked.  The  surgeons  guess  at  the  physi 
cal  causes  of  the  President's  collapse.  In  the  Infinite  Mind  there  lies 
hidden  a  truer  reason  than  the  surgeons  can  discern.  We  dare  not  ask 
it  of  Him;  we  can  only  cover  our  faces  and  trust,  WTe  may  only  know 
that  somewhere  in  the  eternal  expanse  of  His  purposes  there  exists  a 
good  to  be  attained  for  \vhich  even  this  life  given  is  not  too  great  a  price. 

"Perhaps  through  the  flame  of  affliction  God  would  lead  the  nation 
from  its  jaunty  pride  of  prosperity  to  soberness  and  introspection.  Per 
chance  He  would  turn  our  ambitions  from  gain  and  glory  to  uprightness. 
Doubtless  He  would  summon  us  to  a  vehement  clearing  of  ourselves 
from  our  national  sins — from  our  disrespect  of  law,  from  our  toler 
ance  of  corruption,  from  our  indulgence  of  oppression,  and  from  our 
connivance  at  iniquity.  His  eyes  may  see  in  the  mirror  of  the  future 
this  mightiest  of  peoples  purified,  ennobled,  strengthened  and  exalted 
by  sorrow.  We  see  not;  only  in  the  darkness,  as  we  hear  His  solemn 
voice  calling,  let  us  gird  ourselves  to  follow.  And  God  grant  us  to  miss 
naught  of  the  good  which  costs  us  so  dear. 

"Yet  amidst  all  our  grief  our  consolation  aboundeth  in  Christ.  That 
scene  of  translation  shone  with  light  from  above.  By  testimony  of  the 
Ohristlike  words  he  spoke  praying  forgiveness  upon  his  assassin;  by  tes 
timony  of  the  Lord's  prayer  on  his  lips  as  he  awaited  the  surgical  knife; 
by  testimony  of  his  resignation  in  his  last  hours  to  the  will  of  God;  by 
testimony  of  that  murmured  'Nearer,  My  God,  To  Thee,'  on  which  his 
latest  conscious  breath  was  spent — as  well  as  by  testimony  of  his  manner 
of  life  from  his  youth  up — we  know  he  died  a  Christian.  Our  sorrow  is 
not  despair.  He  has  been  robbed  of  nothing  in  departing  from  the  high 
est  station  on  earth  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  capital  of  God.  He  has  in 
herited  the  promises.  And  our  prayers,  lately  for  him,  turn  nowr  to 


CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKlNLEY.  397 

plead  for  the  crushed  widow,  that  underneath  her  the  Everlasting  Arms 
may  be  a  tender  and  sufficient  support — and  for  the  new  President,  that 
his  strength  may  be  as  his  day." 

The  Churchman  of  September  14th  speaks  of  President  McKinley  as 
follows: 

"The  stroke  of  the  assassin  has  raised  President  McKinley  from  a 
man  of  the  day  to  a  man  of  history.  He  was  last  week  only  one  of  many 
Presidents  on  whom  a  various  judgment  was  passed,  seen  in  the  light 
and  comment  of  small  acts  rather  than  in  their  relation  to  the  broad 
movement  of  history.  A  single  shot — fired  because  he  stood  before  his 
countrymen  as  the  representative  and  symbol  of  liberty  through  law,  of 
equality  in  opportunity,  and  of  the  organized  work  of  civilization — has 
transformed  a  man,  known  as  a  politician  and  respected  as  a  President, 
into  the  object  of  deep-seated  loyalty  and  regard.  Such  changes  in  pub 
lic  feeling  come  only  to  few,  to  the  men  whom  character,  career,  action 
or  event  render  types  of  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  their  race.  They  come 
sometimes  through  an  historic  crisis,  sometimes  through  supreme  suc 
cess  in  the  conduct  of  national  affairs,  and  sometimes,  as  in  the  present 
instance,  because  a  sudden  access  of  danger  and  a  sudden  revelation  of 
a  force  inimical  to  the  interests  of  all,  concentrates  attention  upon  the 
one  man  who  stands  for  the  forces  friendly  to  all. 

"This  momentous  change  alters  not  only  the  position  of  President 
McKinley  before  the  world,  but  it  has  had  a  grave  effect  upon  the  inner 
and  conscious  working  of  the  American  mind.  Each  grave  event  in  the 
English-speaking  world — like  the  events  of  deeper  moment  in  a  single 
family  which  bring  them  together  in  grief  or  in  joy — tend  of  themselves, 
and  by  sheer  force  and  gravitation  of  social  instinct  and  relation,  to  knit 
more  closely  the  common  tie  and  bond.  This  was  true  even  of  an  event 
as  inevitable  and  expected  in  the  course  of  nature  as  the  death  of  Queen 
Victoria.  The  assault  on  President  McKinley  has  done  this,  but  it  has 
done  more.  In  a  time  of  great  prosperity,  of  an  amazing  accretion  of 
riches,  and,  on  the  whole,  of  a  more  widely  diffused  happiness  and  enjoy 
ment  than  the  land  has  before  seen,  it  has  suddenly  become  necessary 
to  face  and  to  consider  the  circumstance  that  all  this  gradual  uplift 
has  left,  opposed  to  the  ordered  march  and  movement  of  society,  a  small 
number  of  men  scattered  over  the  civilized  world  owning  no  community 
of  interest,  bitter  with  envy,  full  of  venom  against  all  those  who  a'd- 


398  CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF   McKINLEY. 

vance  by  thrift,  by  industry  or  by  control  of  the  general  forces  of  society, 
who  denounce  the  existing  order  and  even  conspire  against  the  lives  of 
those  who  rule  the  state;  not,  because  they  rule  ill,  but  because  they 
stand  as  symbols  of  authority  and  of  the  public  hatred  of  anarchy, 
Americans,  supported  by  the  extraordinary  results  of  free  discussion 
and  free  association  in  promoting  social  compromise  and  ameliorating 
social  enmities,  have  trusted  implicitly  to  universal  liberty  to  get  the 
better  of  this  perverted  spirit  which  in  six  years  has  cost  the  life  of  a 
President  of  France,  an  Empress  of  Austria,  a  King  of  Italy  and  a 
Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  to  be  silent  of  frustrated  plots. 

"The  assault  at  Buffalo  makes  it  doubtful  if  it  is  still  safe  to  trust 
to  the  general  force  of  law  and  order  to  restrain  these  sectaries  of  crime. 
It  is  not  an  infringement  of  any  social  liberty  to  penalize  utterances 
likely  to  promote  or  to  encourage  assassination  and  to  treat  as  treason 
able  societies  and  meetings  that  encourage,  though  inexplicitly,  the 
state  of  mind  which  in  due  season  leads  to  the  act  itself.  For  such  legis 
lation  there  is  now  a  general  demand  in  the  public  press  and  in  the  atti 
tude  of  public  opinion. 

"Joined  with  the  demand  for  new  legislation  is  another  change  not 
less  important.  The  rapid  growth  of  wealth,  the  visibility  of  great  for 
tunes  which  obscure  to  many  the  growth  of  millions  of  lesser  accumula 
tions,  has  brought  a  habit  among  some  good  but  short-sighted  men, 
among  many  self-seeking  demagogues,  and  not  less  among  certain  irre 
sponsible  and  inflammatory  newspapers,  of  treating  all  large  property 
as  necessarily  the  fruit  of  spoliation.  There  are  many  economists,  there 
are  some  college  professors,  and  there  are,  unfortunately,  too  many 
clergymen,  who,  in  speech  and  in  writing,  habitually  speak  as  if  the 
burden  of  proof  were  against  any  successful  accumulation,  as  if  any 
man  who  had  gathered  millions  had  by  that  fact  laid  himself  open  to 
aspersion  of  corruption,  of  oppression  of  labor,  of  avarice  and  of  despot 
ism.  This  frame  of  mind  is  familiar.  It  is  not  held  by  the  majority 
of  any  political  party  or  the  majority  of  its  leaders.  Official  utterances, 
while  sometimes  open  to  criticism,  have  avoided  its  direct  utterance, 
but  everyone  knows  perfectly  that  there  has,  in  some  quarters,  been  a 
constant  appeal  to  this  infectious  suspicion  of  the  accumulation  of 
wealth,  or  the  signs  of  industrial  and  commercial  success  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  greater  agencies  of  material  advance. 

"The  shot  at  Buffalo  has  awakened  the  land  to  a  consciousness  that 


THOMAS  PENNEY. 

District  Attorney  of  Buffalo,  who  conducted  the  prosecution  against  Czolgosz. 


CHRISTIAN    CHARACTER    OF    McKINLEY.  401 

this  envy  and  hatred  is  not  impotent  in  its  misreading  of  the  industrial 
advance.  This  advance  has  not  always  been  equitable.  It  often  results 
in  injustice  and  oppression,  but  in  the  main  it  is  under  control  of  the 
sounder  forces  of  society.  Thus  in  its  origin  this  attempted  assassina 
tion  differs  from  the  crime  of  Booth  or  of  Guiteau.  This  has  nowhere 
been  more  judicially  stated  than  by  the  Evening  Post.  'The  first  assas 
sin  of  a  President,'  it  says,  'was  largely  the  product  of  his  times — a  man 
whose  head  was  turned  by  the  passions  bred  of  a  long  civil  war.  The 
second  was  essentially  a  crank — a  man  whose  motives  were  a  curious 
mixture  of  a  desire  to  revenge  the  personal  grievance  of  disappointed 
office-seeking,  and  of  a  morbid  passion  for  notoriety.  The  third  to  at 
tempt  the  crime  is  of  a  different  type — a  man  who  avows  himself  an 
anarchist,  and  who  says  that  he  tried  to  kill  the  President  in  order  to 
overthrow  our  form  of  government.  A  John  Wilkes  Booth  can  hardly 
be  guarded  against.  A  Charles  J.  Guiteau  may  not  be  identified  before 
it  is  too  late.  But  a  Leon  Czolgosz  represents  a  class  of  active  enemies 
of  society,  the  treatment  of  wrhom  society  must  seriously  consider.' " 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  THREE  MARTYR  PRESIDENTS. 

Tbe  Way  the  News  Came  of  the  Assassination  of  Lincoln,  Garfield  and  McKinley,  Who 
Will  Be  Forever  Known  and  Honored  Because  They  Died  by  the  Hands  of  Miscreants 
for  the  Cause  of  the  Country— Pencillings  by  the  Way  of  Lincoln,  Garfield  and 
McKinley. 

There  will  be  three  names — we  trust  no  more — that  will  be  forever 
associated  as  our  martyred  Presidents. 

It  seems  to  me,  an  old  journalist,  but  a  little  while  ago  since  I  sat 
in  the  editor's  rooms  of  the  Cincinnati  Commercial,  impatient  with  the 
slow  work  going  on  to  get  out  the  paper.  It  was  a,  night  in  April,  and 
all  day  long  the  city  rang  with  festivity.  There  had  been  an  enor 
mous  procession,  innumerable  bands  of  music,  horsemen  in  uniform 
with  banners  and  streamers  galore.  The  bands  had  devoted  themselves 
to  playing  "Dixie"  as  among  the  national  airs,  the  reason  being  that 
Lincoln,  from  a  window  of  the  White  House,  had  claimed  "Dixie"  as 
one  of  the  tunes  that  were  ours — and  the  people  of  Cincinnati  were  wild 
with  it. 

We  had  managed  to  elevate  to  the  fourth  story  of  the  office  building, 
overlooking  Fourth  street,  a  monstrous  calliope,  from  far  away  down 
the  Mississippi,  and  to  feed  it  with  hot  high  steam  straight  from  the 
boilers,  and  the  Southern  calliope  seemed  to  make  the  earth  vibrate. 
The  building  rocked  to  the  roar  of  that  awful  instrument,  that  drowned 
out  all  the  brass  bands  for  half  a  mile  around.  There  was  a  company 
of  accomplished  calliopians.  They  knew  all  the  Southern  airs,  and 
when  a  performer  grew  fatigued  he  was  relieved  and  another  was 
ready,  and  the  "Bonnie  Blue  Flag,"  the  "Old  Kentucky  Home,"  and 
"Maryland,  My  Maryland,"  reverberated;  and  the  very  stones  in  the 
streets  seemed  to  crawl.  It  was  the  day  of  the  celebration  of  the  end 
of  the  war,  for  we  had  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Lee  at  Appomattox. 

A  telegraph  boy  rushed  into  my  room  with  a  slip  of  flimsy  telegraph 
paper  in  his  hand,  and  looked  scared  and  stammered  with  excitement. 
He  said  something  about  the  President  and  Booth,  the  theatre  and  some 
one  had  been  shot.  I  snatched  the  dispatch,  placed  it  against  a  white 

402 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  403 

sheet  of  paper  and  read  the  news.  A  night  of  horror  followed.  That 
day  the  houses  had  been  resplendent  with  flags.  The  next  day  the  city 
was  draped  in  mourning.  There  had  been  an  attempt  to  murder 
Seward. 

This  was  proof  of  conspiracy.  The  one  word  spoken  that  had  cheer 
in  it  was  General  Garfield's  phrase  in  a  speech  of  five  minutes  in  Wall 
street,  New  York:  "God  reigns  and  the  government  lives,"  It  was 
nearly  sixteen  years  later  when,  in  New  York  City,  July  2nd,  1881,  cross 
ing  the  New  York  City  Hall  lo!  there  were  persons  on  the  Tribune 
building  putting  a  flag  to  float  at  half-mast — Garfield  was  shot  and  was 
believed  to  be  dead.  This  was  Saturday  morning,  and  Thursday  night 
I  had  been  with  the  President,  who  had  honored  me  with  an  invitation 
to  go  with  him  to  Williams  College,  and  I  was  to  dine  with  him  that 
night  at  the  country  seat  on  the  Hudson  of  Cyrus  W.  Field.  I  had  got 
acquainted  with  Field  on  a  trip  we  had  made  in  1878  to  Iceland. 
The  dinner  was  to  mean  that  Garfield  was  master  of  the  situation — that 
of  the  Presidential  office. 

On  September  6th,  1901,  I  had  been  at  historic  North  Bend,  Ohio, 
and  a  few  minutes  before  passed  the  tomb  among  the  cedars  of  Presi 
dent  William  Henry  Harrison,  when  a  woman  ran  out  upon  the  village 
street  and  said  a  dispatch  had  just  been  on  the  wires  that  McKinley 
had  been  shot  at  Buffalo  that  afternoon,  and  it  was  believed  he  was 
dead. 

It  has  often  been,  within  my  observation,  that  there  is  an  inextin 
guishable  demand  for  personal  recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  also 
that  there  is  a  respectful  abiding  sympathy  with  Garfield,  so  much  so 
that  there  is  a  welcome  for  all  that  is  reasonably  written  or  spoken 
about  him.  It  seems  sure  to  me  that  the  time  will  not  be  far  away 
when  all  reminiscences  of  McKinley  will  be  as  keenly  sought  as  those 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  have  been  for  many  years, 

I  had  a  seat  often  in  the  Eeporters7  Galleries,  and  am  one  of  the  few 
wrho  saw  Congress  in  session  in  the  old  Hall,  the  Senate  in  the  present 
Supreme  Court  room,  and  the  House  in  the  space  devoted  to  statuary. 
My  personal  acquaintance  with  Congressmen  was  wide  and  grew  as  the 
years  passed. 

One  day  an  old  member  said  to  me  in  the  lobby  of  the  House  that 
McKinley  wanted  a  talk  with  me,  and  in  a  short  time  we  were  intro 
duced.  I  knew  about  him  that  he  had  the  reputation  of  being  interest- 


404  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

ing,  especially  about  the  tariff,  and  at  the  time  referred  to  there  was  a 
disturbance  about  the  wool  protection,  and  if  there  was  anything  I 
knew  less  about  than  another  in  the  line  of  tariff  questions  probably  it 
was  wool.  Wool  is  always  a  big  matter  in  Ohio.  It  is  not  a  case  of  a 
great  cry  about  a  little  wool,  but  of  a  great  cry  about  a  great  deal  of 
wool.  In  Ohio  a  change  in  the  tariff  easily  makes  a  difference  of  a 
million  dollars  a  year  in  a  congressional  district.  It  was  the  judgment 
of  the  forces  that  control  the  country  that  there  must  be  a  reduction  of 
the  revenue  obtained  through  customs  duties.  There  wras  a  bill  before 
the  House  that  had  passed  the  Senate.  Sherman  had  supported  it.  He 
did  not  like  the  bill,  but  there  had  to  be  a  law  cutting  down  revenue. 
The  outcry  from  the  wool  districts  was  that  the  protection  had  not  been 
cut  down  at  the  right  place.  The  amount  of  indignation  afloat  was  to 
me  funny.  McKinley  looked  like  an  athlete,  and  spoke  quickly  to  the 
point.  What  did  I  think  he  ought  to  do  about  that  wool  section  in  the 
Senate  bill?  He  did  not  feel  quite  sure,  and  cared  to  consult  an  Ohio 
editor.  I  said:  "Of  course  you  know  this  bill  must  pass;  it  is  going 
through;  it  is  merely  a  question  of  what  sacrifice  of  themselves  Ohio 
Republicans  in  Congress  are  called  on  to  make.  I  do  not  know  what  to 
say  to  you  to  do,  but  wrill  tell  you  what  I  would  do  as  the  case  stands. 
I  would  pass  the  vote;  would  be  out;  and  see  whether  there  is  a  majority 
for  the  bill  as  it  stands.  If  you  are  sure  of  that — no,  I  mean 
if  I  was  sure  of  that — I  would  vote  against  it;  if  there  was  danger  of 
losing  the  bill,  I  would  vote  for  it."  The  young  member  from  the 
northeast  smiled  and  even  laughed  a  little.  The  bill  that  had  to  pass 
did  pass,  and  my  recollection  is  that  McKinley  and  several  other  Ohio 
men  voted  against  it. 

It  was  a  long  time  before  I  heard  a  speech  from  McKinley.  He  was 
a  busy  man  in  the  House  and  I  heard  his  voice  there  in  the  course  of 
business.  One  summer  night  he  was  announced  to  speak  in  Cincinnati 
in  one  of  those  large  modern  wigwams.  McKinley  was  the  attraction, 
and  his  first  sentences  were  disappointing.  He  spoke  so  low  that  half 
the  w^ords  wrere  "not  in  it."  I  was  not  on  the  platform,  but  away  out 
in  the  bulk  of  the  audience,  where  one  studying  the  case  gets  the 
good  of  what  goes  on.  The  voice  of  the  orator  seemed  husky.  Every 
body  called  him  "Mack,"  and  I  said  to  a  neighbor  who  was  evidently 
indulging  in  blessed  anticipation :  "Is  that  Mack's  voice?  This  is  a  big 
place  and  he  should  pull  out  the  throttle  valve." 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  405 

"Wait  a  few  seconds,"  said  the  neighbor;  "he's  hoarse — been  speak 
ing  all  through  the  state.  There  is  no  fear  that  anybody  won't  hear  him 
and  like  him,  too.  There,  he's  getting  his  voice  now,  isn't  he?" 

Well,  he  was!  A  sentence  came  our  way,  clear  and  full,  and  kept 
on,  struck  the  far  end  of  the  wooden  coliseum,  and  would  have  resulted 
in  rebounding  and  echoing  if  another  sentence  had  not  followed  it,  and 
still  another.  "How's  that?"  said  my  neighbor.  "You  heard  that, 
didn't  you?  Well  you'll  not  complain  of  not  hearing;  and  he  talks 
sense  too." 

The  speech  was  formidable  in  the  facts,  and  the  arguments — the 
illustrations — and  it  was  hammered  down  hard  as  nails.  The  crowd 
was  very  large  and  the  young  statesman  spoke  as  if  it  was  the  last 
speech  he  ever  expected  to  deliver,  and  that  if  there  were  any  converts 
to  be  made  then  was  the  accepted  time  and  there  the  appointed  place. 
There  was  much  in  it  of  merit,  but  I  have  always  held  it  in  remem 
brance,  not  so  much  for  the  words  as  for  the  ringing,  searching,  chal 
lenging  note  of  sincerity.  It  never  occurred  to  anybody  that  McKinley 
did  not  mean  exactly  what  he  was  saying.  That  was  always  one  of 
his  winning  qualities.  Our  friends  had  supper  when  the  meeting  was 
over.  It  was  a  surprise  to  note  "Mack"  had  hardly  a  sign  of  fatigue, 
yet  he  had  spoken  one  hundred  minutes  at  least.  I  mentioned  that  he 
really  did  make  a  protection  speech  interesting,  and  gave  an  anecdote 
about  Thomas  Corwin's  account  of  a  tariff  speech  he  had  heard  a  Whig 
candidate  for  Governor  of  Ohio  make.  Corwin  was  the  most  famous 
orator  of  his  time,  and  though  a  fascinating  speaker,  he  was  not  inter 
esting  about  the  tariff,  and  no  one  knew  it  as  well  as  he  did.  The  ques 
tion  was  asked  Corwin  whether  he  had  "heard  the  next  Governor  on  the 
tariff,"  and  Corwin  said  he  had,  and  said  no  more.  "How  was  it?" 
was  the  next  question.  "It  was  powerful,"  said  Corwin,  and  closed  up 
again.  "What  was  the  matter  with  it?"  "Nothing  wrong  about  it," 
said  Corwin;  "only  he  seemed  to  believe  what  he  said." 

A  recollection  of  McKinley  and  one  that  has  been  forgotten  except 
by  the  veterans  was  that  he  was  for  a  time  the  leader  of  the  Elaine 
men  in  Ohio.  It  was  the  regular  stated  thing  in  Ohio  to  be  for  Sher 
man.  But  Elaine  and  McKinley  met  in  Philadelphia  and  fell  in  love 
with  each  other.  It  was  a  strong  attachment.  Sherman's  strength  was 
so  great  in  -his  own  state  that  it  wa,s  a  mark  of  independence  for  a  Re 
publican  to  be  for  anybody  else.  But  the  next  Presidential  campaign 


JUG  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

it  did  not  seem  likely  Elaine  could  with  all  his  talent  and  power  break 
the  precedent  which  seemed  to  be  fixed,  that  he  was  not  to  be  President 
because  he  was  as  brilliant  as  Henry  Clay.  Elaine  seemed  to  have  had 
his  chance.  Garfield  had  been  nominated,  elected  and  assassinated,  and 
there  was  to  be  another  rally  for  Sherman.  Then  McKinley  was  for  Sher 
man  and  was  earnest,  fearless  and  persuasive.  He  appeared  in  the  Chi 
cago  national  convention  for  Sherman  and  was  one  of  the  Big  Four 
senatorial  delegates.  The  other  three  were  Governor  Foster,  Senator 
Foraker  and  Benjamin  Butterworth,  then  one  of  the  brightest  orators 
in  the  nation. 

There  was  a  feeling  among  some  of  Sherman's  friends  that  Garfield 
should  not  have  permitted  himself  to  be  nominated,  this  owing  to  his 
relations  with  Sherman,  but  it  was  certain  if  the  fight  came  between 
Grant  and  Elaine  or  Grant  and  Sherman,  Grant  would  be  nominated 
for  the  third  term,  and  to  defeat  that  movement  there  must  be  another 
man  who  could  combine  the  forces  of  Elaine  and  Sherman. 

There  wras  an  idea  afloat  four  years  later  that  another  Ohio  man 
not  Sherman  would  be  the  candidate,  and  McKinley  had  the  first  call, 
but  Foraker  was  a  good  second,  in  the  Ohio  mind,  I  mean. 

The  Hon.  Marcus  A.  Hanna  was  the  manager  of  the  Sherman  delega 
tions  on  this  occasion.  He  had  then  as  now  the  reputation  of  being  a 
man  successful  in  business  affairs,  and  at  the  same  time  exceedingly 
intelligent  in  political  matters.  It  was  believed  if  there  was  anything 
in  good  management  the  nomination  would  go  to  Sherman.  There  were 
quite  a  number  of  persons  in  the  galleries  and  even  on  the  floors  who  re 
garded  two  gentlemen  from  Ohio — Governor  Foraker  and  Representa 
tive  McKinley — as  decidedly  Presidential  possibilities,  and  the  tend 
ency  of  those  who  ventured  upon  theories  as  to  the  chances  was  to  pick 
out  McKinley  as  the  winner.  Foraker  had  a  considerable  number  of  pro 
nounced  friends,  believers  in  his  splendid  faculties,  which  have  given 
him  so  early  in  his  career  in  the  Senate  a  high  reputation.  They  felt  like 
losing  no  opportunity  of  pressing  him  to  the  front,  and  were  not  in 
clined  to  be  slow  or  diffident  in  proclaiming  him  for  the  Presidency.  He 
was  not  able  to  restrain  this  enthusiasm  within  the  bounds  of  prudence; 
that  is  to  say,  those  for  him  did  not  undertake  to  elude  the  rugged  issue. 
Just  as  Governor  Foraker  was  taking  the  platform  to  speak  for  Sher 
man,  which  he  did  ;n  good  faith  and  with  great  force,  he  was  followed 
there  by  an  injudicious  floral  tribute,  bearing  the  legend:  "No  captured 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  407 

flags  shall  go  to  the  Confederacy  from  Ohio  while  I  am  governor."  It 
was  plain  the  governor  was  perplexed  and  displeased,  and  I  have  knowl 
edge  that  he  mentioned  that  only  one  thing  prevented  him  from  kicking 
that  floral  tribute  from  the  platform,  and  that,  his  opinion  that  if  he 
did  so,  he  would  be  charged  with  a  theatrical  performance,  and  the 
accusation  would  be  most  aggravating.  He  threw  aside  his  disgust  and 
resentment,  and  made  his  speech,  and  in  good  form — nothing  wanting 
in  it;  and  it  was  said  he  had  what  somebody  called  a  "halcyon  and  vocif 
erous"  time  for  that  incident  with  some  of  his  impetuous  partisans 

When  the  balloting  came  it  was  noticed  that  there  were  a  few  votes 
for  McKinley,  and  there  was  applause  when  the  name  was  mentioned. 
Evidently  this  had  been  studied  by  some  experts,  and  they  did  for  him 
what  the  same  class  of  people  had  done  for  Garfield.  The  annoyance 
of  McKinley  was  evident,  because  there  were  indications  of  understand 
ing  and  possibly  organizations.  That  the  name  was  familiar  as  that  of 
one  of  high  distinction  in  Ohio,  and  Ohio  was  a  fortunate  State  for  the 
production  of  Presidents,  was  clear.  There  was  an  adjournment,  and 
McKinley  was  beset  by  numbers  of  advocates  who  were  resolved  upon 
putting  temptation  before  him,  and  insisted  that  he  must  not  refuse  to 
allow  them  to  go  on,  telling  him  they  would  go  ahead  anyhow  without  his 
approbation;  they  had  not  asked  for  it,  and  they  would  not  permit  him 
to  deny  them;  that  if  he  got  up  and  undertook  a  speech  against  them 
they  could  make  it  the  occasion  of  a  demonstration,  and  they  would 
show  him  the  strength  they  had.  They  went  so  far  as  to  name  delega 
tions  ready  to  go  for  him,  and  made  it  exceedingly  serious. 

Some  time  during  the  evening  I  strolled  into  the  Sherman  headquar 
ters.  In  one  of  the  side  rooms,  lying  on  a  low  bed,  was  McKinley,  very 
pale,  resting  and  perhaps  asleep,  with  an  expression  of  intense  gravity. 
I  asked  a  friend  who  had  been  about  during  some  hours  while  I  had 
been  absent  from  the  center  of  interest:  "What  is  the  matter  with  Mac?" 
The  reply  was,  with  a  grim  smile:  "He  has  just  refused  the  Presidency, 
and  the  way  it  was  run  at  him  it  was.  pretty  hard  to  get  away  from. 
He  has  done  it,  though."  Presently  the  possible  nap  he  had  taken  being 
interrupted,  he  told  me  he  wished  a  conversation  with  me,  and  evidently 
remembering  our  talk  about  the  "wool  vote"  said:  "I  will  not  ask  your 
advice.  I  have  made  up  my  mind.  Pm  only  bothered  about  the 
form  of  it.  I  am  going  to  take  the  floor  and  make  a  speech  when  the 
convention  meets  again,  and  the  object  of  it  is  to  put  a  stop  absolutely 


408  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

upon  the  use  of  my  name  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  It  is  not 
fair  to  Sherman  and  it's  not  fair  to  me,  and  it  won't  do."  I  asked  the  ques 
tion:  "Are  you  not  afraid  of  a  public  impulse  if  you  get  up  and  under 
take  to  make  a  speech  withdrawing?"  He  said:  "No;"  that  he  "would 
make  a  speech  in  such  a  way  that  there  would  be  no  danger."  I  men 
tioned  that  I  had  seen  John  C.  Breckenridge  in  the  Cincinnati  Conven 
tion  of  156  stand  in  his  chair  to  decline  the  nomination  which  was 
pressed  upon  him  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  and  his  appearance  was  so 
commanding  and  handsome  that  when  he  showed  up  they  nominated 
him  by  storm,  and  he  had  to  make  his  bow  and  sit  down,  the  candidate, 
without  saying  a  word.  McKinley  did  not  think  that  there  was  any 
danger  of  that  in  his  case,  though  it  meant  there  was.  He  said :  "I  want 
you  to  look  over  this,"  handing  me  three  small  slips  of  paper,  upon 
which  he  had  written  with  pencil  what  he  thought  of  saying.  I  said : 
"Here  is  the  only  word  that  will  answer  the  purpose,  if  anything  will. 
As  for  the  rest,  there  is  just  a  little  too  much  of  it.  You  have  one  word 
here  that  covers  the  whole  subject  on  which  everything  depends."  He 
said:  "What  is  that?  The  word  that  I  'demand'  that  they  stop  voting 
for  me?"  I  said:  "Yes;  'demand'  is  the  word.  That's  got  everything  in 
it;  and  it  is  my  fancy  it  would  be  stronger  perhaps  without  this  sentence 
(pointing  to  one  that  was  nearly  a  repetition) ;  and  he  said :  "Yes,  you 
are  right  about  that,"  and  accepted  the  amendment. 

This  is  the  speech  as  he  gave  it.  He  made  a  few  betterments  as  he 
spoke:  "I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my  State.  I  am 
here  by  resolution  of  the  Republican  State  Convention,  commanding 
me  to  cast  my  vote  for  John  Sherman  for  President  and  to  use  every 
worthy  endeavor  to  secure  his  nomination.  I  accepted  the  trust  because 
my  heart  and  judgment  were  in  accord  with  the  letter  and  spirit  and 
purpose  of  that  resolution.  It  has  pleased  certain  delegates  to  cast 
their  votes  for  me  for  President.  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  honor  they 
would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  duty  resting  upon  me  I  can  not 
remain  silent  with  honor.  I  can  not  consistently  with  the  wish  of  the 
State  whose  credentials  I  bear  and  which  has  trusted  me;  I  can  not  con 
sistently  with  my  own  views  of  personal  integrity  consent,  or  seem  to 
consent,  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate  before  this  con 
vention.  I  would  not  respect  myself  if  I  could  find  it  in  my  heart  to  do 
or  permit  to  be  done  that  which  could  even  be  ground  for  anyone  to  sus 
pect  that  I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio  or  my  devotion  to  the  chief 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  409 

of  her  choice  or  the  chief  of  mine.    I  do  not  request— I  demand— that  no 
delegate  who  would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me  shall  cast  a  ballot 

for  me." 

The  note  of  sincerity  of  which  I  have  so  often  spoken  as  the  charac 
teristic  that  told  in  the  speeches  of  McKinley  served  him  on  this  occa 
sion.  That  was  in  the  first  sound  of  his  voice  as  he  took  the  floor,  and 
the  stillness  of  the  convention  was  profound.  The  word  "demand"  as  he 
made  it  settled  it.  He  carried  the  point  excellently.  There  have  always 
been  those  who  thought  that  he  might  have  been  nominated  that  time 
if  he  had  consented  to  be  still,  but  I  doubt  that.  There  is  no  telling.  Gen 
eral  Benjamin  Harrison  was  nominated  and  elected,  and  there  was 
an  era  of  prosperity  in  his  administration,  not  high  as  that  when  Mc- 
Kinley's  term  came,  but  it  was  higher  than  any  preceding  wave  of  good 
times  that  rolled  over  the  country. 

There  was  a  second  occasion  on  which  there  was  an  effort  to  bring 
forward  McKinley  for  the  Presidency,  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  certain 
movements  that  wrere  more  persistent  than  thoughtful,  and  more  de 
termined  than  considerate,  the  nomination  of  McKinley  might  have 
happened  when  Harrison  was  renominated.  It  is  vain  to  indulge  in 
speculations,  but  the  conduct  of  McKinley  on  that  occasion  made  him 
friends,  as  indeed  he  always  made  friends,  where  there  wrere  no  jeal 
ousies  and  prejudices  to  raise  a  barrier.  He  was  indebted  for  the 
position  before  the  country  that  made  his  candidacy  for  the  Presidency 
absolutely  foremost  and  perfectly  in  order  in  every  respect,  invited,  sup 
ported  on  all  sides,  to  the  fact  that  he  was  legislated  out  of  Congress 
by  piling  opposed  counties  in  his  district,  and  so  he  was  twice  elected 
governor — the  second  time  by  an  enormous  majority.  This  gave  him  a 
very  distinguished  position  in  his  own  State.  He  was  an  admirable  gov 
ernor,  with  a  peculiar  method  of  keeping  order  when  mobs  appeared. 
If  there  was  occasion  to  send  troops  and  he  was  advised  that  a  single 
company  of  Ohio  militia  wrould  be  sufficient,  his  way  was  to  order  a 
regiment,  because  "if  there  was  only  one  company  there  might  be  a 
fight,  and  if  there  was  a  regiment  there  would  be  a  picnic." 

Mr.  Hanna  displayed  organizing  capacity.  He  had  organized  more 
than  any  other  man  the  great  American  commerce  on  the  Great  Lakes, 
and  when  he  attended  to  any  line  of  business  he  did  it  vigilantly  and 
formidably,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  being  successful.  He  had  no  idea 
of  being  a  politician — none  whatever — of  securing  an  office  for  himself. 


410  R /^COLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

He  refused  positions  in  the  Cabinet  when  McKinley  was  elected;  did 
not  ask  to  be  chosen  Senator;  made  a  fight  against  an  insurrection  that 
was  personal  to  himself — and  Ohio  has  the  advantage  of  two  men  of  the 
highest  order  of  ability  in  the  Senate.  They  are  equally  mourners  of  the 
irreparable  loss  the  country  has  sustained  in  the  frightful  tragedy  that 
closed  a  career,  that  will  be  far  in  the  future,  when  the  deeds  that 
were  done  are  thoughtfully  examined  and  measured,  as  of  a  splendor 
greater  than  has  yet  appeared. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  of  the  conversations  of  President  McKinley 
that  they  did  not,  as  a  rule,  relate  to  himself.  He  was  not  disposed 
to  introduce  affairs  of  his  own.  If  there  was  a  direct  and  reasonable 
question  asked  concerning  himself  his  answer  would  be  explicit  and 
brief.  He  did  not  direct  the  conversation  along  the  paths  that  led  up  to 
himself.  He  was  always  thoughtful  about  some  public  question,  and 
yet  would  throw  off  the  strain  of  weighty  affairs  readily,  and  indulge 
in  references  to  mutual  friends. 

Above  all  things,  he  never  seemed  to  miss  an  opportunity  to  do  a 
kindly  thing.  He  had  the  same  solicitude  that  his  wife  had  for  the  hap 
piness  of  children,  treating  them  with  a  tenderness  that  told  the  story 
of  his  own  heart,  doubtless;  and  he  was  like  Mrs.  McKinley  in  the  re 
spect  that  little  girls  could  command  him  for  a  courtesy,  and  he  was 
always  pleased  to  be  in  their  company.  It  gave  him  a  great  pleasure — 
it  seemed  to  comfort  him — to  take  a  group  of  children  about  the  White 
House.  If  he  knew  that  they  had  never  been  in  it  he  was  as  pleased  to 
show  them  the  East  Room  as  the  children  themselves  were  to  be  es 
corted  by  him.  It  was  touching  to  know  that  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley 
were  glad  to  see,  and  gratified  to  hear,  the  conversation,  and  notice  the 
smiles  and  laughter,  and  the  more  serious  moods  of  children  who  hap 
pened  to  be  about  the  age  that  their  children  might  have  been. 

In  private  conversation  he  was  always  a  peacemaker.  A  lively 
young  lady  from  England  was  the  guest  of  a  friend  calling  at  the  White 
House  one  summer's  evening.  The  moon  was  shining,  and  the  Wash 
ington  Monument  very  distinct  as  it  stood  above  the  trees  like  a  shaft  of 
snow.  Against  the  sky  it  was  like  a  pillar  of  soft  white  light.  The 
young  English  lady  got  into  conversation  about  the  comparative  archi 
tecture  of  public  buildings  in  England  and  in  the  United  States,  and 
stood  up  very  cleverly  for  the  English  side  of  it,  assuming,  with  some 
vivacity,  that  we  had  little  to  compare  with  them  as  to  architectural 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  411 

effects.  Possibly  she  had  not  been  aware  before  this  debate  sprang  up 
that  there  were  two  sides  to  the  question.  She  was  asked  what  she 
thought  of  the  monument  which  was  in  sight,  and  she,  lo!  did  not  fancy 
it.  This  seemed  a  shade  unnecessary.  She  said  it  "was  very  tall,"  and 
so  were  chimneys  in  her  country !  An  American  lady,  who  felt  that  this 
was  almost  speaking  disrespectfully  of  the  Washington  Monument, 
asked  her  what  she  thought  of  the  White  House,  and  she  rejoined,  with 
some  polite  phrases,  of  bits  of  public  buildings  in  England,  not  cele 
brated  for  their  beauty.  The  trend  of  the  conversation  was  running  into 
controversy.  The  President  had  been  smoking  his  cigar  and  enjoying 
the  unusual  amount  of  information  given  by  the  contesting  parties, 
when  it  seemed  to  occur  to  him  it  had  really  gone  about  far  enough.  He 
came  forward,  closing  the  debate  with  the  statement  that  these  questions 
of  state,  especially  architectural,  belonged  to  arbitration;  that  it  was  not 
necessary  the  contesting  parties  should  go  to  the  depths  of  their  knowl 
edge  about  public  monuments.  It  was  a  case  for  arbitrators,  and  he 
wanted  the  ladies  to  agree  upon  something  of  the  sort.  The  English 
lady  was  quite  in  favor  of  it,  and  desired  the  President  should  arbi 
trate  the  question,  but  his  contention  was  that  he  might  be  prejudiced 
and  that  he  could  not  venture,  but  he  suggested  that  the  Washington 
Monument  be  allowed  to  pose  in  the  moonlight  without  the  use  of  any 
language  that  expressed  asperity;  that  he  acknowledged  the  value  of 
chimneys,  but  that  the  comparison  of  those  lofty  smokers  was  not  en 
tirely  acceptable  in  an  art  lesson.  The  theme  was  not  revived.  The 
President's  manner  in  coming  forward  and  proposing  that  the  question 
be  arbitrated  was  what  they  call  in  England,  in  persons  of  authority, 
"gracious."  Of  course  there  was  charming  good  humor,  suggesting 
amusement  in  this  conference  as  well  as  in  his  words. 

The  President  had  a  surprisingly  accurate  memory.  He  was  very 
good  in  the  remembrance  of  faces,  though  not  quite  the  expert  that 
Blaine  was,  yet  he  seemed  to  know  a  great  deal  about  a  great  many 
people,  and  to  know  it  exactly.  He  would  ask  questions  indicating 
knowledge  that  astonished  auditors.  Once  a  politician  said  (rather  con 
gratulating  himself  upon  it)  that  an  opinion  he  expressed  by  telegraph 
one  day,  and  addressed  to  the  President,  of  an  impending  but  precarious 
event,  was  the  first  that  had  been  stated  to  that  effect,  and  had  for 
gotten  until  the  President  asked  the  question:  "Why  did  you  retract 
a  bit  of  it  in  a  second  telegram?"  The  President  remembered  what  the 


412  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

telegrapher  of  a  hit  at  advance  information  had  forgotten;  that  he  had 
a  few  hours  later  had  a  lapse  in  confidence,  and  had  mentioned  that, 
too,  over  the  wire.  The  President's  smile  was  genial,  but  had  an  admo 
nition  in  it. 

All  that  has  been  stated  of  the  President's  attention  to  his  wife,  of 
his  unvarying  thoughtfulness  in  looking  to  her  comfort  and  her  pleas 
ure,  is  beautifully  true.  There  can  be  no  way  of  overstating  it.  We  may 
add  that  all  the  ladies  of  the  family  received  from  him  ever  affable  at 
tention;  that  it  was  perfectly  natural  to  him  to  be  interested  in  their 
occupations;  that  his  mother  was  near  to  him  as  his  wife,  and  he 
never  forgot  to  inquire  about  her  if  she  was  a  few  minutes  late.  There 
was  always  a  place  for  her  in  the  carriage,  and  it  was  his  habit  to  be 
honoring  her;  there  were  always  words  for  her.  He  knew  all  the 
little  things  that  go  so  far  to  make  up  the  pleasure,  the  peace  and  sweet 
ness  of  domestic  life.  His  faithfulness  and  fondness  was  ever  present. 
It  would  appear  that  impatience  with  loved  ones  was  impossible,  and 
all  his  kindness  was  the  expression  of  his  feeling.  No  one  would  ever 
agree  that  he  was  or  could  be  wreary  in  caring  for  all  in  the  family 
circle.  It  enhances  the  estimate  that  should  be  put  upon  his  attentive- 
ness  to  wife  and  mother  and  sister  and  all ;  that  lie  was  a  very  constant 
workingman;  that  his  duties  were  heavy,  severe,  sometimes  ex 
hausting;  that  his  kindness  of  heart  led  him  continually  to  be  on  his 
feet  and  to  be  with  people,  and  to  undertake  to  say  "No"  in  suc'h  a 
way  that  it  would  not  seem  like  a  blow  or  a  disaster  to  one  who  got  it. 
Few  men  have  been  as  gifted  as  he  in  saying  "No"  without  offending, 
and  his  pleasure  in  saying  "Yes"  made  the  significance  of  the  affirma 
tion  the  more  pleasing. 

One  incident  was  recalled  at  Washington  on  the  day  of  the  arrival  of 
the  body  of  the  President  by  H.  L.  Atchison,  who  for  years  was  one  of  the 
officers  of  the  White  House.  He  says  the  night  Vice  President  Hobart 
became  ill  at  the  White  House  and  insisted  on  wralking  to  his  resi 
dence  in  Lafayette  Square,  but  a  few  steps  from  the  White  House,  Presi 
dent  McKinley  insisted  on  going  home  with  him.  He  astonished  Atchi 
son  by  walking  out  into  the  night,  arm  in  arm  with  Mr.  Hobart,  and 
wholly  unattended. 

Atchison  was  impressed  by  the  danger  of  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  being  involved  in  a  common  calamity.  The  personal  attach 
ment  between  President  McKinley  and  Vice  President  Hobart  was 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS.  413 

something  more  than  perfunctory;  it  was  clever,  hearty  and  mutual. 
The  President  was  glad  to  have  the  Vice  President  with  him  on  east 
ward  excursions,  and  always  introduced  the  Vice  President,  and  the 
handshaking  on  the  platform  until  the  train  wras  under  way  caused 
many  a  scramble,  so  that  there  were  remarks  that  there  must  be  a  con 
spiracy  between  the  two  highest  officers  of  the  Government  in  favor  of 
the  promotion  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  President  McKinley  did  not 
study  to  produce  effects  by  attitudes.  He  never  posed,  but  for  the  pur 
poses  of  photography  took  positions  easy  because  natural.  He  was  not 
picturesque  in  phrase,  and  when  he  became  impressive  there  was  noth 
ing  artificial.  He  dressed  well;  that  is,  becomingly.  He  was  as  serious 
about  his  frock  coat,  buttoned,  his  necktie,  his  badge  of  the  Legion  of 
Honor,  sometimes  replaced  by  a  red  carnation,  as  Daniel  Webster  was 
devoted  to  his  blue  coat,  with  cutaway  tails  and  brass  buttons. 

President  McKinley  never  lost  the  wralk  of  the  soldier  w^ho  carried 
a  musket.  He  marched,  not  stiffly,  but,  when  in  haste,  to  take  exercise, 
with  the  veteran's  swing.  His  fine  old  gray  horse,  driven  at  Canton 
very  often  by  himself,  was  a  portly,  good-natured,  strong  but  safe  gray 
that  replied  with  a  switching  of  his  tail  when  touched  by  a  whip  lash. 
He  was  not  struck  hard  enough  to  hurt,  but  evidently  felt  the  touch 
of  the  lash  an  indignity.  When  he  was  first  in  the  army  there  were 
one  hundred  and  five  men  in  his  company,  and  eighty  of  them  were 
taller  than  he,  but  he  was  every  inch  a  soldier.  It  was  said  of  him 
w^heu  as  a  young  member  of  Congress,  that  he  always  spoke  as  though 
each  speech  was  to  be  the  last  he  would  make.  His  earnestness  wTas 
invincible.  His  sincerities  were  obvious  and  were  expressed  in  every 
movement  and  in  all  the  tones  of  his  voice.  The  intensity  of  his  energy 
as  he  delivered  the  paragraphs  that  culminated  in  the  peroration  was 
so  vehement  that  he  w^as  often  cautioned  that  human  nature  could  not 
endure  such  wear  and  tear,  but  he  was  never  exhausted.  His  life  was 
one  of  labor,  and  the  amount  of  wrork  he  achieved  was  almost  incredible. 

General  Garfield  had,  before  the  war,  and  always,  many  friends  in 
Cincinnati,  and  it  was  one  of  his  early  experiences  to  come  down  to 
that  city  and  preach  in  the  Christian  Church  on  Walnut  street.  He 
did  not  regard  his  talk  as  preaching  or  his  utterances  as  eloquent,  or 
his  public  speaking  as  anything  more  than  a  serious,  presentation  of 
the  Word.  It  was  said  that  he  acquired  a  good  deal  of  facility  in 
public  speaking  by  his— I  believe  he  called  them— lectures  in  pulpits 
that  aided  him  in  his  political  discussions,  and  added  to  the  force  of 


414  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THREE  PRESIDENTS. 

his  oratory.  He  was  perfectly  at  home,  and  was  a  clear  thinker  when 
he  was  on  his  feet,  and  one  might  say  that  he  was  so  conscious  of  force, 
that  he  was  careful  of  his  emphasis. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  relatives  in  Cincinnati,  and  wTas  there  several  times 
before  his  memorable  call  to  Washington,  to  fulfill  the  duties  of  the 
Presidency.  He  was  engaged  in  a  law-suit  there  associated  with 
Edmond  M.  Stanton,  afterward  Secretary  of  War,  and  it  wras  said  to 
have  been  a  bitter  disappointment  to  Lincoln  that  he  was  not  one  of 
those  who  were  selected  to  make  an  argument  in  the  case.  There  were 
more  lawyers  engaged  on  his  side  than  time  could  be  found  for  them 
to  argue  the  case.  Lincoln  had  prepared  for  it,  and  felt  almost 
despondent  over  the  fact  that  he  had  been  ruled  out.  Stanton,  of 
course,  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  strong  man  who  had  done  this. 

Another  occasion  of  Lincoln  visiting  the  city  was  the  speech  he 
made  in  Cincinnati  in  the  Fifth  street  market  space,  where  now  the  post- 
office  stands,  and  a  most  interesting  speech  it  was,  referring  a  great 
deal  to  Kentucky,  stating  that  he  never  had  the  privilege  of  speaking 
in  his  native  State,  but  loved  it  notwithstanding,  and  he  pleased  himself 
with  the  conjecture  that  his  voice  might  almost  be  heard  in  the  old 
State  of  his  birthplace  for  it  was  very  near,  and  at  any  rate  he  thought 
he  might  assume  there  were  Kentuckians  there  to  hear  him,  and  he 
addressed  himself  to  them  largely. 

It  turned  out  some  time  afterward  there  had  been  a  neglect  to  pay 
his  expenses  by  the  committee,  and  the  bill  sent  from  the  hotel  to  him  at 
Springfield,  111.  He  forwarded  the  bill  to  a  relative  in  the  city  and 
inquired  about  it,  not  that  he  proposed  to  dispute  the  bill  at  all,  except 
ing  as  to  two  items  in  it  that  he  had  no  recollection  of,  as  he  quaintly 
stated.  In  fact,  he  had  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  bottle  of  whisky 
or  box  of  cigars.  There  was  quite  a  flurry  when  this  strange  circum 
stance  brought  out  the  fact  that  a  few  gentlemen  who  believed  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  intended  for  the  Presidency,  and  probably  a  coming 
man,  had  concluded  they  would  organize  a  little  on  the  occasion  of  his 
visit  and  had  hired  a  room  and  entertained  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
for  the  Presidency  with  a  bottle  of  whisky  and  a  good  many  cigars. 
There  had  been  an  odd  and  it  turned  out  disagreeable  neglect  to  take 
care  of  the  bill  for  the  refreshments.  Those  who  happened  to  be 
responsible  for  that  mistake  were  likely  the  more  vexed  about  it, 
because  he  wras  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  sure  enough  at  the  time 
the  disturbance  took  place  about  the  bill.  M.  H. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

SCENES,    INCIDENTS   AND    ANECDOTES. 

Illustrative  of  the  Life  of  President  McKinley  and  Its  Associations— When  McKinley 
Challenged  the  Vote  of  Ohio— A  Picture  Gallery  of  His  Youth— His  Conversion- 
Courtship— How  He  Was  Attentive  to  His  Wife— His  Methodism— The  Town  in  Which 
He  Wras  a  Boy— President  McKinley's  Will. 

We  have  to  go  to  the  Bible  or  to  Shakespeare  to  find  the  literature 
that  embodies  the  tragic  elements  of  such  a  dreadful  deed  as  that  of  the 
wretched  young  anarchist  who,  in  the  ignorance  and  inherent  depravity 
that  made  him  a  forlorn  creature  at  the  best,  shot  down  the  man  who 
was  doing  the  greater  part  in  the  work  of  the  wTorld,  and  doing  it  in  all 
honor  and  beneficence  and  the  goodness  of  a  calm  but  mighty  and 
fruitful  life.  How  admirable  is  what  Mark  Antony  said  of  Brutus,  in 
its  application  to  McKinley: 

"  His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 
So  mixt  in  him  that  Nature  might  stand  up 
And  say  to  all  the  world : 

'This  was  a  man!' ? 

Or  this  tribute  to  Duncan? 

"  He  has  borne  his  faculties  so  meek,  hath  been 
So  clear  in  his  great  office,  that  his  virtues 
Will  plead  like  angels,  trumpet-tongued,  against 
The  deep  damnation  of  his  taking-oft' !" 

Take  the  two  passages  together,  and  they  tell  it  nearly  all. 

As  a  scene  in  the  life  of  McKinley  note  this: 

Some  time  before  the  Bepublican  National  Convention  of  1892  was 
held  McKinley  had  expressed  himself  as  in  favor  of  the  renomina- 
tion  of  President  Harrison.  He  was  elected  a  delegate-at-large  as 
a  Harrison  man,  and  the  understanding  was  that  Ohio  would  vote 
solidly  for  the  President's  renomination. 

The  convention  made  McKinley  its  permanent  chairman,  and  the 
speech  he  made  at  the  time  is  viewed  as  one  of  the  most  masterly 

415 


410  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

representations  of  the  issues  before  the  country  ever  pronounced. 
Again  at  that  convention  Major  McKinley  insisted  on  his  name  being 
withdrawn  as  a  candidate  and  this,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the 
delegation  from  his  own  State  had,  unknown  to  him,  decided  to  cast 
its  vote  for  him.  When  the  vote  of  Ohio  was  announced,  "Harrison,  2; 
McKinley,  44  votes/'  he  sprang  from  his  seat  shouting,  "I  challenge  the 
vote  of  Ohio!" 

When  Texas  was  reached  on  the  roll  call  and  the  vote  of  that  State 
announced,  Chairman  McKinley  invited  Elliott  F.  Shepard  of  New  York 
to  preside,  and  then  took  the  floor  and  moved  that  Benjamin  Harrison 
be  nominated  for  President  of  the  United  States  by  acclamation.  Mr. 
Clarkson  of  Iowa  seconded  the  motion.  An  objection,  however,  being 
made  that  the  roll-call  was  in  progress,  McKinley  withdrew  his  motion, 
but  when  the  roll-call  was  completed  the  motion  was  again  put  and  the 
nomination  was  made  unanimous. 

As  an  incident  in  the  life  of  McKinley,  take  this: 

The  second  gubernatorial  campaign  (McKinley  in  Ohio)  opened  at  a 
time  when  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union  was  suffering  from 
the  effects  of  a  panic.  The  Eepublicans  met  in  State  convention  at 
Columbus  on  June  7,  1893,  and  renominated  McKinley  for  Governor 
by  acclamation.  His  Democratic  opponent  was  L.  T.  Neal,  but  he 
defeated  him  by  the  phenomenal  plurality  of  80,995,  on  the  largest  vote 
that  had  ever  been  cast  in  Ohio  up  to  that  time. 

Two  observations  are  to  be  made  by  way  of  annotation.  There 
were  many  Republicans  in  Ohio,  and  not  a  few  of  them  were  men  of  in 
fluence,  who  had  often  appeared  in  representative  characters,  held 
fast  to  the  opinion  that  McKinley  was  far  aAvay  ahead  of  the  people 
in  his  protectionist  views,  and  that  if  he  was  not  ruled  off  the  track 
he  would  cause  a  crushing  defeat  of  his  party.  His  tremendous  major 
ity  presented  him  to  the  country  as  the  next  President,  and  he  was 
so  introduced  whenever  he  addressed  the  people,  until  his  friends  had 
the  happiness  to  call  him  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

There  was  a  serious  movement  to  make  McKinley  believe  it  was  his 
duty  to  stand  for  a  third  term,  but  he  ended  that  as  he  "demanded"  in 
the  Chicago  Convention  that  nominated  Harrison  that  his  friends 
should  not  vote  for  him. 

An  interesting  incident  occurred  the  last  Sunday  Mr.  McKinley 
spent  in  Canton  before  going  to  Washington  to  be  inaugurated  Presi- 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  417 

dent.  He  requested  his  pastor  some  days  in  advance  to  preach  on  that 
Sunday,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  have  a  stranger  indulge  in  wrords  of 
eulogy  of  him.  He  said:  "I  want  my  own  pastor  to  preach  the  last 
Sunday  before  I  go  to  Washington."  Once  he  said:  "If  you  or  anyone 
else  should  begin  to  gush  over  me,  I  would  get  up  and  leave  the  church." 
The  hymn  sung  on  that  occasion  was  No.  tJ02  in  the  Methodist  hymn- 
book  : 

"  It  may  not  be  our  lot  to  wield 
The  sickle  in  the  ripened  field; 
Nor  ours  to  hear,  on  summer  eves, 
The  reaper's  song  among  the  sheaves. 

"  Yet  where  our  duty's  task  is  wrought 
In  unison  with  God's  great  thought, 
The  near  and  future  blend  in  one, 
And  whatsoe'er  is  willed,  is  done. 

"  And  ours  the  grateful  service  whence 
Comes,  day  by  day,  the  recompense; 
The  hope,  the  trust,  the  purpose  stayed, 
The  fountain,  and  the  noonday  shade. 

"  And  were  this  life  the  utmost  span, 
The  only  end  and  aim  of  man, 
Better  the  toil  of  fields  like  these 
Than  waking  dream  and  slothful  ease." 

Mr.  McKinley  wTas  so  pleased  with  the  sentiment  of  the  hymn  that 
the  next  day  he  asked  the  board  of  trustees,  as  a  special  favor,  to  give 
him  the  copy  of  the  book  from  which  he  sang  the  day  before,  saying  that 
he  had  marked  that  hymn  and  that  he  would  like  to  have  that  par 
ticular  book. 

When  the  speeches  and  addresses  of  William  McKinley  are,  as  they 
soon  will  be,  edited  and  arranged,  in  perhaps  as  many  as  ten  volumesr— 
the  number  in  the  edition  of  Lincoln's  works  prepared  by  Hay  and 
Nicolay — it  wrill  be  effectually  made  known  that  he  touched  an  extraor 
dinary  range  of  subjects,  and  adorned  all  he  touched.  In  a  speech  before 
the  Marquette  Club  of  Chicago  in  189G  McKinley  told  the  secret  of 
Lincoln's  undoubted  great  power  and  he  more  than  once  spoke  similarly 
of  the  wisdom  of  standing  writh  the  people  and  of  thinking  with  them 
and  thus  holding  their  confidence.  He  said : 


418  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

"In  all  Lincoln  did  he  invited,  rather  than  evaded,  examination  and 
criticism.  He  submitted  his  plans  and  purposes,  as  far  as  practicable, 
to  public  consideration  with  perfect  frankness  and  sincerity.  There 
was  such  homely  simplicity  in  his  character  that  it  could  not  be  hedged 
in  by  pomp  of  place  nor  the  ceremonials  of  high  official  station.  He 
was  so  accessible  to  the  rmblic  that  he  seemed  to  take  the  whole  people 
into  his  confidence. 

"Here,  perhaps,  was  one  secret  of  his  power.  The  people  never  lost 
confidence  in  him,  however  much  they  unconsciously  added  to  his  per 
sonal  discomfort  and  trials," 

HOW  McKINLEY  ENLISTED. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  incidents  of  the  life  of  McKinley  was 
that  of  his  enlistment  in  the  army. 

There  is  an  old  tavern  in  Poland,  Ohio,  known  as  the  Sparrow 
House,  which  was  built  in  1804.  The  rafters  are  tumbling  down  now 
and  time  has  almost  completed  its  destruction.  But  in  June,  1861,  the 
old  place  was  one  of  common  resort  for  the  villagers  and  most  of  the 
town  meetings  were  held  there.  Lincoln,  at  that  time,  had  just  issued 
his  call  for  troops  and  Poland  was  to  send  a  company  to  the  front. 
A  meeting  had  been  called  to  be  held  in  the  Sparrow  House.  The  place 
was  packed.  McKinley  had  come  from  his  school  to  hear  the  speeches. 
When  one  speaker  said,  pointing  to  an  American  flag  which  had  been 
displayed :  "Our  country's  flag  has  been  shot  at.  And  for  what?  That 
this  free  government  may  keep  a  race  in  the  bondage  of  slavery.  Who 
will  be  the  first  to  defend  it?"  McKinley  stepped  forward  and  with 
him  the  first  young  men  of  Poland.  He  and  they  enlisted.  They 
became  Company  E  of  the  Twenty-third  Ohio,  one  of  the  foremost  regi 
ments  sent  by  that  State  to  do  battle  with  the  Confederacy.  The 
company  marched  from  Poland  to  Youngstown  and  at  Camp  Chase, 
Columbus,  joined  its  regiment  and  entered  on  actual  service. 

Here  was  a  most  promising  leadership.  There  is  the  flag — was  the 
appeal — who  will  fight  for  it?  And  William  McKinley  was  the  first  boy 
to  step  to  the  front. 

McKINLEY'S  COURTSHIP 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  the  first  child  of  James  and  Mary  Saxton  of  Can 
ton.  As  a  child  and  young  woman  she  was  vivacious  and  had  friends 
among  all  classes.  She  had  then  the  happy  faculty  of  becoming  en- 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES,  419 

cleared  to  those  who  knew  her — a  trait  which  is  hers  still.  Her  educa 
tion  was  obtained  in  the  public  schools  of  Canton,  at  a  school  in  Cleve 
land,  and  later  at  Brook  Hall  Seminary,  Media,  Pa.,  then  under  the 
charge  of  Miss  Eastman,  who  was  a  well-known  educator  of  that  time. 
Here  Mrs.  McKinley,  then  Ida  Saxton,  spent  three  years.  After  this  she 
spent  six  months  with  a  party  of  friends  visiting  points  of  interest  in 
Europe. 

When  she  returned  to  Canton,  a  young  woman,  handsome  and  re 
fined,  a  career  of  belleship  was  open  to  her.  She  added  to  her  charm 
ing  manners  a  dash  of  coquetry,  just  enough  to  make  the  young  men 
eager  to  be  a  friend  of  the  worthy  young  woman. 

Her  father  was  a  man  of  staid  character  and  pronounced  opinions. 
He  was  then  a  banker  and  he  concluded  to  give  his  daughter  such  a 
training  as  would  fit  her  to  cope  with  all  the  duties  of  woman,  new  or 
old.  Accordingly  Miss  Ida  was  installed  as  assistant  in  the  bank,  and 
there  is  a  common  saying  there  that  her  fair  face  attracted  bouquets 
and  bank-notes  to  the  window.  "She  must  be  trained,"  said  her  father, 
"to  buy  her  own  bread  if  necessary,  and  not  to  sell  herself  to  matri 
mony." 

Mr.  Saxton  had  married  happily  and  he  jealously  guarded  his  daugh 
ter.  His  placing  her  in  the  bank  was  a  master-stroke.  She  was  having 
business  to  think  about  and  was  fitting  herself  for  the  trials  of  life  and 
adversity  if  they  should  come. 

Of  suitors  Miss  Ida  Saxton  had  many.  There  were  among  them 
the  best  in  point  of  position  and  wealth  the  country  knew.  When  Miss 
Saxton  returned  from  her  foreign  tour  Major  McKinley  was  fairly 
started  in  his  legal  career.  IJis  honest  face  and  manly  bearing  van 
quished  all  rivals,  removed  the  young  woman  from  the  cashier's  window 
and  won  from  honest  James  Saxton  these  words  when  the  hand  of  his 
daughter  was  gained: 

"You  are  the  only  man  I  have  ever  known  to  whom  I  would  entrust 
my  daughter/-" 

THE  PRESIDENT'S   TITLE. 

Just  after  the  election  which  made  Mr.  McKinley  President-elect 
an  old  man,  one  of  the  oldest  friends  of  the  McKinleys,  called  at  the 
Canton  home. 


420  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

Why,  how  do  you  do,  Uncle  John?"  cordially  exclaimed  the  Presi 
dent-elect  to  the  farmer. 

The  farmer's  face  flushed  as  he  replied:  "Neighbor,  'tain't  all  right  to 
call  you  neighbor  any  more  and  I  want  to  know  just  how  to  speak  to 
you.  You  used  to  be  just  Major  McKinley  and  then  you  was  Lawyer 
McKinley,  and  then  after  a  bit  you  was  Congressman  McKinley,  and 
then  you  got  to  be  Governor  McKinley.  Now  you  are  elected  President 
McKinley,  but  you  ain't  President  yet." 

The  President-elect  laughed  heartily  at  the  perplexity  of  his  con 
stituent  and  answered : 

"John,  I  won't  have  a  friend  of  mine,  such  as  you  are,  address  me  by 
any  prouder  title  than  that  of  major.  That  rank  belongs  to  me.  I  am 
not  governor  any  more  and  I  am  not  President  yet.  So  you  just  call 
me  plain  major,  which  I  like  to  be  to  all  my  friends." 

'WILLIAM  AT  WASHINGTON"  AND  HIS  MOTHER. 

During  the  entire  term  of  his  governorship  of  Ohio  be  sent  a  letter, 
no  matter  how  brief,  to  his  mother  every  day.  Sometimes,  when  under 
some  tremendous  pressure  of  work,  the  daily  message  would  take  the 
form  of  a  telegram,  but  this  resort  he  avoided  as  much  as  possible.  At 
one  time,  during  a  serious  disturbance  in  Ohio,  when  the  troops  had 
been  called  out  to  prevent  an  anticipated  lynching,  Governor  McKinley 
for  a  period  of  ten  days  scarcely  slept.  Yet  every  night,  the  very  last 
thing  before  he  allowed  himself  to  snatch  the  briefest  rest,  he  wrote  a 
little  note  to  his  mother,  knowing  her  great  anxiety. 

When,  after  the  inauguration  of  her  son  as  President,  Mother  Mc 
Kinley  returned  to  Canton,  the  daily  letters  were  resumed.  Every  day 
there  came  to  the  Canton  post-office  the  little  White  House  envelope 
bearing  some  tender  message  from  her  "William  at  Washington"  to  his 
mother.  "William  at  Washington"  was  always  the  way  that  she  re 
ferred  to  her  President-son. 

THE  PRESIDENT  PROVES  HIS  METHODISM. 

President  McKinley  always  showed  the  highest  degree  of  generosity 
toward  his  political  opponents.  While  governor  of  Ohio  he  was  about  to 
appoint  to  an  exalted  and  lucrative  office  a  man  who>  for  many  years  had 
been  his  ardent  supporter,  but  who  had  deserted  him  and  gone  over  to  the 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  421 

enemy  at  a  critical  period.  Later,  when  that  critical  period  had  passed, 
the  deserter  slipped  back  into  his  party  and  remained  unnoticed  until 
he  became  a  candidate  for  office.  Many  of  Governor  McKinley's  loyal 
friends  earnestly  protested  against  his  appointment.  They  argued  that 
the  man  had  been  a  traitor  when  he  was  most  needed  and  that  he  was 
not  entitled  to  consideration. 

The  governor's  face  lighted  up  with  a  smile  and  he  remarked:  "Gen 
tlemen,  you  seem  to  forget  that  I  am  a  Methodist  and  believe  in  the  doc 
trine  of  falling  from  grace." 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  WILL. 

President  McKinley's  will  is  as  follows: 

Executive  Mansion,  Washington. 

I  publish  the  following  as  my  latest  will  and  testament,  hereby  re 
voking  all  former  wills: 

To  my  beloved  wife,  Ida  S.  McKinley,  I  bequeath  all  of  my  real  es 
tate,  wherever  situated,  and  the  income  of  any  personal  property  of 
which  I  may  be  possessed  at  death,  during  her  natural  life.  I  make  the 
following  charge  upon  all  my  property,  both  real  and  personal :  To  pay 
my  mother  during  her  life  one  thousand  dollars  a  year,  and  at  her  death 
said  sum  to  be  paid  to  my  sister,  Helen  McKinley. 

If  the  income  from  property  be  insufficient  to  keep  my  wife  in  great 
comfort  and  pay  the  annuity  above  provided,  then  I  direct  that  such  of 
my  property  be  sold  so  as  to  make  a  sum  adequate  for  both  purposes. 

Whatever  property  remains  at  the  death  of  my  wife  I  give  to  my 
brothers  and  sisters,  share  and  share  alike. 

My  chief  concern  is  that  my  wife  from  my  estate  shall  have  all  she 
requires  for  her  comfort  and  pleasure,  and  that  my  mother  shall  be  pro 
vided  with  whatever  money  she  requires  to  make  her  old  age  comfort 
able  and  happy. 

Witness  my  hand  and  seal  this  22d  day  of  October,  1897,  to  my  last 
will  and  testament,  made  at  the  City  of  Washington,  District  of  Co 
lumbia.  William  McKinley. 

The  foregoing  will  was  witnessed  by  us  this  22d  day  of  October,  1897, 
at  the  request  of  the  testator,  and  his  name  signed  thereto  in  our  pres 
ence  and  our  signature  hereto  in  his  presence.  G.  B.  Cortelyou, 

Charles  Loeffler. 


422  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

There  is  an  estimate  probably  not  far  from  the  truth  that  the  late 
President's  estate  amounts  to  about  $250,000.  Mrs.  McKinley's  prop 
erty  inherited  from  her  father  was  held  to  be  worth  near  $100,000,  and 
there  is  $67,000  life  insurance. 

FOUR  HUNDRED  MILES  OP  MOURNERS. 

The  funeral  train  left  Buffalo  at  8:30  Monday  morning.  It  traveled 
over  a.  route  420  miles  in  length  amid  the  tolling  of  bells  and  through 
endless  lanes  of  mourning  people  that  at  every  town,  village  and  ham 
let  lined  the  track  far  out  into  the  fields.  At  many  cities  and  towns 
school  children  and  young  women  had  strewn  flowers  on  the  track,  hid 
ing  the  rails,  and  the  engine  wheels  cut  their  way  through  the  fragrant 
masses  of  blooms  spread  out  to  show  the  love  felt  for  the  dead  Presi 
dent.  The  whole  country  seemed  to  have  assembled  its  population  at 
the  sides  of  the  track  over  which  the  funeral  train  passed.  Work  was 
suspended  in  field  and  mine  and  city.  The  schools  were  dismissed. 
Everywhere  appeared  the  trappings  and  tokens  of  woe. 

THE   CONVERSION   OF   McKINLEY. 

We  have  for  this  the  authority  of  the  Methodist  Christian  Advocate: 
William  McKinley  is  the  only  President  of  the  United  States  who 
was  a  life-long  Methodist.  He  inherited  his  Methodism  from  his  father 
and  mother  and  united  with  the  church  in  boyhood.  He  grew  up  in  the 
Sunday-school,  and  when  about  fourteen  years  old,  while  living  in 
Poland,  Ohio,  he  was  converted  and  joined  the  Methodist  Church  during 
a  series  of  protracted  meetings.  The  pastor  who  received  him,  Rev. 
A.  D.  Morton,  said  that  during  this  revival  McKinley  was  an  attentive, 
thoughtful  listener.  One  evening,  at  a  meeting  of  young  people,  the  boy 
stood  up  and  calmly  said:  "I  have  not  done  my  duty;  I  have  sinned;  I 
want  to  be  a  Christian;  I  believe  religion  to  be  the  best  thing  in  all  the 
world.  I  give  myself  to  the  Savior  who  has  done  so  much  for  me."  A 
few  evenings  afterward  he  said :  "I  have  found  the  pearl  of  great  price. 
I  love  God." 

Young  McKinley  began  at  once  to  study  the  doctrines  of  the  Bible 
and  was  soon  afterward  received  into  the  church.  Religion  was  to  him 
a  serious  matter,  and  his  regard  for  the  consistency  of  his  religious  char 
acter,  even  in  boyhood,  is  illustrated  in  his  remark,  when  asked  to  hitch 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  423 

up  a  horse  and  buggy  for  a  member  of  the  family  to  attend. a  party,  that 
he  thought  it  was  not  exactly  right  to  ask  a  Methodist  to  assist  a  person 
to  go  to  a  dance. 

After  his  return  from  the  war  young  McKinley  located  in  Canton 
and  began  the  study  of  law.  It  is  said  that  his  mother  desired  him 
to  be  a  minister,  and  expressed  the  opinion  that,  if  he  had  done  so,  he 
might  have  become  a  Methodist  bishop.  The  family,  however,  united  in 
assisting  him  to  carry  out  his  purpose  to  become  a  lawyer. 

He  was  active  in  church  work  in  Canton,  where  he  began  to  practice 
law,  and  was  superintendent  of  the  Methodist  Sunday-school  at  the 
time  of  his  marriage  to  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  who  was  herself  a  teacher 
at  that  time  in  the  Presbyterian  Sunday-school.  He  was  consistent 
and  uniform  in  his  religious  life  and  regularly  attended  church,  whether 
at  his  home  in  Canton  or  in  Washington. 

Without  making  any  display  of  his  religion,  he  always  impressed 
his  associates  in  public  life  with  his  Christian  character,  his  associates 
in  Congress  being  often  attracted  by  his  humming  Methodist  tunes.  The 
exigencies  of  public  life  often  made  severe  drafts  upon  his  time,  but 
very  rarely  did  he  allow  anything  to  interfere  with  his  attendance  at  re- 
ligious  service  at  least  once  on  Sunday. 

Even  during  the  most  exciting  period  of  the  recent  war  he  missed  the 
Sunday  service  only  two  or  three  times,  on  which  occasions  he  was  de 
tained  by  special  meetings  of  the  Cabinet. 

HIS   TRIBUTE  TO  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD. 

Mr.  McKinley  was  enabled  to  pay  a  beautiful  tribute  to  his  great 
friend,  President  James  A.  Garfield,  in  an  address  accepting  the  statue 
of  the  martyr  President  presented  by  the  State  of  Ohio  in  the  House  of 
Eepresentatives  on  July  19, 1886: 

"He  was  brave  and  sagacious.  He  filled  every  post  with  intelligence 
and  fidelity  and  directed  the  movement  of  troops  with  judgment  and 
skill.  Distinguished  as  was  his  military  career,  which  in  itself  would 
have  given  him  a  proud  place  in  history,  his  most  enduring  fame,  his 
highest  renown,  was  earned  in  this  House  as  a  representative  of  the 
people.  Here  his  marvelous  qualities  were  brought  into  full  activity; 
here  he  grew  with  gradual  but  ever  increasing  strength;  here  he  won 
his  richest  laurels;  here  was  the  scene  and  center  of  his  greatest  glory. 
Here  he  was  a  leader  and  master,  not  by  combination  or  scheming,  not 


424  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

by  chicane  or  caucus,  but  by  the  force  of  his  cultivated  mind,  his  keen 
and  far-seeing  judgment,  his  unanswerable  logic,  his  strength  and 
power  of  speech,  his  thorough  comprehension  of  the  subjects  of  legisla 
tion.  Always  strong,  he  was  strongest  on  his  feet  addressing  the  House, 
or  from  the  rostrum  the  assembled  people.  He  was  always  just  to  his 
adversary,  an  open  and  manly  opponent  and  free  from  invective.  He 
convinced  the  judgment  with  his  searching  logic,  while  he  swayed  his 
listeners  wTith  brilliant  periods  and  glowring  eloquence.  He  was  always 
an  educator  of  the  people.  His  thoughts  were  fresh,  vigorous  and  in 
structive. 

"Another  place  of  great  honor  we  fill  to-day.  Nobly  and  worthily  is 
it  filled.  Garfield  has  joined  Winthrop  and  Adams  and  the  other  illus 
trious  ones  as  'the  elect  of  the  States,'  peopling  yonder  venerable  and 
beautiful  hall.  He  receives  his  high  credentials,  from  the  hands  of  the 
State  which  has  withheld  from  him  none  of  her  honors,  and  history  will 
ratify  the  choice.  We  add  another  to  the  immortal  membership.  An 
other  enters  'the  sacred  circle.'  In  silent  eloquence  from  the  'American 
Pantheon'  another  speaks,  whose  life-work,  with  its  treasures  of  wis 
dom,  its  wealth  of  achievement  and  its  priceless  memories  will  remain 
to  us  and  our  descendants  a  precious  legacy  forever  and  forever." 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  AN  EDUCATION. 

Young  McKinley  grew  to  manhood  in  the  village  of  Poland,  Ohio, 
a  town  which  possessed  a  seminary  for  boys  and  girls  of  the  type  of  the 
New  England  academy.  To  Poland  Seminary  came  ambitious  young 
men  and  young  women  from  the  neighboring  farms,  eager  for  the  book- 
learning  of  the  schools  and  believing  that  its  possession  would  open 
broad  highways  to  success  in  life.  Some  engaged  rooms  and  board  at 
the  rate  of  $2.00  a  week,  and  others  reduced  this  very  modest  cost  of 
living  by  taking  rooms  alone  and  eating  the  victuals  sent  in  to  them 
weekly  by  their  parents.  None  of  these  bright  young  people  felt  that 
they  were  poor.  They  were  all  accustomed  to  the  close  economies  of 
the  farm  life  of  that  period,  and  were  not  in  the  least  ashamed  of  them. 
The  richest  man  in  Poland  at  that  time  was  not  worth  ten  thousand 
dollars.  A  man  with  five  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  property  and  no 
debts  was  thought  to  be  well  off.  Mrs.  McKinley  helped  out  the  narrow 
income  of  the  family  by  taking  boarders  and  herself  did  the  cooking, 
with  the  help  of  her  girls.  Young  McKinley  was  an  ardent  student.  It 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  425 

was  his  mother's  ambition  as  well  as  his  own  that  he  should  go  through 
college  and  then  study  law,  but  whether  this  aim  could  be  accomplished 
was  always  rather  doubtful.  The  father  was  frugal,  industrious  and 
self-denying,  but  he  had  a  large  family  to  provide  for  and  his  earnings 
were  small.  William  did  what  he  could  to  help  out  the  family  income 
by  one  sort  of  work  or  another  in  vacation  times.  At  one  time  it  was 
almost  decided  that  the  plan  for  his  education  must  be  abandoned,  but 
his  elder  sister,  Annie,  came  to  the  rescue  with  the  money  she  had  saved 
as  a  school  teacher. 

INCIDENTS   OF   McKINLEY'S   TENDERNESS   TO  HIS   WIFE. 

At  all  dinners,  even  the  most  formal  state  affairs,  the  regulation 
etiquette  was  set  aside  and  Mrs.  McKinley  always  sat,  not  opposite  to 
him  at  the  other  end  or  side  of  the  table,  as  official  custom  demanded, 
but  at  the  President's  side,  so  that  he  might  be  close  to  her.  This  rule 
was  never  departed  from  and  the  deviation  from  the  usual  custom  was 
accepted  by  everybody.  When  Mrs.  McKinley  was  upstairs  in  the  White 
House  and  not  feeling  very  well,  it  was  not  unusual  for  the  President 
to  excuse  himself  from  some  conference,  or  to  callers,  and  run  quickly 
up-stairs  to  spend  a  moment  with  his  wife.  He  had  been  known  to  do 
this  as  often  as  twelve  times  a  day.  His  tender  care  of  her  when  travel 
ing  won  for  him  the  deepest  reverence  and  admiration  of  all  who  hap 
pened  to  be  near  the  devoted  husband  and  wife.  WThen  affairs  of  state 
were  urgent  the  President  invariably  shielded  his  wife  from  the  unfa 
vorable  side,  always  presenting  to  her  the  most  cheerful  and  brightest 
view  of  any  question  at  issue.  Again  and  again  during  the  tenancy  of 
the  White  House  the  President  himself,  in  addition  to  all  his  other  du 
ties,  directed,  so  far  as  he  could,  the  domestic  machinery  of  the  Execu 
tive  Mansion  in  order  to  save  his  wife  from  the  worry  of  household  cares. 

MEETING   A  CRISIS   ON   THE  BATTLEFIELD. 

It  was  at  the  battle  of  Opequan,  fought  near  Winchester,  Va.,  Sep 
tember  19,  1864.  Captain  McKinley  was  acting  as  an  aide-de-camp  on 
the  staff  of  General  Sheridan,  and  General  Deval  was  commanding  the 
second  division.  General  Crook  sent  McKinley  with  a  verbal  order  to 
General  Deval,  commanding  him  to  move  quickly  by  a  certain  road  and 
take  his  position  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  In  going  to  General 


426  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

Deval  McKinley  took  this  road,  through  a  ravine,  and  found  it  almost 
blockaded  with  broken  wagons,  dead  horses  and  fallen  trees.  It  was 
with  difficulty  that  he  could  get  through,  and,  when  he  reached  Deval 
and  delivered  his  order  as  given  him,  he  added:  "But,  General,  I  have 
come  over  that  road  and  it  is  so  obstructed  that  an  army  could  not  move 
that  way  quickly  enough  to  be  of  any  service.  There  is  another  route 
by  which  I  am  sure  you  could  reach  the  place  assigned  to  you  and  I  sug 
gest  that  you  take  that  one." 

General  Deval  was  a  trained  soldier  and  felt  the  responsibility  of  his 
position  too  much  to  disobey  an  order  from  his  superior  officer,  even  in 
the  letter,  but  he  saw  the  force  of  McKinley's  suggestion.  He  hesitated 
as  to  what  he  should  do  and  then  said:  "Captain,  I  must  obey  General 
Crook's  order  to  the  letter.  What  road  did  he  say  I  should  take?" 

It  was  the  captain's  time  to  hesitate.  He  saw  that  General  DevaFs 
idea  of  military  discipline  would  compel  him  to  follow  the  order  to  the 
letter,  and  he  knew,  from  his  own  experience,  that  an  army  could  not 
move  along  that  route  and  reach  his  position  in  time  to  be  of  service. 
He  answered:  "General  Deval,  General  Crook  commands  you  to  move 
your  division  along  this  road  (mentioning  the  one  he  had  suggested)  and 
take  up  your  position  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth  Corps."  General  Deval 
accepted  the  order,  and,  moving  his  command  as  directed,  was  able  to 
reach  his  new  position  in  time  to  be  of  great  service  in  driving  the  en 
emy  from  their  fortified  position  and  saving  the  Union  troops  from 
defeat. 

When  Captain  McKinley  reported  to  General  Crook  what,  he  had 
done,  the  general  looked  at  him  in  amazement  as  he  asked:  "Did  you 
fully  understand  the  risk  you  took  in  changing  the  order  you  were  in 
trusted  to  deliver  to  General  Deval?" 

"I  did,"  was  the  captain's  reply. 

"Did  you  know  that  you  were  liable  to  be  court-martialed  and  dis 
missed  from  the  service,  and,  had  it  led  to  disaster,  shot  as  a  traitor?" 

"I  did,  General,  but  I  was  willing  to  take  that  risk  to  save  the 
battle." 

General  Crook  looked  the  young  captain  in  the  eyes  for  a  minute  and 
saw  that  he  was  dealing  with  a  man  who  had  the  courage  to  put  aside 
technicalities  and  do  his  duty  as  judgment  and  conscience  and  absolute 
personal  knowledge  of  the  situation  dictated,  without  regard  to  the  con 
sequences,  and  he  said: 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  427 

"Captain,  you  have  saved  the  battle,  and  you  are  a  brave  man;  but 
I  would  advise  you  not  to  take  such  risks  again,  as,  in  case  of  failure, 
even  of  the  officer  who  received  the  command,  to  do  his  duty  in  the  light 
of  your  knowledge,  the  blame  would  rest  upon  you  alone." 

It  may  not  be  generally  known  that  President  McKinley  owned  a 
farm,  but  such  was  the  case,  and  it  was  a  well-kept  farm,  too.  Two  miles 
from  Minerva,  Ohio,  and  one  mile  from  Bayard,  it  stands  on  a  sloping 
parcel  of  ground  surmounted  by  the  orchards  of  apples.  The  Cleveland 
£  Pittsburg  Kailroad  crosses  the  farm  and  the  Big  Sandy  Canal  courses 
tli  rough  the  field  at  one  side  of  the  main  road. 

Along  a  lane  to  a  point  two-thirds  of  the  Avay  up  the  slope  are  the 
farm  buildings.  To  the  right,  the  first  one  is  the  sheep  barn.  This  two- 
story  structure  was  originally  a  church,  attended  by  the  folks  of  that 
rural  vicinity  who  worshiped  on  the  Sabbath.  Twenty-five  years  ago, 
when  it  ceased  to  be  used  for  church  purposes,  it  wras  moved  from  the 
corner  of  the  farm  next  the  main  road  to  its  present  site.  When  it  stood 
on  the  corner  it  was  just  in  front  of  the  old  cemetery  known  as  the  Plain's 
Cemetery,  which  is  still  there. 

McKinley's  farm  is  a  profitable  one.  In  any  season  when  crops  are 
good  it  yields  richly.  This  last  year's  potato  crop  will  aggregate  nearly 
two  thousand  bushels.  The  corn  fields  have  been  known  to  produce  as 
high  as  3,500  bushels  in  one  year.  Last  year  the  hay  crop  amounted  to 
one  hundred  tons.  The  oats  crop  this  year  aggregates  seven  hundred 
bushels. 

September  is  apple  butter  making  time  in  northwestern  Ohio.  Many 
of  the  apples  on  McKinley's  farm  are  made  into  apple  butter.  The  large 
orchard  is  an  important  part  of  the  farm.  One  year  1,700  bushels  of 
Baldwins  were  gathered  and  as  many  more  of  other  kinds,  making  a  total 
yield  of  nearly  3,500  bushels.  Part  of  the  produce  of  the  farm  has  been 
shipped  to  Canton  from  time  to  time,  but  none  has  ever  been  sent  to 
Washington. 

Selling  milk  is  another  of  the  industries  of  the  farm.  There  are  about 
twenty-five  head  of  cattle  and  nine  milch  cows.  Some  of  them  are  blooded 
stock.  liaising  calves  is  also  an  occupation.  Ten  fine  horses  are  con 
stantly  employed.  Two  hundred  sheep  graze  on  the  hills  and  meadows. 
One  season  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  sheep  were  sold  from  this  place. 
While  speaking  of  animals,  the  two  dogs  must  not  be  forgotten.  One, 


428  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

bearing  the  name  of  "Skep,"  has  been  on  the  place  for  years.  The  other, 
which  is  a  yellow  one,  carne  there  as  a  stray  not  long  ago,  and  has  found 
a  good  home.  The  chickens  are  numbered  by  hundreds. 

The  man  who  has  charge  of  the  McKinley  farm  is  W.  J.  Adams,  w7ho 
was  reared  in  Pennsylvania.  He  is  a  farmer  who  understands  his  busi 
ness,  and  it  is  said  that  there  is  not  a  more  prosperous  farm  in  all  that 
section.  Mr.  Adams'  family  consists  of  his  wife,  two  boys  and  two  girls. 
One  hired  man  is  kept  the  year  around,  and  two  are  employed  during  the 
busy  season  of  the  year.  Mr.  Adams  works  the  farm  on  shares.  The 
fences  are  all  kept  up,  and  there  is  an  appearance  of  neatness  which 
marks  his  work. 

The  residence  is  a  two-story  structure  built  sixty  years  ago  by  a  man 
named  Hostetter,  who  was  interested  in  the  Big  Sandy  Canal,  and  had 
it  succeeded  he  would  have  finished  and  occupied  the  house.  But  the 
railroad  came  through,  and  the  first  boat  that  was  sent  down  the  canal 
got  caught  in  the  tunnel,  not  very  far  distant,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
get  it  out.  This  was  the  only  boat  which  ever  made  a  trip  on  the  Big 
Sandy  Canal.  Mr.  Hostetter  was  never  able  to  complete  the  house,  so  to 
this  day  a  number  of  the  rooms  have  not  been  finished  off.  This  house 
is  now  getting  old  in  appearance.  It  contains  eleven  rooms.  The  porch 
is  about,  the  size  of  McKinley's  famous  front  porch  at  Canton,  and  then 
on  to  the  upright  part  there  is  a  wing  which  is  a  story  and  a  half  high. 
The  lawn  is  well  kept,  and  flowers  grow  along  the  fences  at  one  side. 

Besides  the  residence,  there  are  six  buildings  on  the  farm.  There  is 
the  main  barn,  the  sheep  barn,  two  large  wagon  sheds,  weighing  house 
and  pig  pen.  One  of  the  sheds  shelters  an  immense  wagon  which  one 
time  made  a  memorable  trip.  It  was  after  the  first  election  of  McKinley 
to  the  presidency.  Six  teams  of  horses  were  hitched  to  the  vehicle  and 
the  farmers  round  about  gathered  to  the  number  of  forty  and  drove  to 
Mr.  McKinley's  Canton  home,  to  join  in  congratulating  him. 

President  McKinley  was  an  adept  in  the  art  of  shaking  hands.  A 
man  who  stood  and  watched  him  for  a  while  thus  describes  the  manner 
in  which  the  Chief  Executive  shook  hands  with  people  and  pleased  them 
greatly  in  consequence: 

"There  is  something  grimly  humorous  in  watching  a  man  shake  hands 
with  a  multitude  at  the  rate  of  fifty  a  minute.  Up  and  down  the  arm 
and  hand  go,  like  a  pump  handle  or  the  rhythmic  beat  of  a  piston.  I 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  429 

watched  the  President  at  Memorial  Hall  last  Tuesday  afternoon  when 
he  greeted  five  thousand  citizens,  and  I  confess  I  was  amazed.  My  first 
feeling  was  one  of  amusement.  To  hear  the  President  mumble  constantly, 
"Glad  to  see  you."  "Pleased  to  see  you,"  in  the  same  monotone,  to  watch 
the  shake,  the  mechanical  motion  of  the  arm,  the  sudden  jerk  with  which 
he  half  pulled — yanked  it  was,  truly — the  person  just  greeted,  and  the 
astonished,  semi-stupefied  look  on  the  shaked  one's  face — all  this  and 
more  was  inimitably  funny. 

"But  soon  the  feeling  of  amusement  gave  way  to  one  of  wonder,  and 
then  of  compassion  that  a  Chief  Executive  should  have  to  submit  to  such 
an  ordeal,  and  finally  to  unbounded  admiration  and  amazement  at  the 
extraordinary  vitality  shown  by  the  President. 

"The  McKinley  grip  deserves  special  description;  it  is  unique  in  its 
line.  It  allures  the  caller,  holds  him  an  instant,  and  then  quietly  and 
deliberately  'shakes'  him.  Mr.  McKinley  is  not  a  tall  man  by  any 
means;  indeed  he  is,  if  anything,  considerably  below  what  I  should 
consider  the  medium  height — five  feet  ten.  Consequently  his  'shake7  is 
considerably  lower  than  a  handshake  you  get  from  the  average-sized  man. 
The  hand  goes  out  straight  for  you,  there  is  a  good  warm  pressure  of  the 
palm,  a  quick  drop,  a  jerk  forward  and  the  thing  is  over.  There  is  some 
thing  besides  the  extended  outstretched  palm  to  allure  you,  and  that  is 
Mr.  McKinley 's  beaming  countenance. 

"When  greeting  the  public  he  never  ceases  to  smile.  It  is  not  a  forced 
smile;  it  invites  you  forward  and  compels  your  own  smile  in  spite  of 
yourself.  It  is  so  genuinely  honest,  too,  that  one  can  not  but  conclude 
that,  onerous  as  these  receptions  must  be  to  the  President's  physique,  he 
nevertheless  enjoys  them  thoroughly.  Long  before  the  reception  was 
over  the  President  showed  unmistakable  signs  of  fatigue;  his  jaw  began 
to  droop  and  blackish  rings  formed  under  his  eyes,  but  the  smile — beam 
ing,  inviting — remained,  and  it  lasted  as  long  as  there  was  one  citizen  to 
greet. 

"Such  occasions  are  the  best  in  which  to  study  the  real  traits  of  a  man. 
If  there  is  anything  better  qualified  to  produce  irritability  than  a  public 
reception  with  a  lightning  handshaking  on  the  side,  I  do  not  think  it  has 
been  discovered.  I  am  frank  to  confess  that  Mr.  McKinley  showed  traits 
during  that  ordeal  that  were  both  admirable  and  lovable.  He  was  par 
ticularly  kind  to  the  veterans.  His  heart  went  with  his  hand  to  them. 


430  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

Several  of  them,  dazed  and  bewildered,  no  doubt,  would  have  passed  him 
by  unheeded  in  their  excitement. 

"His  arm  halted  them,  his  hand  sought  theirs,  and  he  never  failed  to 
say  'comrade'  to  them.  To  the  ladies  he  was  gracious,  especially  so  to  the 
feeble,  older  ones,  and  to  the  tots,  the  toddlers  and  the  growing  young 
Americans  he  was  like  a  father.  I  saw  him  detain  a  mother  who  was 
carrying  a  ,tiny  mite  on  her  arm.  Mr.  McKinley  fussed  with  the  muslins 
and  the  woolens  of  the  mite  until  he  found  its  chubby  little  hand,  which 
he  pressed  tenderly.  That  mother  did  not  say  a  word,  but  tears  of  joy 
glistened  in  her  eyes  as  she  passed  beyond. 

"I'll  venture  that  nobody  went  away  from  that  reception  feeling 
offended.  McKinley's  grip  is  a  manly  grip;  it  is  a  handshake  given 
with  genuine  pleasure.  It  is  the  grip  of  a  man  of  flesh  and  blood  and 
of  a  sympathetic  soul." 

During  the  late  Western  trip,  Mrs.  McKinley  was  busy  with  her  fancy 
work,  her  crocheted  slippers,  and  even  while  she  turned  to  bow  from  her 
car  to  the  assembled  crowd  she  wTould  occasionally  toy  with  the  wool  or 
take  a  random  stitch.  When  asked  about  her  slippers,  she  said : 

"Why,  what  am  I  to  do !  I  must  be  doing  something.  I  can't  bear 
to  be  idle,  and  this  is  pleasant  work  which  I  enjoy.  Would  you  believe 
it?  I  have  kept  count,  and  I  find  that  I  have  made  no  less  than  four 
thousand  pairs  of  slippers.  At  one  time  my  bill  for  soles  was  very  large, 
but  they  don't  cost  me  anything,  since  the  vice-president  is  in  the  shoe 
business;  he  supplies  me  with  soles  for  nothing.  I  keep  him  in  bedroom 
slippers,  and  as  he  is  now  sick  they  come  in  nicely  for  him.  I  have  no 
difficulty  in  disposing  of  all  the  slippers  I  can  make.  I  give  them  to 
hospitals  and  other  charities." 

Had  not  politics  early  attracted  President  McKinley,  he  would  with 
out  doubt  have  attained  eminence  as  a  lawyer.  His  pursuit  of  the  law 
was  marked  with  the  same  fidelity  that  characterized  his  every  under 
taking,  and  at  the  bar  he  won  not  only  success,  but  popularity  as  well.  An 
incident  in  his  career  as  a  lawyer  is  related  as  follows:  • 

"One  of  his  cases  long  remembered  was  when  he  was  pitted  against 
John  McSweeney,  then  considered  one  of  the  most  brilliant  lawyers  of 
the  Ohio  bar.  The  case  was  a  suit  for  damages  for  malpractice,  the  plain 
tiff  charging  that  a  surgeon  had  set  his  broken  leg  in  such  a  wav  as  to 


SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES.  431 

make  him  bow-legged  on  that  side.  McKinley  defended  the  surgeon. 
McSweeney  brought  his  client  into  court  and  had  the  injured  limb 
exposed  to  the  view  of  the  jury.  It  was  very  crooked,  and  the  case  looked 
bad  for  the  surgeon.  McKinley  had  both  his  eyes  wide  open,  however, 
and  fixed  them  to  good  purpose  on  the  man's  other  leg.  As  soon  as  the 
witness  was  turned  over  to  him,  he  asked  that  the  other  leg  should  also  be 
bared.  The  plaintiff  and  McSweeney  vigorously  objected,  but  the  judge 
ordered  it  done.  Then  it  appeared  that  his  second  leg  was  still  more 
crooked  than  that  which  the  surgeon  had  set. 

"  'My  client  seems  to  have  done  better  by  this  man  than  nature  itself 
did/  said  McKinley,  'and  I  move  that  the  suit  be  dismissed  with  a  recom 
mendation  to  the  plaintiff  that  he  have  the  other  leg  broken  and  then  set 
by  the  surgeon  who  set  the  first  one.' 7 

One  of  the  most  tender  tributes  ever  paid  to  the  memory  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  contained  in  the  address  of  Mr.  McKinley  before  the  Uncon 
ditional  Republican  Club  at  Albany,  N.  Y.,  on  February  12th  (Lincoln's 
birthday),  1895.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said: 

"A  noble  manhood,  nobly  consecrated  to  man,  never  dies.  The 
martyr  of  liberty,  the  emancipator  of  a  race,  the  savior  of  the  only  free 
government  among  men,  may  be  buried  from  human  sight,  but  his  deeds 
will  live  in  human  gratitude  forever. 

"The  story  of  his  simple  life  is  the  story  of  the  plain,  honest,  manly 
citizen,  true  patriot  and  profound  statesman  who,  believing  with  all  the 
strength  of  his  mighty  soul  in  the  institutions  of  his  country,  won,  because 
of  them,  the  highest  place  in  its  Government — then  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the 
Union  he  held  so  dear,  and  which  Providence  spared  his  life  long  enough 
to  save. 

"We  meet  to  do  honor  to  one  whose  achievements  have  heightened 
human  aspirations  and  broadened  the  field  of  opportunity  to  the  races 
of  men.  While  the  party  with  which  we  stand,  and  for  which  we  stood, 
can  justly  claim  him,  and  without  dispute  can  boast  the  distinction  of 
being  the  first  to  honor  and  trust  him,  his  fame  has  leaped  the  bounds 
of  party  and  country,  and  now  belongs  to  mankind  and  the  ages." 

The  remains  of  President  McKinley— and  this  form  of  speaking  of 
the  man  who,  when  September  came,  was  one  of  the  foremost  men  in  the 
world;  the  man  who  of  all  living  had  within  the  last  ten  years  most  in- 


432  SCENES,  INCIDENTS  AND  ANECDOTES. 

fluenced  the  face  of  the  earth  and  the  conditions  of  mankind — this  form 
of  referring  to  all  that  is  earthly  of  McKinley — comes  to  the  paper  on 
which  it  is  written  wTith  a  shock.  It  is  startling  to  speak  the  word.  How 
great  a  sufferer  McKinley  was  from  the  moment  he  was  shot  there  are 
few  who  know.  The  agony  of  a  shot  through  the  stomach  is  one  of  the 
most  intense  that  human  nature  endures.  The  wrasted  face  upon  wrhich 
thousands  gazed  while  he  was  at  rest  in  his  coffin — the  thinning  of  the 
features — was  proof  of  the  remorseless  horror  of  his  wound,  and  it  was 
soon  a  duty  to  shut  down  the  coffin  lid,  so  that  the  splendid  face  that  all 
men  knew  should  be  seen,  as  they  say,  no  more  forever. 

WILLIAM  MCKINLEY. 

BY    GEORGE   ALEXANDER   KOHUT. 

Where  Garfield  slumbers  and  where  Lincoln  sleeps, 

Renowned  in  patriot  story, 
Another  chieftain  dreams  his  peaceful  dream— 

His  dream  of  deathless  glory. 

There,  shrined  among  the  universal  brave, 

Whose  sacred  dust  we  treasure, 
The  Lord  of  Hosts  crowns  him  with  martyr  palm, 

And  fame  in  fadeless  measure. 

His  has  become  a  rare,  illustrious  name, 

To  shine,  till  time  is  hoary, 
With  Garfield's  and  with  Lincoln's  unforgot. 

For  this  Republic's  glory. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

His  First  Official  Act— His  Earliest  Transactions  Gaye  Uniyersal  Confidence— In  all 
Respects  He  Makes  a  Good  Impression  —  He  has  in  all  His  Ways  Been  Approyed 
and  all  the  People  Hopefully  and  Confidently  Wish  Him  Well— His  Great  Minneapolis 
Speech  on  September  2d. 

PRESIDENT    ROOSEVELT'S    FIRST    OFFICIAL,    ACT. 

Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  14. — Secretary  Cortelyou  gave  out  to-night  the 
following: 

By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America: 

A  proclamation:  First  part.  A  terrible  bereavement  has  befallen 
our  people.  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  been  struck  down 
—a  crime  committed  not  only  against  the  chief  magistrate,  but  against 
every  law-abiding  and  liberty-loving  citizen. 

President  McKinley  crowned  a  life  of  largest  love  for  his  fellow  men, 
of  most  earnest  endeavor  for  their  welfare,  by  a  death  of  Christian 
fortitude;  and  both  the  way  in  which  he  lived  his  life  and  the  way  in 
which  in  the  supreme  hour  of  trial  he  met  his  death  WILL  REMAIN 
FOREVER  A  PRECIOUS  HERITAGE  of  our  people. 

It  is  meet  that  we  as  a  nation  express  our  abiding  love  and  rever 
ence  for  his  life,  our  deep  sorrow  over  his  untimely  death. 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  appoint  Thursday  next,  September  19,  the  day  in  which  the 
body  of  the  dead  President  will  be  laid  in  its  last  earthly  resting  place, 
as  a  day  of  mourning  and  prayer  throughout  the  United  States.  I 
earnestly  recommend  all  the  people  to  assemble  on  that  day  in  their 
respective  places  of  divine  worship  there  to  bow  down  in  submission  to 
the  will  of  Almighty  God,  and  to  pay  out  of  full  hearts  their  homage 
of  love  and  reverence  to  the  great  and  good  President  whose  death  has 
smitten  the  nation  with  bitter  grief. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

433 


434  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington  the  14th  day  of  September,  A.  D. 
one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  one,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-sixth. 

[Seal.]  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

By  the  President:    John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State. 

It  was  in  a  dimly  lighted  private  library  in  Buffalo,  surrounded  by  a 
small  group  of  friends,  that  Theodore  Roosevelt,  on  the  afternoon  of 
September  14,  1901,  raised  his  right  hand  and,  swearing  that  he  would 
faithfully  preserve  and  obey  the  Constitution  and  execute  the  laws  of 
the  United  States,  became  the  President  of  the  United  States.  And  he 
said:  "In  this  hour  of  deep  and  terrible  national  bereavement  I  wish 
to  state  it  shall  be  my  intention  and  endeavor  to  continue  absolutely 
unbroken  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  for  the  peace  and  pros 
perity  and  honor  of  our  beloved  country." 

The  declaration  of  President  Roosevelt  as  soon  as  he  was  sworn  into 
the  great  office  according  to  the  Constitution  and  custom,  was,  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  word,  a  stroke  of  state.  The  effect  upon  the  country 
was  instantly  felt  to  be  wholesome.  It  gave  confidence.  The  next 
stroke  was  the  formal  notification — no  waiting,  no  hesitation,  no  delay, 
that  McKinley's  Cabinet  was  to  be  Roosevelt's  Cabinet.  This  was  mak 
ing  assurance  doubly  sure  that  there  was  not  to  be  hasty  change.  The 
manliness  and  the  gentlemanliness — the  same  thing — of  Roosevelt  was 
again  before  the  country  where  duty  called,  and  he  made  no  mistakes. 

Col.  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  the  fifth  Vice  President  who  has  suc 
ceeded  to  the  presidential  chair  by  virtue  of  his  office,  and  like  three 
of  his  predecessors — John  Tyler,  Andrew  Johnson  and  Chester  A. 
Arthur — he  will  have  nearly  a  full  presidential  term. 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  son  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  an  old  New  York 
Dutch  family,  was  born  at  No.  28  East  20th  street,  New  York,  October 
20,  1858.  His  mother's  maiden  name  was  Martha  Bulloch.  He  is  of 
the  ninth  generation  of  the  Roosevelt  stock  in  America.  The  country 
residence  of  the  family  has  long  been  at  Oyster  Bay.  He  has  done  a 
good  deal  of  hard  reform  work  in  New  York  City,  especially  in  the 
Police  Board.  He  was  the  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation  to 
the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1884.  His  far  Western  life  was 
in  Montana  on  the  Little  Missouri.  His  first  important  book  was  the 
"Winning  of  the  West."  He  has  written  half  a  dozen  Western  books 


TEE   TWENTY -SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  435 

on  hunting  and  ranch  life,  etc.  He  was  appointed  by  Harrison  on  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission  May  12,  1889,  and  served  two 
years  under  Cleveland  in  that  capacity.  He  was  appointed  Police  Com 
missioner  May  5,  1895.  His  book  on  the  naval  war  of  1812  is  a  standard 
work,  and  his  service  in  the  Navy  Department  and  with  the  Rough 
Riders  in  Cuba  is  familiar  history. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  has  the  distinction  of  being  the  youngest  President 
ever  inaugurated.  He  is  but  forty-three,  while  General  Grant,  hitherto 
the  youngest  President,  was  forty-seven.  Roosevelt  was  not  the  young 
est  Vice  President,  John  C.  Breckinridge  being  only  thirty-five — the 
constitutional  age — when  he  was  elected. 

Colonel  Roosevelt,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  anxious  to  decline  the 
Vice  Presidential  candidacy,  and  was  hard  to  convince  of  the  duty  to 
take  the  place.  He  made  an  immense  impression  in  his  speeches  in 
the  campaign  of  1900.  No  other  Republican  candidate  would  have  had 
such  potentiality  in  the  West.  His  war  record  commends  him  to  all, 
and  he  is  one  of  the  most  accomplished  literary  men  in  the  country. 
That  Roosevelt  was  an  irresistible  candidate  in  the  National  Republican 
Convention  of  1900  was  clear  from  the  first,  and  the  campaign  proved 
the  wisdom  of  the  selection.  His  speeches  in  the  convention  were  of 
extraordinary  force.  As  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  he  was  a 
quiet,  conservative  gentleman  and  an  excellent  parliamentarian. 

He  has  a  most  complimentary  unpopularity  by  those  who  are  of  the 
experience  or  expectation  that  he  will  be  hard  to  manage. 

He  hastened  to  Buffalo  as  soon  as  he  heard  the  President  had  been 
shot,  and  was  rejoiced  by  the  assurances  of  the  surgeons.  A  Buffalo 
dispatch  September  9th  reports  him  as  saying  then: 

"I  came  here  because  I  believed  my  place  was  near  the  President, 
and  I  will  not  leave  until  the  situation  has  entirely  cleared  up. 

"If  I  were  predicting  when  I  shall  leave  here  I  would  say  to-morrow, 
because  I  firmly  believe  that  the  physicians  will  announce  to-morrow 
that  there  is  absolutely  no  doubt  that  the  President  will  recover. 

"I  have  been  twice  to  the  President's  temporary  home  to-day,  and  I 
have  seen  nothing  but  smiling,  happy  faces,  including  a  host  of  physi 
cians.  That  would  not  be  so  if  the  bulletins  did  not  tell  the  exact 
truth." 

The  Vice  President  was  asked  to  express  an  opinion  on  legislation 
against  anarchy.  He  said: 


436  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

"It  is  not  the  time  or  place  to  discuss  such  matters.  The  only  thing 
to  be  thought  of  now  is  the  President's  complete  rapid  recovery." 

Mr.  Koosevelt  did  not  leave  the  Wilcox  house  until  after  the  noon 
hour,  and  then  he  walked  the  mile  to  the  Presidential  quarters.  Just 
after  he  had  left  the  mansion  he  was  accosted  by  a  colored  man  who 
was  raking  a  lawn. 

."Governor,  may  I  shake  hands  with  you?"  he  said. 

"You  certainly  may,"  answered  the  Vice  President,  turning  quickly 
and  grasping  his  hand,  and  then,  as  two  laborers  with  dinner  pails  and 
tools  came  up,  he  shook  hands  with  them. 

"Ain't  you  afraid  to  be  stopped?"  asked  one  of  the  men. 

"No,  sir,"  he  snapped  out,  "and  I  hope  no  official  of  this  country  will 
ever  be  afraid.  You  men  are  our  protection,  and  the  foul  deed  done  the 
afternoon  of  Friday  will  only  make  you  the  more  vigorous  in  your  pro 
tection  of  the  lives  of  those  whom  you  select  to  office. 

"Such  men  as  you  can  work  with  the  ballot  the  salvation  of  the 
country  without  resort  to  violence." 

As  he  walked  on  the  Vice  President  discussed  the  case  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  his  condition.  He  said  in  part: 

"I  believe  that  the  bulletins  being  issued  are  none  too  sanguine. 
In  fact,  I  know  they  are  not.  I  am  perfectly  positive  that  the  Presi 
dent  will  recover,  and,  more  than  that,  I  believe  the  illness  will  be  a 
brief  one  and  the  recovery  rapid. 

"I  had  two  men  and  a  relative  shot  in  the  same  manner  in  the  Cuban 
campaign.  They  lay  in  the  marshes  for  some  time  without  attendance, 
and  yet  both  recovered. 

"I  may  say  that  I  have  even  better  information  than  the  bulletins, 
and  I  again  say  with  great  confidence  that  the  President  will  recover." 

Vice  President  Roosevelt  discredited  by  action  rather  than  words 
the  story  that  he  was  being  guarded  by  Secret  Service  men. 

A  newspaper  man  called  for  him  at  the  Windsor  House  and  without 
consulting  anybody  he  put  on  his  hat  and  accompanied  the  visitor  to 
ward  the  President's  quarters. 

No  secret  service  men  were  about,  and  the  only  thing  he  seemed 
afraid  of  were  the  numerous  camera  fiends.  He  returned  on  foot  the 
way  he  had  come,  walking  briskly,  with  few  people  recognizing  him 
and  seemingly  without  any  bodyguard  whatever. 


THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  437 

President  Roosevelt  said  of  his  Minneapolis  speech  that  it  would 
be  found  a  statement  of  his  views  upon  many  important  domestic  and 
foreign  problems  now  confronting  this  nation.  Therefore,  under  the 
circumstances,  it  becomes  of  the  greatest  importance. 

PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT'S   GREAT   SPEECH    SEPTEMBER   2,    1901— A   SPLENDID 
TALK  ABOUT  AMERICANISM— HIS  MEMORABLE  MINNEAPOLIS  SPEECH. 

In  his  admirable  series  of  studies  of  twentieth  century  problems  Dr. 
Lyman  Abbott  has  pointed  out  that  we  are  a  nation  of  pioneers;  that 
the  first  colonists  to  our  shores  were  pioneers,  and  that  pioneers  selected 
out  from  among  the  descendants  of  these  early  pioneers,  mingled  with 
others  selected  afresh  from  the  old  world,  pushed  westward  into  the 
wilderness  and  laid  the  foundations  for  new  commonwealths. 

They  were  men  of  hope  and  expectation,  of  enterprise  and  energy; 
for  the  men  of  dull  content  or  more  dull  despair  had  no  part  in  the  great 
movement  into  and  across  the  new  world. 

Our  country  has  been  populated  by  pioneers,  and  therefore  it  has 
in  it  more  energy,  more  enterprise,  more  expansive  power  than  any 
other  in  the  wide  wrorld. 

You  whom  I  am  now  addressing  stand  for  the  most  part  but  one 
generation  removed  from  these  pioneers.  You  are  typical  Americans, 
for  you  have  done  the  great,  the  characteristic,  the  typical  work  of  our 
American  life.  In  making  homes  and  carving  out  careers  for  your 
selves  and  your  children,  you  have  built  up  this  State;  throughout  our 
history  the  success  of  the  home-maker  has  been  but  another  name  for 
the  upbuilding  of  the  nation. 

The  men  who,  with  ax  in  the  forest  and  pick  in  the  mountains  and 
plow  on  the  prairies,  pushed  to  completion  the  dominion  of  our  people 
over  the  American  wilderness,  have  given  the  definite  shape  to  our  Na 
tion.  They  have  shown  the  qualities  of  daring,  endurance  and  far 
sightedness,  of  eager  desire  for  victory  and  stubborn  refusal  to  accept 
defeat,  which  go  to  make  up  the  essential  manliness  of  the  American 
character.  Above  all  they  have  recognized  in  practical  form  the  funda 
mental  law  of  success  in  American  life — the  law  of  worthy  work,  the 
law  of  high,  resolute  endeavor. 

We  have  but  little  room  among  our  people  for  the  timid,  the  irreso 
lute,  and  the  idle;  and  it  is  no  less  true  that  there  is  scant  room  in  the 


438  THE    TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

world  at  large  for  the  Nation  with  mighty  thews  that  dares  not  to  be 
great. 

Surely  in  speaking  to  the  sons  of  men  who  actually  did  the  rough 
and  hard,  and  infinitely  glorious  work  of  making  the  great  Northwest 
what  it  now  is,  I  need  hardly  insist  upon  the  righteousness  of  this  doc 
trine.  In  your  own  vigorous  lives  you  show  by  every  act  how  scant  is 
your  patience  with  those  who  do  not  see  in  the  life  of  effort  the  life 
supremely  worth  living. 

Sometimes  we  hear  those  who  do  not  work  spoken  of  with  envy. 
Surely  the  willfully  idle  need  arouse  in  the  breast  of  a  healthy  man 
no  emotion  stronger  than  that  of  contempt — at  the  outside  no  emotion 
stronger  than  angry  contempt.  The  feeling  of  envy  would  have  in  it 
an  admission  of  inferiority  on  our  part,  to  which  the  men  who  know 
not  the  sterner  joys  of  life  are  not  entitled. 

Poverty  is  a  bitter  thing,  but  it  is  not  as  bitter  as  the  existence  of 
restless  vacuity  and  physical,  moral  and  intellectual  flabbiness  to  which 
those  doom  themselves  who  elect  to  spend  all  their  years  in  that  vainest 
of  all  vain  pursuits,  the  pursuit  of  mere  pleasure  as  a  sufficient  end  in 
itself. 

I  am  in  all  my  feelings  national,  and  neither  local  nor  sectional,  and 
I  am  happy  to  add,  parenthetically,  I  am  not  in  the  least  cosmopolitan, 
and  it  is  a  pleasure  for  me  to  speak  to  you  of  Chicago,  because  Chicago  is 
intensely  and  typically  an  American  city.  Of  recent  years,  you  have  done 
two  things  because  of  which  you  deserve  well  of  the  whole  nation.  You 
have  put  down  and  punished  (even  if  not  altogether  adequately)  two 
foul,  foreign  conspiracies  which  were  hatched  in  your  midst. 

You  dealt  with  the  anarchist  dynamite-throwers  as  they  deserved 
and  you  also  dealt  with,  though  not  as  thoroughly  as  they  deserved,  the 
members  of  a  foreign  dynamite  society  who,  on  account  of  a  factional 
quarrel,  had  murdered  an  American  citizen.  I  have  full  faith  that  you 
will  visit  any  future  offenders  of  the  same  sort  with  even  prompter  and 
severer  punishment,  whether  they  are  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  anar 
chists  on  one  hand  or  of  the  Clan-na-Gael  or  some  kindred  organization 
on  the  other. 

From  his  own  standpoint,  it  is  beyond  all  question  a  wise  thing  for 
the  immigrant  to  become  thoroughly  Americanized.  Moreover,  from  our 
standpoint,  we  have  a  right  to  demand  it.  We  freely  extend  the  hand  of 
welcome  and  good  fellowship  to  every  man,  no  matter  what  his  creed  or 


THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  439 

birthplace,  who  comes  here  honestly  intent  on  becoming  a  good  United 
States  citizen  like  the  rest  of  us ;  but  we  have  a  right,  and  it  is  our  duty 
to  demand  that  he  shall  indeed  be  so,  and  shall  not  confuse  the  issues 
with  which  we  are  now  struggling  by  introducing  among  us  old-world 
quarrels  and  prejudices. 

There  are  certain  ideas  which  he  must  give  up;  as,  for  instance,  he 
must  learn  that  American  life  is  incompatible  with  the  existence  of  any 
form  of  anarchy  or  communism,  or,  indeed,  of  any  secret  society  having 
murder  as  its  aim,  whether  at  home  or  abroad;  and  he  must  learn  that 
we  exact  full  religious  tolerance  and  the  complete  separation  of  church 
and  state. 

It  is  not  enough  that  those  already  Americans  shall  remain  such;  the 
immense  multitude  of  newcomers  must  also  become  such.  The  mighty 
tide  of  immigration  to  our  shores  has  brought  in  its  train  much  of  good 
and  much  of  evil;  and  whether  the  good  or  evil  shall  predominate  de 
pends  mainly  on  whether  these  newcomers  will  or  will  not  throw  them 
selves  heartily  into  our  national  life,  cease  to  be  European,  and  become 
Americans  like  the  rest  of  us.  To  bear  the  name  of  American  is  to  bear 
the  most  honorable  of  titles,  and  whoever  does  not  so  believe  has  no  busi 
ness  to  bear  the  name  at  all ;  and  if  he  comes  from  Europe,  the  sooner  he 
gets  back  the  better. 

The  willfully  idle  man,  like  the  willfully  barren  woman,  has  no  place 
in  a  sane,  healthy  and  vigorous  community.  Moreover,  the  gross  and 
hideous  selfishness  for  which  each  stands  defeats  even  its  own  miser 
able  aims.  Exactly  as  infinitely  the  happiest  woman  is  she  who  has 
borne  and  brought  up  many  healthy  children,  so  infinitely  the  happiest 
man  is  he  who  has  toiled  hard  and  successfully  in  his  life  work. 

The  work  may  be  done  in  a  thousand  different  ways;  with  the  brain 
or  the  hands,  in  the  study,  the  field,  or  the  workshop;  if  it  is  honest 
work,  honestly  done  and  well  worth  doing,  that  is  all  we  have  a  right 
to  ask. 

Every  father  and  mother  here,  if  they  are  wise,  will  bring  up  their 
children  not  to  shirk  difficulties,  but  to  meet  and  overcome  them ;  not  to 
strive  after  a  life  of  ignoble  ease,  but  to  strive  to  do  their  duty,  first  to 
themselves  and  their  families,  and  then  to  the  whole  state;  and  this 
duty  must  inevitably  take  the  shape  of  work  in  some  form  or  other. 

You,  the  sons  of  pioneers,  if  you  are  true  to  your  ancestry,  must 
make  your  lives  as  worthy  as  they  made  theirs.  They  sought  for  true 


440  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

success,  and,  therefore,  they  did  not  seek  ease.  They  knew  that  suc 
cess  comes  only  to  those  who  lead  the  life  of  endeavor. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  simple  acceptance  of  the  fundamental  fact 
of  American  life,  this  acknowledgment  that  the  law  of  work  is  the 
fundamental  law  of  our  being,  will  help  us  to  start  aright  in  facing  not 
a  few  of  the  problems  that  confront  us  from  without  and  from  within. 

As  regards  internal  affairs,  it  should  teach  us  the  prime  need  of 
remembering  that  after  all  has  been  said  and  done,  the  chief  factor  in 
any  man's  success  or  failure  must  be  his  own  character;  that  is,  the  sum 
of  his  common  sense,  his  courage,  his  virile  energy  and  capacity.  Noth 
ing  can  take  the  place  of  this  individual  factor. 

I  do  not  for  a  moment  mean  that  much  cannot  be  done  to  supple 
ment  it.  Besides  each  one  of  us  working  individually,  all  of  us  have  got 
to  work  together.  We  cannot  possibly  do  our  best  work  as  a  Nation 
unless  all  of  us  know  how  to  act  in  combination  as  well  as  know  how  to 
act  each  individually  for  himself.  The  acting  in  combination  can  take 
many  forms;  but,  of  course,  its  most  effective  form  must  be  when  it 
comes  in  the  shape  of  law;  that  is,  of  action  by  the  community  as  a 
whole  through  the  law-making  body. 

But  it  is  not  possible  ever  to  insure  prosperity  merely  by  law.  Some 
thing  for  good  can  be  done  by  law,  and  bad  laws  can  do  an  infinity  of 
mischief;  but,  after  all,  the  best  law  can  only  prevent  wrong  and  injus 
tice  and  give  to  the  thrifty,  the  far-seeing  and  the  hard-working  a 
chance  to  exercise  to  the  best  advantage  their  special  and  peculiar 
abilities. 

No  hard  and  fast  rule  can  be  laid  down  as  to  where  our  legislation 
shall  stop  in  interfering  between  man  and  man,  between  interest  and 
interest. 

All  that  can  be  said  is  that  it  is  highly  undesirable  on  the  one  hand 
to  weaken  individual  initiative,  and  on  the  other  hand  that,  in  a  con 
stantly  increasing  number  of  cases,  we  shall  find  it  necessary  in  the 
future  to  shackle  cunning  as  in  the  past  we  have  shackled  force. 

It  is  not  only  highly  desirable,  but  necessary,  that  there  should  be 
legislation  which  shall  carefully  shield  the  interests  of  wage-workers, 
and  which  shall  discriminate  in  favor  of  the  honest  and  humane  em 
ployer  by  removing  the  disadvantage  under  which  he  stands  when  com 
pared  with  unscrupulous  competitors  who  have  no  conscience,  and  will 
do  right  only  under  fear  of  punishment. 


THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  441 

Nor  can  legislation  stop  only  with  what  are  termed  labor  questions. 
The  vast  individual  and  corporate  fortunes,  the  vast  combinations  of 
capital,  which  have  marked  the  development  of  our  industrial  system, 
create  new  conditions  and  necessitate  a  change  from  the  old  attitude 
of  the  state  and  nation  toward  property. 

It  is  probably  true  that  the  large  majority  of  the  fortunes  that  now 
exist  in  this  country  have  been  amassed,  not  by  injuring  our  people,  but 
as  an  incident  to  the  conferring  of  great  benefits  upon  the  community; 
and  this,  no  matter  what  may  have  been  the  conscious  purpose  of  those 
amassing  them. 

There  is  but  the  scantiest  justification  for  most  of  the  outcry  against 
the  men  of  wealth  as  such;  and  it  ought  to  be  unnecessary  to  state  that 
any  appeal  which  directly  or  indirectly  leads  to  suspicion  and  hatred 
among  ourselves,  which  tends  to  limit  opportunity,  and,  therefore,  to 
shut  the  door  of  success  against  poor  men  of  talent,  and,  finally,  which 
entails  the  possibility  of  lawlessness  and  violence,  is  an  attack  upon 
the  fundamental  properties  of  American  citizenship. 

Our  interests  are  at  bottom  common ;  in  the  long  run  we  go  up  or  go 
down  together. 

Yet  more  and  more  it  is  evident  that  the  state,  and,  if  necessary,  the 
nation,  has  got  to  possess  the  right  of  supervision  and  control  as  regards 
the  great  corporations  which  are  its  creatures;  particularly  as  regards 
the  great  business  combinations  which  derive  a  portion  of  their  im 
portance  from  the  existence  of  some  monopolistic  tendency. 

The  right  should  be  exercised  with  caution  and  self-restraint;  but  it 
should  exist,  so  that  it  may  be  invoked  if  the  need  arises. 

So  much  for  our  duties,  each  to  himself  and  each  to  his  neighbor, 
within  the  limits  of  our  own  country.  But  our  country,  as  it  strides 
forward  with  ever  increasing  rapidity  to  a  foremost  place  among  the 
world  powers,  must  necessarily  find,  more  and  more,  that  it  has  world 
duties  also. 

There  are  excellent  people  who  believe  that  we  can  shirk  these 
duties  and  yet  retain  our  self-respect ;  but  these  good  people  are  in  error. 
Other  good  people  seek  to  deter  us  from  treading  the  path  of  hard  but 
lofty  duty  by  bidding  us  remember  that  all  nations  that  have  achieved 
greatness,  that, have  expanded  and  played  their  part  as  world  powers, 
have  in  the  end  passed  away.  So  they  have;  so  have  all  others.  The 
weak  and  the  stationary  have  vanished  as  surely  as,  and  more  rapidly 


442  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

than,  those  whose  citizens  felt  within  them  the  lift  that  impels  generous 
souls  to  great  and  noble  effort. 

This  is  another  way  of  stating  the  universal  law  of  death,  which 
is  itself  part  of  the  universal  law  of  life.  The  man  who  works,  the 
man  who  does  great  deeds,  in  the  end  dies  as  surely  as  the  veriest  idler 
who  cumbers  the  earth's  surface;  but  he  leaves  behind  him  the  great 
fact  that  he  has  done  his  work  well.  So  it  is  with  nations.  While  the 
nation  that  has  dared  to  be  great,  that  has  had  the  will  and  the  power 
to  change  the  destiny  of  the  ages,  in  the  end  must  die,  yet  no  less  surely 
the  nation  that  has  played  the  part  of  the  weakling  must  also  die;  and, 
whereas  the  nation  that  has  done  nothing  leaves  nothing  behind  it,  the 
nation  that  has  done  a  great  work  really  continues,  though  in  changed 
form,  forevermore.  The  Eoman  has  passed  away,  exactly  as  all  nations 
of  antiquity  which  did  not  expand  when  he  expanded  have  passed  away; 
but  their  very  memory  has  vanished,  while  he  himself  is  still  a  living 
force  throughout  the  wide  world  in  our  entire  civilization  of  today,  and 
will  so  continue  through  countless  generations,  through  untold  ages. 

It  is  because  we  believe  with  all  our  heart  and  soul  in  the  greatness 
of  this  country,  because  we  feel  the  thrill  of  hardy  life  in  our  veins,  and 
are  confident  that  to  us  is  given  the  privilege  of  playing  a  leading  part 
in  the  century  that  has  just  opened,  that  we  hail  with  eager  delight  the 
opportunity  to  do  whatever  task  Providence  may  allot  to  us. 

We  admit  with  all  sincerity  that  our  first  duty  is  within  our  own 
household;  that  we  must  not  merely  talk,  but  act,  in  favor  of  cleanli 
ness  and  decency  and  righteousness,  in  all  political,  social  and  civic 
matters.  No  prosperity  and  no  glory  can  save  a  nation  that  is  rotten  at 
heart.  We  must  ever  keep  the  core  of  our  national  being  sound,  and 
see  to  it  that  not  only  our  citizens  in  private  life,  but  above  all,  our 
statesmen  in  public  life,  practice  the  old,  commonplace  virtues  which 
from  time  immemorial  have  lain  at  the  root  of  all  true  national  well- 
being. 

Yet,  while  this  is  our  first  duty,  it  is  not  our  whole  duty.  Exactly 
as  each  man,  while  doing  first  his  duty  to  his  wife  and  the  children 
within  his  home,  must  yet,  if  he  hopes  to  amount  to  much,  strive  might 
ily  in  the  world  outside  his  home;  so  our  nation,  while  first  of  all  seeing 
to  its  own  domestic  well-being,  must  not  shrink  from  playing  its  part 
among  the  great  nations  without. 

Our  duty  may  take  many  forms  in  the  future  as  it  has  taken  many 


THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  443 

forms  in  the  past.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  lay  down  a  hard  and  fast  rule 
for  all  cases.  We  must  ever  face  the  fact  of  our  shifting  national  needs, 
of  the  always-changing  opportunities  that  present  themselves.  But  we 
may  be  certain  of  one  thing;  whether  we  wish  it  or  not,  we  cannot  avoid 
hereafter  having  duties  to  do  in  the  face  of  other  nations.  All  that  we 
can  do  is  to  settle  whether  we  shall  perform  these  duties  well  or  ill. 

Right  here  let  me  make  as  vigorous  a  plea  as  I  know  how  in  favor 
of  saying  nothing  that  we  do  not  mean,  and  of  acting  without  hesitation 
up  to  whatever  we  say. 

A  good  many  of  you  are  probably  acquainted  with  the  old  proverb: 
"Speak  softly  and  carry  a  big  stick — you  will  go  far."  If  a  man  con 
tinually  blusters,  if  he  lacks  civility,  a  big  stick  will  not  save  him  from 
trouble;  and  neither  will  speaking  softly  avail,  if  back  of  the  softness 
there  does  not  lie  strength,  power.  In  private  life  there  are  few  beings 
more  obnoxious  than  the  man  who  is  always  loudly  boasting,  and  if  the 
boaster  is  not  prepared  to  back  up  his  words  his  position  becomes 
absolutely  contemptible. 

So  it  is  with  the  nation.  It  is  both  foolish  and  undignified  to  indulge 
in  undue  self-glorification,  and,  above  all,  in  loose-tongued  denunciation 
of  other  peoples.  Whenever  on  any  point  wre  may  come  in  contact  with 
a  foreign  power,  I  hope  that  we  shall  always  strive  to  speak  courteously 
and  respectfully  of  that  foreign  power. 

Let  us  make  it  evident  that  we  intend  to  do  justice.  Then  let  us 
make  it  equally  evident  that  we  will  not  tolerate  injustice  being  done  us 
in  return. 

Let  us  further  make  it  evident  that  we  use  no  words  which  we  are 
not  prepared  to  back  up  with  deeds,  and  that,  while  our  speech  is 
always  moderate,  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  make  it  good.  Such  an 
attitude  will  be  the  surest  possible  guarantee  of  that  self-respecting 
peace,  the  attainment  of  which  is  and  must  ever  be  the  prime  aim  of  a 
self-governing  people. 

This  is  the  attitude  we  should  take  as  regards  the  Monroe  doctrine. 
There  is  not  the  least  need  of  blustering  about  it.  Still  less  should  it 
be  used  as  a  pretext  for  our  own  aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  any 
other  American  state. 

But,  most  emphatically,  we  must  make  it  evident  that  we  intend  on 
this  point  ever  to  maintain  the  old  American  position.  Indeed,  it  is 


444  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

hard  to  understand  how  any  man  can  take  any  other  position  now  that 
we  are  all  looking  forward  to  the  building  of  the  isthmian  canal. 

The  Monroe  doctrine  is  not  international  law,  but  there  is  no  neces 
sity  that  it  should  be.  All  that  is  needful  is  that  it  should  continue  to 
be  a  cardinal  feature  of  American  policy  on  this  continent;  and  the 
Spanish-American  states  should,  in  their  own  interests,  champion  it  as 
strongly  as  we  do.  We  do  not  by  this  doctrine  intend  to  sanction  any 
policy  of  aggression  by  one  American  commonwealth  at  the  expense  of 
any  other,  nor  any  policy  of  commercial  discrimination  against  any  for 
eign  power  whatsoever. 

Commercially,  as  far  as  this  doctrine  is  concerned,  all  we  wish  is  a 
fair  field  and  no  favor;  but  if  we  are  wise  we  shall  strenuously  insist 
that  under  no  pretext  whatsoever  shall  there  be  any  territorial  ag 
grandizement  on  American  soil  by  any  European  power,  and  this,  no 
matter  what  form  the  territorial  aggrandizement  may  take. 

We  most  earnestly  hope  and  believe  that  the  chance  of  our  having 
any  hostile  military  complication  with  any  foreign  power  is  very  small. 
But  that  there  will  come  a  strain,  a  jar,  here  and  there,  from  commer 
cial  and  agricultural — that  is,  from  industrial — competition  is  almost 
inevitable. 

Here  again  we  have  got  to  remember  that  our  first  duty  is  to  our 
own  people;  and  yet  that  we  can  get  justice  by  doing  justice.  We  must 
continue  the  policy  that  has  been  so  brilliantly  successful  in  the  past, 
and  so  shape  our  economic  system  as  to  give  every  advantage  to  the 
skill,  energy  and  intelligence  of  our  farmers,  merchants,  manufacturers 
and  wage-workers;  and  yet  we  must  also  remember,  in  dealing  with 
other  nations,  that  benefits  must  be  given  when  benefits  are  sought. 

It  is  not  possible  to  dogmatize  as  to  the  exact  way  of  attaining  this 
end;  for  the  exact  conditions  cannot  be  foretold.  In  the  long  run,  one 
of  our  prime  needs  is  stability  and  continuity  of  economic  policy;  and 
yet,  through  treaty  or  by  direct  legislation,  it  may  at  least  in  certain 
cases  become  advantageous  to  supplement  our  present  policy  by  a  sys 
tem  of  reciprocal  benefit  and  obligation. 

Throughout  a  large  part  of  our  national  career  our  history  has  been 
one  of  expansion,  the  expansion  being  of  different  kinds  at  different 
times.  This  expansion  is  not  a  matter  of  regret,  but  of  pride.  It  is  vain 
to  tell  a  people  as  masterful  as  ours  that  the  spirit  of  enterprise  is  not 


THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT.  445 

safe.  The  true  American  has  never  feared  to  run  risks  when  the  prize 
to  be  won  was  of  sufficient  value. 

No  nation  capable  of  self-government  and  of  developing  by  its  own 
efforts  a  sane  and  orderly  civilization,  no  matter  how  small  it  may  be, 
has  anything  to  fear  from  us.  Our  dealings  with  Cuba  illustrate  this, 
and  should  be  forever  a  subject  of  just  national  pride. 

We  speak  in  no  spirit  of  arrogance  when  we  state  as  a  simple  historic 
fact  that  never  in  recent  years  has  any  great  nation  acted  with  such 
disinterestedness  as  we  have  shown  in  Cuba.  We  freed  the  island  from 
the  Spanish  yoke.  We  then  earnestly  did  our  best  to  help  the  Cubans 
in  the  establishment  of  free  education,  of  law  and  order,  of  material 
prosperity,  of  the  cleanliness  necessary  to  sanitary  well-being  in  their 
great  cities. 

We  did  all  this  at  great  expense  of  treasure,  at  some  expense  of  life; 
and  now  we  are  establishing  them  in  a  free  and  independent  common 
wealth,  and  have  asked  in  return  nothing  whatever  save  that  at  no  time 
shall  their  independence  be  prostituted  to  the  advantage  of  some  for 
eign  rival  of  ours,  or  so  as  to  menace  our  well-being.  To  have  failed  to 
ask  this  would  have  amounted  to  national  stultification  on  our  part. 

In  the  Philippines  we  have  brought  peace,  and  we  are  at  this  mo 
ment  giving  them  such  freedom  and  self-government  as  they  could  never 
under  any  conceivable  conditions  have  obtained  had  we  turned  them 
loose  to  sink  into  a  welter  of  blood  and  confusion,  or  to  become  the  prey 
of  some  strong  tyranny  without  or  within.  The  bare  recital  of  the  facts 
is  sufficient  to  show  that  we  did  our  duty;  and  what  prouder  title  to 
honor  can  a  nation  have  than  to  have  done  its  duty?  We  have  done 
our  duty  to  ourselves,  and  we  have  done  the  higher  duty  of  promoting 
the  civilization  of  mankind. 

The  first  essential  of  civilization  is  law.  Anarchy  is  simply  the 
hand-maiden  and  forerunner  of  tyranny  and  despotism.  Law  and  order 
enforced  by  justice  and  by  strength  lie  at  the  foundation  of  civilization. 
Law  must  be  based  upon  justice,  else  it  cannot  stand,  and  it  must  be 
enforced  with  resolute  firmness,  because  weakness  in  enforcing  it  means 
in  the  end  that  there  is  no  justice  and  no  law,  nothing  but  the  rule  of 
disorderly  and  unscrupulous  strength. 

Without  the  habit  of  orderly  obedience  to  the  law,  without  the  stern 
enforcement  of  the  laws  at  the  expense  of  those  who  defiantly  resist 
them,  there  can  be  no  possible  progress,  moral  or  material,  in  civiliza- 


446  THE   TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT. 

lion.  There  can  be  no  weakening  of  the  law-abiding  spirit  at  home  if 
we  are  permanently  to  succeed;  and  just  as  little  can  we  afford  to  show 
weakness  abroad.  Lawlessness  and  anarchy  were  put  down  in  the 
Philippines  as  a  prerequisite  to  inducing  the  reign  of  justice. 

Barbarism  has  and  can  have  no  place  in  a  civilized  world.  It  is  our 
duty  toward  the  people  living  in  barbarism  to  see  that  they  are  freed 
from  their  chains,  and  we  can  only  free  them  by  destroying  barbarism 
itself.  The  missionary,  the  merchant,  and  the  soldier  may  each  have  to 
play  a  part  in  this  destruction,  and  in  the  consequent  uplifting  of  the 
people. 

Exactly  as  it  is  the  duty  of  a  civilized  power  scrupulously  to  respect 
the  rights  of  all  weaker  civilized  powers  and  gladly  to  help  those  who 
are  struggling  toward  civilization,  so  it  is  its  duty  to  put  down  savagery 
and  barbarism. 

As  in  such  a  work  human  instruments  must  be  used,  and  as  human 
instruments  are  imperfect,  this  means  that  at  times  there  will  be  injus 
tice;  that  at  times  merchant,  or  soldier,  or  even  missionary  may  do 
wrong.  Let  us  instantly  condemn  and  rectify  such  wrong  when  it  oc 
curs,  and  if  possible  punish  the  wrongdoer.  But,  shame,  thrice  shame 
to  us,  if  we  are  so  foolish  as  to  make  such  occasional  wrongdoing  an 
excuse  for  failing  to  perform  a  great  and  righteous  task. 

Not  only  in  our  own  land,  but  throughout  the  world,  throughout 
all  history,  the  advance  of  civilization  has  been  of  incalculable  benefit 
to  mankind,  and  those  through  whom  it  has  advanced  deserve  the  high 
est  honor.  All  honor  to  the  missionary,  all  honor  to  the  soldier,  all 
honor  to  the  merchant  who  now  in  our  day  have  done  so  much  to  bring 
light  into  the  world's  dark  places. 

Let  me  insist  again,  for  fear  of  possible  misconstruction,  upon  the 
fact  that  our  duty  is  twofold,  and  that  we  must  raise  others  while  we 
are  benefiting  ourselves.  In  bringing  order  to  the  Philippines,  our  sol 
diers  added  a  new  page  to  the  honor  roll  of  American  history,  and  they 
incalculably  benefited  the  islanders  themselves.  Under  the  wise  ad 
ministration  of  Governor  Taft  the  islands  now  enjoy  a  peace  and  liberty 
of  which  they  had  hitherto  never  even  dreamed. 

But  this  peace  and  liberty  under  the  law  must  be  supplemented  by 
material,  by  industrial,  development.  Every  encouragement  should 
be  given  to  their  commercial  development,  to  the  introduction  of  Ameri 
can  industries  and  products;  not  merely  because  this  will  be  a  good 


THE  TWENTY-SIXTH  Ph.  447 


thing  for  our  people,  but  infinitely  more  because  u 
lable  benefit  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines. 

We  shall  make  mistakes;  and  if  we  let  these  mistake,. 

from  work,  we  shall  show  ourselves  weaklings.     Half  a  cei.  to 

*~urv  JJOCQ 

Minnesota  and  the  two  Dakotas  were  Indian  hunting  grounds.  *  _x 
committed  plenty  of  blunders,  and  now  and  then  worse  than  blunde.  ^ 
in  our  dealings  with  the  Indians.  But  who  does  not  admit  at  the  ' 
present  day  that  we  were  right  in  wresting  from  barbarism  and  adding 
to  civilization  the  territory  out  of  which  we  have  made  these  beautiful 
states?  And  now  we  are  civilizing  the  Indian  and  putting  him  on  a 
level  to  which  he  could  never  have  attained  under  the  old  conditions. 

In  the  Philippines  let  us  remember  that  the  spirit  and  not  the  mere 
form  of  government  is  the  essential  matter.  The  Tagalogs  have  a  hun 
dredfold  the  freedom  under  us  that  they  wTould  have  if  we  had  aban 
doned  the  islands.  We  are  not  trying  to  subjugate  a  people;  we  are 
trying  to  develop  them  and  make  them  a  law-abiding,  industrious,  and 
educated  people,  and  we  hope,  ultimately,  a  self-governing  people. 

In  short,  in  the  work  we  have  done  we  are  but  carrying  out  the 
true  principles  of  our  democracy.  We  work  in  a  spirit  of  self-respect 
for  ourselves  and  of  good  will  toward  others;  in  a  spirit  of  love  for 
and  of  infinite  faith  in  mankind.  We  do  not  blindly  refuse  to  face  the 
evils  that  exist;  or  the  shortcomings  inherent  in  humanity;  but  across 
blundering  and  shirking,  across  selfishness  and  meanness  of  motive, 
across  short-sightedness  and  cowardice,  we  gaze  steadfastly  toward  the 
far  horizon  of  golden  triumph. 

If  you  will  study  our  past  history  as  a  nation,  you  will  see  we  have 
made  many  blunders  and  have  been  guilty  of  many  short-comings,  and 
yet  that  we  have  always  in  the  end  come  out  victorious  because  we 
have  refused  to  be  daunted  by  blunders  and  defeats  —  have  recognized 
them,  but  have  persevered  in  spite  of  them. 

So  it  must  be  in  future.  We  gird  up  our  loins  as  a  nation,  with  the 
stern  purpose  to  play  our  part  manfully  in  winning  the  ultimate  tri 
umph,  and  therefore  we  turn  scornfully  aside  from  the  paths  of  mere 
ease  and  idleness,  and  with  unfaltering  steps  tread  the  rough  road 
of  endeavor,  smiting  down  the  wrong  and  battling  for  the  right  as 
Greatheart  smote  and  battled  in  Bunyan's  immortal  story. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL   AND   SENTENCE   TO   DEATH. 

The  Dignity  of  the  Proceedings— The  Testimony  Taken  Under  Oath  of  Great  Interest— 
The  Trial  Brought  Out  the  Wretched  Weakness  of  the  Miscreant  Murderer— He  Played 
His  Ghastly  Part  in  a  Cringing  Way,  and  Made  a  Most  Miserable  Show  of  Himself— 
His  Cowardly  Collapse  When  He  Arrived  at  the  Prison  and  Found  the  Way  He  Stood 
with  the  People — Scenes  of  His  Trial  and  Sentence. 

The  first  lesson  one  has  to  learn  who  gets  into  the  hideous  clutches 
of  the  Blood  Societies,  and  are  taught  that  the  ballot  by  which  a  free 
country  must  be  governed,  or  chaos  comes,  is  "no  good,"  and  the  murder 
of  the  foremost  men  in  governments  is  the  true  way  to  reform  abuses 
and  raze  out  the  wrongs  of  society — the  first  lesson  is,  that  there  must 
be  denial  of  accomplices,  and  that  the  faith  of  a  hero  is  pledged  and 
proven  to  stick  to  it  that  there  was  no  guilty  knowledge  of  the  purpose 
of  assassination.  In  the  case  of  the  assassin  of  McKinley,  the  miserable 
wretch  who  Eandled  the  pistol  was  well  instructed  in  the  primary  lie 
underlying  his  crime.  It  is  fortunate  that  this  creature  was  preserved 
to  exhibit  how  fearful  a  thing  it  is  to  be  an  anarchical  assassin;  howT 
feeble  his  wits;  how  base  his  cowardice.  The  scene  on  his  arrival  at 
Auburn,  where  the  peculiar  machinery  with  which  the  State  of  New 
York  metes  out  punishment  is  located,  is  an  object  lesson  that  may 
serve  a  good  purpose  until  the  public  opinion  now  formed  appears  in 
law.  Up  to  the  time  of  his  arrival  at  Auburn,  where  his  house  of  death 
awaited  him,  he  had  not  been  brought  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  way  the 
people  feel  towTard  him.  He  has  been  guarded  as  if  he  was  presumed  to 
be  a  precious  trust  of  a  public  character,  and  he  has  known  about 
enough  to  be  sure  there  were  dens  in  which  he  would  be  held  in  high 
esteem.  The  bitterness  of  his  soul  was  centered  on  the  refusal  to  allow 
him  tobacco.  It  need  not  be  forgotten  that  the  mortally-wounded 
President  wanted  a  mild  cigar,  but  it  was  opposed  to  the  physician's 
policy,  and  the  murderer  was  also  refused  cigars,  and,  strange  to  say, 
there  have  been  no  cries  around  the  country  yet  about  this  cruel  treat 
ment  of  the  young  man,  moved  by  his  teaching  to  be  pleased  that  he  had 
succeeded  in  murdering  the  President.  When  he  arrived  at  Auburn 

448 


THE  ASSASSIN'S   TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  449 

he  came  into  closer  contact  with  the  people  than  at  any  time  since  he 
committed  the  crime  for  which  he  was  duly  tried,  found  guilty  and  sen 
tenced,  and  the  result  was  when  taken  to  the  prison  at  3 :10  a.  in.,  Sep 
tember  27th,  he  was  dragged  from  the  train  which  brought  him  from 
Buffalo  through  a  crowd  of  three  hundred  persons  surrounding  the 
prison  gate,  and  fell  howling  on  the  floor  of  the  prison. 

During  his  progress  from  the  train  to  the  prison  gate,  between  two 
deputies  to  wThom  he  was  handcuffed  he  was  mauled  by  the  crowd.  One 
burly  fist  reached  his  head  and  brought  instant  collapse.  His  guards 
had  to  drag  him  up  the  stairs  to  the  prison  office.  Here  he  tumbled  to 
his  knees  in  abject  terror,  frothing  at  the  mouth  and  uttering  the  most 
terrifying  cries. 

He  stumbled  to  a  cane  seat  and  lay  there  moaning  in  terror,  while 
the  crowd  hung  on  to  the  iron  gates  and  yelled:  "Give  him  to  us!  Let  us 
in  at  the  murderer!" 

So  unexpected  was  the  onslaught  of  the  crowd  that  the  police  and 
deputies  had  scarcely  time  to  draw  their  revolvers  and  clubs.  The  ad 
vance  guard  made  a  dash  for  the  crowed.  A  dozen  prison-keepers  threw 
ajar  the  gates,  Then  came  a  short,  sharp  conflict. 

Jailer  Mitchell  and  the  guard,  Bernhardt,  pushed  the  assassin 
through  the  great  gates,  but  not  before  a  dozen  fists  had  landed  on  them 
and  their  prisoner.  The  officers  hustled  him  over  fifty  feet  of  space  to 
the  steps  leading  to  the  prison  office.  His  legs  went  back  on  him  on 
the  steps.  The  top  was  reached,  with  Mitchell  and  Bernhardt  dragging 
him,  limp  and  shrieking,  into  the  office.  His  cries  were  terrible — a 
series  of  prolonged,  agonized  howls — "Oft,  oh!" 

By  the  time  he  was  thrown  on  the  settee  he  was  drooling  at  the 
mouth  and  every  muscle  of  his  body  was  shaking  in  the  palsy  of  fear. 

But  scant  ceremony  was  accorded  him.  The  handcuffs  were  taken 
off.  He  was  dragged  through  the  heavy  oaken,  iron-barred  door  to  the 
warden's  office.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  was  carried,  with  his  feet  dang 
ling  behind  him  on  the  ground.  Four  husky  keepers  held  his  shoul 
ders  and  arms. 

They  dumped  him  into  a  chair,  a  limp,  disheveled  figure,  his  cries 
echoing  down  the  long  corridors  and  arousing  all  the  other  convicts. 
He  was  in  a  state  of  absolute  collapse,  and  when  left  alone  rolled  over  to 
the  floor,  where  he  lay  stretched  at  full  length,  his  eyes  rolling  in  a 
frenzy  and  his  frothing  lips  twitching  convulsively. 


450  THE  ASSASSIN'S   TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

Two  keepers  seized  him  and  commanded  him  to  stand  up.  His  knees 
shook  and  he  fell  to  the  floor. 

"Oh!  Oh!  Oh!"  he  shrieked  again  as  the  howls  from  the  crowd  with 
out  came  through  the  windows. 

"Shut  up!  You're  faking!"  said  Dr.  Gern,  the  prison  physician.  The 
assassin  obeyed  the  command  except  that  he  moaned  dismally  in  a 
quieter  tone  and  continued  to  writhe  in  agony.  Two  keepers  stripped 
him  of  his  clothing  and  placed  on  him  a  prison  suit  of  clothing.  He  was 
not  then  bathed,  nor  was  his  pedigree  taken.  These  formalities  were 
complied  with  later  on. 

Five  keepers  picked  him  up  and  dragged  him  from  the  office  to  the 
condemned  cell,  from  which  he  will  never  emerge  again  except  to  go  to 
his  death.  Dr.  Gern  went  with  him.  He  made  an  examination  of  the 
assassin.  When  he  came  out  of  the  condemned  man's  cell  he  said:  "It 
was  just  pure  fright.  He  is  a  miserable  coward  and  collapsed  when  he 
saw  the  crowd  and  the  prison.  Now  that  he  is  safe  in  his  cell  I  guess  he 
will  brace  up.  He  has  partially  recovered  from  his  fright." 

Much  secrecy  was  observed  in  the  preparations  at  Buffalo  for  the 
assassin's  removal  to  Auburn  prison.  Sheriff  Caldwell,  with  sixteen 
picked  men,  left  police  headquarters  shortly  before  10  o'clock  the  morn 
ing  before  the  removal,  closely  guarding  Czolgosz.  A  special  car  had 
been  attached  to  the  rear  of  the  second  section  of  the  9:30  New  York 
Central  train,  and  to  this  the  assassin  was  quickly  taken. 

Over  the  door  of  the  prison  was  a.  portrait  of  McKinley  heavily 
draped  in  black. 

Signs  of  mourning  marked  the  building,  grim  reminders  of  the  fact 
that  it  was  in  reality  the  "house  of  death" — for  Leon  Czolgosz. 

The  trial  of  Czolgosz  began  at  10  a.  m.  Monday,  September  23d,  at 
Buffalo,  in  Part  3  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Criminal  Section,  with  Justice 
Truman  C.  White  on  the  bench.  Czolgosz  was  arraigned,  pleaded  guilty 
and  a  counter  plea  was  ordered  by  the  Court.  A  jury  was  secured  at 
2:30  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Assistant  District  Attorney  Haller  pre 
sented  the  case  to  the  jurors,  and  at  2:45  the  first  witness  for  the  people 
was  put  on  the  stand.  (It  will  be  observed  there  was  no  idiotic,  drivel 
ing  delay  about  this.) 

The  assassin  seemed  greatly  changed  from  what  he  was  when  he 
appeared  for  his  formal  arraignment.  Then  he  acted  as  if  dazed. 

When  admonished  by  the  court  crier  to  rise  and  look  at  the  jurors 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  451 

when  they  were  sworn  in,  he  rose,  but  seemed  to  have  no  desire  to  see 
what  manner  of  men  were  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  him.  He  came  out 
of  his  lethargy  as  soon  as  the  first  witness,  Samuel  J.  Fields,  chief  en 
gineer  of  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  began  to  testify. 

During  the  afternoon  signs  of  nervousness  appeared.  Perspiration 
gathered  in  drops  on  his  cheeks  and  forehead  and  he  would  remove  it 
with  a  soiled  handkerchief,  crushed  in  the  palm  of  his  hand. 

This  is  the  jury  as  completed  at  2:45  on  the  first  day  of  the  trial: 

Frederick  V.  Lauer,  plumber. 

Richard  J.  Garwood,  street  railway  foreman. 

Henry  W.  Wendt,  manufacturer. 

Silas  Carmer,  farmer. 

James  S.  Stygall,  plumber. 

William  Loton,  farmer. 

Walter  E.  Everett,  blacksmith. 

Benjamin  J.  Ralph,  bank  cashier. 

Samuel  P.  Waldo,  farmer. 

Andrew  J.  Smith,  produce  dealer. 

Joachim  H.  Mertens,  shoe  dealer. 

Robert  J.  Adams,  contractor. 

The  remarkable  thing  about  the  jury  is  that  every  man  on  it  admits 
that  he  had  formed  an  opinion  regarding  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the 
accused,  and  it  goes  without  saying  that  the  opinion  is  "Guilty." 

The  Assistant  District  Attorney  made  a  simple  statement  of  the 
facts.  He  outlined  the  crime  of  which  Czolgosz  stood  accused  and  indi 
cated  the  purpose  of  the  prosecutor  to  show  that  Czolgosz's  deed  was  de 
liberate  and  premeditated.  Nothing  was  said  to  indicate  any  attempt 
to  prove  a  conspiracy  implicating  Emma  Goldman  or  other  anarchists. 

While  the  Assistant  District  Attorney  was  speaking  the  court  offi 
cials  were  busy  nailing  upon  a  blackboard  a  large  map  of  the  Temple  of 
Music,  in  wrhich  the  crime  occurred. 

Samuel  J.  Fields,  a  civil  engineer,  chief  engineer  of  the  Pan- Ameri 
can  Exposition,  was  the  first  witness.  He  visited  the  Temple  of  Music 
on  the  day  of  the  crime  to  take  measurements  of  the  positions  of  articles 
at  the  time  the  tragedy  took  place. 

Percy  A.  Bliss  testified  that  on  the  day  following  the  crime  he  photo 
graphed  the  interior  of  the  Temple  of  Music  at  the  District  Attorney's 
request.  The  photographs,  which  were  very  large  ones,  were  passed  to 


452  THE  48848BIN'B  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

the  defendant's  counsel.  The  latter  made  no  objection  to  the  admission 
of  these  as  evidence  and  they  were  then  passed  to  the  jurors. 

Dr.  Harvey  K.  Gaylord,  of  Buffalo,  who  was  next  called,  testified 
that  he  performed  the  autopsy  on  the  body  of  President  McKinley.  He 
described  the  location  of  the  wounds.  Back  of  the  stomach,  he  said, 
was  a  "track  into  which  I  could  insert  the  tip  of  my  fingers.  It  was 
filled  with  a  dark  fluid  matter."  The  search  for  the  bullet  was  not  con 
tinued  after  the  cause  of  death  wTas.  ascertained.  The  pancreas  was  seri 
ously  involved.  The  cause  of  death  was  a  gunshot  wound.  The  other 
organs  of  the  body,  not  affected  by  the  wounds,  were  in  a  normal  condi 
tion. 

Dr.  Herman  Mynter  was  the  next  witness.  District  Attorney  Pen 
ney  questioned  him  closely  regarding  the  operation  performed  on  Presi 
dent  McKinley  at  the  Exposition  Hospital.  The  abdomen  was  opened. 
The  stomach  was  turned  over  and  a  bullethole  was  found  in  the  back 
of  the  organ.  They  could  not  follow  the  further  course  of  the  bullet, 
and  as  the  President's  temperature  was  rising,  it  was  agreed  by  the 
physicians  present  that  no  further  search  for  it  was  advisable  at  that 
time.  The  stomach  was  replaced  and  the  opening  closed  with  sutures. 

Dr.  Mynter  then  described  the  period  of  favorable  symptoms  shown 
by  the  patient,  his  relapse  and  his  death.  He  epitomized  the  results 
of  the  autopsy  as  proving  three  things: 

First — There  was  no  inflammation  of  the  bowels. 

Second — There  was  no  injury  to  the  heart. 

Third — There  was  a  gunshot  wound  in  the  stomach,  and  there  was 
a  gangrenous  spot  back  of  the  stomach  as  large  as  a  silver  dollar. 

Mr.  Penney — What  was  the  cause  of  death? 

A.  The  cause  was  blood  poisoning  from  the  absorption  of  poisonous 
matter  caused  by  the  gangrene.  Primarily  it  was  the  gunshot  wound. 

Q.     You  were  present  at  the  consultation? 

A.  Yes.  Dr.  Gaylord  performed  it.  They  tried  for  four  hours  to 
locate  the  bullet. 

Q.     Why  did  you  stop  then? 

A.  The  family  of  the  President  would  not  allow  them  to  continue 
any  longer  or  to  injure  the  corpse  any  more.  They  would  not  permit 
anything  to  be  removed  from  the  body  for  bacteriological  examination. 

Dr.  Matthew  D.  Mann,  another  of  the  physicians  who  attended 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  453 

President  McKinley,  went  over  the  ground  covered  by  Dr.  Mynter  and 
described  the  operation  performed  at  the  Exposition  Hospital. 

"To  find  the  track  of  the  bullet  back  of  the  stomach,"  Dr.  Mann  ex 
plained,  "it  would  have  been  necessary  to  lay  open  the  abdominal  cav 
ity.  The  performance  of  that  operation  would  probably  have  resulted 
fatally,  as  the  President  had  already  grown  very  weak  as  a  result  of  the 
first  operation." 

Dr.  Matthew  D.  Mann  was  then  called  for  cross-examination. 

"Was  the  condition  which  you  found  at  the  autopsy  to  be  expected 
from  the  nature  of  the  wounds  which  the  President  received?"  asked 
Mr.  Lewis. 

"It  was  not  expected  and  very  unusual.  I  never  saw  anything  just 
exactly  like  it,"  replied  Dr.  Mann. 

"To  what,  then,  do  you  attribute  the  symptoms  or  indications  which 
you  discovered,  the  gangrenous  condition  of  the  wound?" 

"It  is  very  difficult  to  explain  it.  It  may  be  due  to  one  of  several 
things.  I  think  it  would  be  necessary  for  further  examinations  to  be 
made  before  any  definite  explanations  could  be  made.  That  would  be 
the  duty  of  the  pathologists." 

"The  President  was  not  in  a  very  good  physical  condition,  was  he?" 
asked  the  attorney. 

"He  was  somewhat  weakened  by  hard  work  and  want  of,  air  and 
conditions  of  that  kind,"  replied  the  doctor. 

"You  think  that  had  something  to  do  with  the  result?" 

"Undoubtedly,"  was  the  answer. 

On  re-direct  examination  by  Mr.  Penney  Dr.  Mann  was-  asked  if  there 
was  anything  known  to  medical  science  that  could  have  saved  the  Presi 
dent's  life. 

"No,"  was  the  reply,  without  hesitation. 

Louis  L.  Babcock,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  ceremonies  in  the  Tem 
ple  of  Music  on  the  day  of  the  shooting,  followed  Dr.  Mann.  He  gave 
details  of  the  arrangements  made  for  the  reception,  and  described  the 
position  of  the  President  and  the  points  of  entrance  and  exit  from  the 
Temple  of  Music  and  told  where  he  stood  when  the  fatal  shots  were 
fired. 

"I  heard  two  shots.  I  immediately  turned  to  the  left.  I  saw  the 
President  standing  still,  and  he  was  deathly  pale.  In  front  of  him  was 
a  group  of  men,  bearing  the  prisoner  to  the  floor." 


454  THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

Edward  B.  Rice,  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ceremonies  in  the 
Temple  of  Music,  was  next  called. 

"Where  were  you  at  the  time  of  the  shooting?"  asked  District  Attor 
ney  Penney. 

Mr.  Rice  indicated  the  spot  on  the  ground  floor  plan  of  the  temple, 
near  where  the  President  stood. 

"Tell  us  what  you  saw?"  said  District  Attorney  Penney. 

As  chairman  of  the  committee  he  stood  close  to  the  President.  It 
was  just  time  to  stop  the  reception,  and  at  that  instant  he  "noticed 
something  white  pushed  over  to  the  President"  and  two  shots  rang  out. 
The  white  object  fell  to  the  floor  with  the  man  who  had  it. 

On  reaching  police  headquarters  the  night  of  the  shooting  Mr. 
Quackenbush,  the  next  witness,  said  he  accompanied  District  Attorney 
Penney  to  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Police  Bull. 

"Tell  us  what  transpired  there,"  said  the  district  attorney. 

"Mr.  Penney  and  the  assistant  district  attorney  had  some  conversa 
tion,  and  then  the  prisoner,  in  reply  to  questions,  stated  that  he  had 
killed  the  President  because  he  believed  it  to  be  his  duty.  He  under 
stood  the  position  in  which  he  had  placed  himself,  and  was  willing  to 
take  his  chances.  Czolgosz  said  he  had  gone  to  the  Falls  on  the  previ 
ous  day  with  the  intention  of  shooting  the  President,  but  was  unable 
to  carry  out  his  intention.  He  came  to  Buffalo,  and  got  in  line  with  the 
people  at  the  Temple  of  Music.  The  defendant  told  us  how  he  con 
cealed  his  weapon;  how  he  kept  his  hand  concealed  in  his  pocket  while 
waiting  to  reach  the  President's  side.  When  he  reached  a  point  in  front 
of  the  President  he  fired.  If  he  had  not  been  stopped,  he  said,  he  would 
have  fired  more  shots." 

"Did  he  say  anything  about  planning  to  kill  the  President  on  any 
other  occasion?"  asked  District  Attorney  Penney. 

"He  said  he  had  been  watching  the  President  for  three  or  four  days 
for  a  favorable  opportunity  of  shooting." 

"Did  he  give  any  reason  for  wishing  to  kill  the  President?" 

"Yes,  he  said  that  he  did  not  believe  in  the  present  form  of  govern 
ment  or  in  any  of  the  institutions  of  it." 

Continuing,  Mr.  Quackenbush  said: 

"He  (Czolgosz)  said  he  had  for  several  years  studied  the  doctrine  of 
anarchy.  He  believed  in  no  government,  no  marriage  regulations,  and 
said  he  attended  church  for  some  time,  but  they  talked  nonsense  and 
he  would  not  continue  there." 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  4S5 

"He  said  he  did  not  believe  in  the  church  or  state,"  asked  Mr. 
Penney. 

"Yes;  he  said  he  believed  in  free  love.  He  gave  the  names  of  several 
papers  he  had  read — four  of  them — and  mentioned  one  as  Free  Society." 

"He  seemed  to  be  cool  and  not  excited  or  disturbed?" 

"He  seemed  to  be  disturbed,  but  not  mentally,"  was  the  reply.  "He 
seemed  to  be  suffering  some  pain,  and  constantly  applied  a  handker 
chief  to  the  side  of  his  face  where  he  was  struck,  and  complained  that 
his  eyes  hurt  him.  He  had  no  visible  marks  on  his  face." 

"What  became  of  the  pistol?     Do  you  know?" 

"I  have  it  here,"  interposed  the  district  attorney,  as  he  showed  a 
pasteboard  box,  but  it  was  not  offered  as  evidence. 

Witness  said : 

"The  last  time  I  saw  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  struggle." 

"Did  the  defendant  at  this  time  appear  excited?" 

"Not  at  all." 

"Was  he  upbraided  by  anybody  there?" 

"Not  by  anybody." 

"Who  asked  the  questions  of  him?" 

"I  did  myself,  and  all  the  other  officers.  He  told  us  about  his  place 
of  birth,  his  bringing  up  at  Alpena,  and  his  movements  from  the  time  he 
got  to  Cleveland  and  went  to  work  at  the  wire  mill,  his  father's  farm, 
etc.  It  was  all  told  in  a  conversational  way." 

"Did  he  hesitate  about  answering  questions  at  all?" 

"He  did  at  first.  He  answered  with  deliberation,  but  never  refused 
to  answer  a  question.  He  seemed  to  take  a  lively  interest  in  what  was 
going  on.  I  asked  him  to  make  a  brief  statement  for  publication,  and 
he  wrote  out  the  following: 

"  <I  killed  President  McKinley  because  I  done  my  duty.,  I  don't 
believe  one  man  should  have  so  much  service  and  another  man  should 
have  none.'  This  statement  he  signed.  Afterward  he  made  a  state 
ment  of  two  hours'  duration.  At  times  he  volunteered  information  and 
went  beyond  a  responsive  answer." 

Francis  P.  O'Brien,  a  private  in  the  Seventy-third  United  States 
Coast  Artillery,  was  next  called.  He  had  been  detailed  to  guard  the 
President  at  the  Temple  of  Music,  and  was  standing  at  the  right  of  the 
President  when  the  shooting  occurred.  His  story  follows: 

"When  I  heard  the  report  I  was  looking  at  the  President  and  saw  the 


456  THE  A&SASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

man.  I  jumped  at  this  defendant.  I  saw  the  smoke  coming  from  his 
hand.  I  knocked  him  over  against  some  one,  I  don't  know  whom.  I 
got  the  revolver  and  gave  it  to  my  commanding  officer,  Captain  Wisser." 

"Did  you  mark  it?"  asked  Mr.  Penney. 

"I  put  my  initials  on  it." 

Harry  F.  Henshaw,  superintendent  of  the  Temple  of  Music,  was  the 
next  witness.  He  said  when  the  shooting  occurred  he  was  just  on  the 
right  of  the  President.  Mr.  Penney  questioned  him. 

"As  you  stood  there  were  you  looking  toward  the  people  who 
approached  the  President?"  he  asked. 

"I  was,  very  carefully,"  was  the  reply,  "and  I  noticed  this  defendant 
in  the  line  approaching  the  President  with  his  hand  pressed  against  his 
abdomen  and  incased  in  something.  Then  I  noticed  as  he  drew  near  the 
President  he  extended  his  left  hand.  The  President  put  forward  his 
right  hand.  Like  a  flash  the  assassin  pushed  the  President's  right  hand 
out  of  the  way;  then  I  heard  two  shots  and  saw  the  handkerchief  smok 
ing.  The  crowd  gathered  around  the  defendant  so  quickly  that  he  was 
lost  to  my  view  in  an  instant.  I  was  at  the  President's  side  when  the 
President  was  taken  away  in  the  ambulance." 

Just  before  Judge  Lewis  started  his  cross-examination  he  turned  to 
speak  to  the  prisoner,  but  Czolgosz  w^ould  pay  no  attention  to  him. 

Only  a  few  questions  were  asked  by  Judge  Lewis  and  Mr.  Henshaw 
was  excused. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  afternoon  session  Judge  Lewis  held  a  brief 
whispered  conference  with  Czolgosz.  Mr.  Lewis'  words  were  not 
audible  to  any  but  the  prisoner,  who  shook  his  head  emphatically  in 
reply  to  some  question  put  to  him.  Judge  Lewis  spoke  again,  and  again 
Czolgosz  shook  his  head  negatively. 

Superintendent  of  Police  Bull  of  the  Buffalo  police  department  was 
called. 

"Were  you  present  at  headquarters  when  the  prisoner  was  brought 
there  on  the  night  of  the  assassination?"  "Yes,  sir." 

"Tell  us  what  Czolgosz  said." 

"He  said  he  knew  President  McKinley.  He  knew  that  he  was 
shooting  President  McKinley  when  he  fired.  The  reason  he  gave  was 
that  he  believed  that  he  was  doing  his  duty.  He  said  that  on  the  day 
President  McKinley  spoke  at  the  Exposition  grounds,  the  day  previous 
to  the  assassination,  he  stood  near  the  stand,  on  the  esplanade.  No 


THE    'ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  457 

favorable  opportunity  presented  itself.  He  followed  the  President  to 
Niagara  Falls  and  back  to  Buffalo  again.  He  got  in  line  while  the 
reception  was  in  progress,  and  when  he  reached  the  President,  fired 
the  fatal  shots.  Czolgosz  told  me  in  detail  the  plans  he  alone  had 
worked  out,  so  that  there  would  be  no  slip  in  his  arrangements.  I 
asked  him  why  he  had  killed  the  President,  and  he  replied  that  he  did 
so  because  it  was  his  duty." 

"Did  he  say  he  was  an  anarchist  ?" 

"Yes." 

"Did  he  say  any  more  on  that  subject?"  isked  the  district  attorney. 

"Yes.  He  said  that  he  had  made  a  study  of  the  beliefs  of  anarchists, 
and  he  was  a  firm  believer  in  their  principles.  The  prisoner  also  stated 
that  he  had  received  much  information  on  the  subject  in  the  city  of 
Cleveland.  He  said  that  he  knew  a  man  in  Chicago  named  Isaak.  The 
Free  Society  was  the  name  of  an  organ  mentioned  by  the  prisoner." 

"Did  he  ever  say  anything  about  his  motives  in  committing  the 
murder?"  asked  the  district  attorney. 

"Yes,"  was  the  reply.  "He  said  that  he  went  to  the  Exposition 
grounds  for  the  express  purpose  of  murdering  President  McKinley.  He 
knew  he  was  aiming  at  President  McKinley  when  the  fatal  shots  were 
fired.  Czolgosz  said  that  all  Kings,  Emperors  and  Presidents  should 
die." 

Clerk  Martin  Fisher  administered  the  oath  to  the  prisoner  in  order 
that  his  record  might  be  taken.  Czolgosz  placed  his  hand  upon  the 
Bible  and  nodded  his  head  in  assent  when  the  words  of  the  oath  were 
finished.  He  did  not  speak  the  usual  words,  "I  do." 

"Speak  out  loud  so  the  court  can  hear,"  said  Crier  Hess. 

"What  is  your  name?"  began  Mr.  Penney. 

"Leon  Czolgosz,"  came  a  weak  response,  scarcely  audible  to  the 
Judge. 

"What  is  your  age?" 

"Twenty-eight,"  after  some  hesitation. 

"Where  were  you  born?" 

"Detroit." 

"Where  did  you  last  reside?" 

"In  Buffalo,"  whispered  Czolgosz.  His  voice  seemed  husky  and  his 
mouth  dry.  He  made  little  effort  to  speak  loudly  and  moved  about 
nervously  while  the  questions  were  being  asked. 


458  THE  A88A88W8  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

"Where  did  you  live  in  Buffalo?" 

"On  Broadway." 

"Where  on  Broadway?"  insisted  Mr.  Penney.     No  answer. 

"At  Nowak's?" 

"Yes,"  after  a  pause. 

"What  is  your  occupation?     Do  you  understand  the  question?" 

Czolgosz  shook  his  head.  He  seemed  to  hear  poorly  and  not  to 
understand  all  that  was  said  to  him.  Mr.  Penney  repeated  his  ques 
tion  distinctly  and  in  a  loud  voice.  Then  speaking  as  if  half-stupefied, 
Czolgosz  said: 

"Yes,  sir;  I  was  a  laborer." 

"Are  you  married  or  single?" 

"Single,"  came  the  ready  response. 

"Have  you  attended  school?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

"What  schools  have  you  attended?" 

"The  common  schools." 

"Did  you  not  attend  a  church  school?" 

He  hesitated,  then  replied  with  his  polite  "Yes,  sir." 

"Was  it  a  Catholic  school?" 

"Yes,  sir,"  again. 

"What  was  your  religious  instruction?"  pursued  Mr.  Penney  in  the 
kindly  tone  of  voice  he  used  in  questioning  the  prisoner.  "Did  you 
belong  to  the  Catholic  church?  Were  you  a  Catholic?" 

"Yes,  sir,  I  did,"  came  the  reply,  after  the  usual  pause. 

"Now,  are  your  parents  living  or  dead  ?" 

"No,  sir,"'  was  the  answer. 

"You  don't  understand  me  quite,"  said  Mr.  Penney.  "Is  your  father 
living?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

"Is  your  mother  living?" 

"No,  sir." 

"Have  you  been  temperate  or  intemperate  in  the  use  of  intoxicat 
ing  liquors?" 

No  reply  came. 

"You  don't  understand  me?"  queried  the  district  attorney. 

"No,  sir;  I  don't." 

"Do  you  drink  much?" 


THE  ASSASSIN'S   TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  459 

"No,  sir." 

"Do  you  ever  get  drunk?" 

Again  there  was  a  pause. 

"Do  you  drink  very  muck?"  persisted  the  attorney. 

"Pass  on  to  something  else,"  commanded  the  Judge. 

"Were  you  ever  formally  convicted  of  crime?"  asked  the  attorney, 
the  final  question. 

"No,  sir." 

The  clerk  of  the  court  then  asked:  "Have  you  any  legal  cause  to 
show  now  why  the  sentence  of  the  court  should  not  now  be  pronounced 
against  you?" 

"I  cannot  hear  that,"  replied  the  prisoner. 

Clerk  Fisher  repeated  his  question,  and  Czolgosz  replied:  "I'd 
rather  have  this  gentleman  here  speak,"  looking  toward  District  Attor 
ney  Penney.  "I  can  hear  him  better."  At  this  point  Justice  White 
told  those  in  the  courtroom  that  they  must  be  quiet  or  they  would  be 
excluded  from  the  room.  Mr.  Penney  then  said  to  the  prisoner: 

"Czolgosz,  the  court  wants  to  know  if  you  have  any  reason  to  give 
why  sentence  should  not  be  pronounced  against  you.  Have  you  any 
thing  to  say  to  the  Judge?  Say  yes  or  no." 

The  prisoner  did  not  reply,  and  Justice  White,  addressing  the  pris 
oner,  said: 

"In  that  behalf,  what  you  have  a  right  to  say  relates  explicitly  to 
the  subject  in  hand  here  at  this  time  and  which  the  law  provides,  why 
sentence  should  not  be  now  pronounced  against  you,  and  is  defined  by 
the  statute.  The  first  is  that  you  may  claim  you  are  insane.  The  next 
is  that  you  have  good  cause  to  offer  either  in  arrest  of  the  judgment 
about  to  be  pronounced  against  you  or  for  a  new  trial.  Those  are  the 
grounds  specified  by  the  statute  in  which  you  have  a  right  to  speak  at 
this  time,  and  you  are  at  perfect  liberty  to  do  so  if  you  wish." 

"I  have  nothing  to  say  about  that,"  the  prisoner  replied. 

The  court  then  said,  "Are  you  ready?"  addressing  the  district  attor 
ney,  and  Mr.  Penney  replied  "Yes." 

"Have  you  anything  to  say?"  again  asked  Justice  White  of  the 
assassin. 

"Yes,"  replied  Czolgosz. 

"I  think  he  should  be  permitted  to  make  a  statement  in  exculpation 
of  his  act,  if  the  court  please,"  said  Judge  Titus. 


460  THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE. 

"That  will  depend  upon  what  his  statement  is,"  the  court  replied. 
"Have  you  (speaking  to  Judge  Titus)  anything  to  say  in  behalf  of  the 
prisoner  at  this  time?" 

"I  have  nothing  to  say  within  the  definition  of  what  your  honor  has 
read,"  replied  the  attorney,  "but  it  seems  to  me  in  order  that  the  inno 
cent  should  not  suffer  by  this  defendant's  crime  the  court  should  permit 
him  to  exculpate  at  least  his  father,  brother  and  sisters." 

From  the  court:  "Certainly,  if  that  is  the  object  of  any  statement 
he  wishes  to  make.  Proceed." 

To  this  the  prisoner  said:  "There  was  no  one  else  but  me.  No  one 
else  told  me  to  do  it,  and  no  one  paid  me  to  do  it."  Judge  Titus 
repeated  it  as  follows  owing  to  the  prisoner's  feeble  voice:  "He  says 
no  one  had  anything  to  do  with  the  commission  of  his  crime  but  him 
self;  that  his  father  and  mother  and  no  one  else  had  anything  to  do  with 
and  knew  nothing  about  it." 

The  Court— "Anything  further,  Czolgosz?" 

The  Defendant— "No,  sir." 

The  Court — "Czolgosz,  in  taking  the  life  of  our  beloved  President 
you  committed  a  crime  which  shocked  and  outraged  the  moral  sense  of 
the  civilized  world.  You  have  confessed  that  guilt,  and  after  learning 
all  that  at  this  time  can  be  learned  from  the  facts  and  circumstances 
of  the  case,  twelve  good  jurors  have  pronounced  you  guilty  and  have 
found  you  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree. 

"You  have  said,  according  to  the  testimony  of  credible  witnesses 
and  yourself,  that  no  other  person  aided  or  abetted  you  in  the  commis 
sion  of  this  terrible  act.  God  grant  it  may  be  so. 

"The  penalty  for  the  crime  for  which  you  stand  is  fixed  by  this 
statute,  and  it  now  becomes  my  duty  to  pronounce  this  judgment 
against  you.  The  sentence  of  the  court  is  that  in  the  week  beginning 
October  28,  1901,  at  the  place,  in  the  manner  and  means  prescribed  by 
law,  you  suffer  the  punishment  of  death.  Remove  the  prisoner." 

Much  comment  was  excited  by  the  fact  that  the  usual  phrasing  "and 
may  God  have  mercy  upon  your  soul"  was  not  used  by  the  judge  after 
he  had  pronounced  the  fatal  word  "death."  He  stopped  in  the  middle 
of  the  usual  formula,  leaving  the  sentence  as  harsh  in  its  form  as  it 
could  be  made. 

Czolgosz  had  stood  erect  while  sentence  was  being  pronounced.     He 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  TRIAL  AND   SENTENCE.  461 

did  not  tremble.  Not  a  muscle  quivered.  His  cheeks,  however,  were 
pale  and  his  eyes  dilated  and  very  bright. 

The  death  warrant,  signed  by  Justice  White,  is  addressed  to  the 
agent  and  warden  of  Auburn  State  Prison,  and  directs  him  to  execute 
the  sentence  of  the  court  within  the  walls  of  the  prison  on  some  day 
during  the  w^eek  beginning  October  28th  next,  by  causing  "to  pass 
through  the  body  of  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz  a  current  of  electricity  of 
sufficient  intensity  to  cause  death,  and  that  the  application  of  the  said 
current  of  electricity  be  continued  until  he,  the  said  Leon  F.  Czolgosz, 
be  dead." 

On  the  way  to  Auburn  the  convicted  man  wa,s  talkative. 

It  was  while  on  the  way  to  Auburn,  under  the  soothing  influence 
of  a  cigar  and  while  surrounded  by  a  chatty  company  of  officers  and 
correspondents,  that  Czolgosz  threw  off  his  reserve  and  talked  of  his 
crime. 

"I  am  sorry  I  done  it,"  the  malefactor  finally  blurted  out  in  the 
course  of  his  chat.  "I  wouldn't  do  it  again  and  I  would  not  have  done 
it  if  I  had  known  what  I  was  doing." 

The  prisoner  did  not  seem  to  realize  the  additional  feelings  of  revul 
sion  he  had  provoked  in  the  breasts  of  the  listeners.  He  was  absorbed 
in  his  cigar  and  his  own  thoughts.  Presently  he  rambled  ahead: 

"It  is  awful  to  feel  you  killed  somebody.  I  wish  I  had  not  done  it. 
I  would  like  to  live,  but  I  can't  now.  I  made  my  mistake.  I  was  all 
stirred  up  and  felt  I  had  to  kill  him.  I  never  thought  of  doing  it  until 
a  couple  of  days  before.  I  did  not  tie  the  handkerchief  on  my  hand. 
I  only  dropped  it  over  the  gun.  I  did  not  think  it  looked  like  a  sore 
hand,  but  did  not  suppose  I  would  be  stopped,  because  the  gun  did  not 
show.  I  did  not  try  to  kill  him  at  Niagara  Falls.  I  did  not  tell  nobody 
and  nobody  set  me  on.  I  did  it  all  myself." 

The  prisoner  lapsed  into  quiet  but  replied  to  questions. 

"Did  you  know  Count  Malatesta  or  Madame  Brusigloli  or  Bresci  or 
any  other  foreign  anarchists?" 

"No,  I  heard  of  them,  but  I  never  met  them.  I  knew  a  lot  of  them 
in  Cleveland  but  nowhere  else.  I  did  not  know  any  one  from  Paterson. 

"I  knew  Emma  Goldman  and  some  others  in  Chicago.  I  heard 
Emma  Goldman  speak  in  Cleveland.  None  of  those  people  ever  told 
me  to  kill  anybody.  Nobody  told  me  that.  I  done  it  all  myself." 

"What  do  you  think  of  your  trial?" 


462  THE  A8SA88IN'S  TRIAL   AND   SENTENCE. 

"It  was  all  surprising  to  me.  It  was  more  than  I  expected.  I 
thought  I  would  be  sentenced  right  off.  What  I  heard  there  was  more 
than  I  had  heard  of  before.  I  hated  to  hear  about  the  wound  and  all 
that.  I  felt  glad  I  killed  him  and  then  I  felt  sorry  he  did  not  live  after 
I  shot  him." 

"Had  you  thought  of  Mrs.  McKinley?" 

"Why,  only  that  she  had  not  ought  to  be  so  privileged  and  get  so 
much." 

"Did  you  know  the  shock  nearly  killed  her?" 

The  assassin  looked  up  questioningly,  hesitatingly. 

"I  would  be  sorry  if  she  died,"  was  all  he  said. 

"Would  you  like  to  have  a  priest  before  you  die,  or  a  minister?" 

This  question  was  a  poser  for  the  anarchist.  For  years  he  had 
affected  to  despise  the  Christian  religion.  Now  he  needed  comfort.  A 
shade  of  reminiscent  expression  passed  over  his  countenance.  It 
seemed  to  those  studying  his  countenance  that  he  was  thinking  of  child 
hood  days  when  with  innocent  untainted  faith  he  sought  and  obtained 
comfort  from  the  father  confessor. 

Finally  he  broke  the  spell.  "Maybe  a  priest,"  he  faltered.  That 
was  all. 

The  moment  seemed  to  represent  a  crisis  in  the  inner  life  of  the 
assassin.  His  questioners  respected  his  silence. 

There  will  be  no  subject  of  greater  interest  in  this  country  than 
the  true  intention  of  those  who  are  generalized  as  anarchists,  and 
charged  with  the  direct  responsibility  of  the  assassination  of  President 
McKinley.  It  is  necessary  to  clear  away  from  the  calm  consideration 
of  the  policy  of  the  American  people  a  certain  obstructive  confusion  as 
to  the  significance  of  socialism.  Socialists  are  not  to  be  classed  as  anar 
chists,  and  there  are  professors  of  anarchy  who  do  not  mean  murder. 

The  assassination  of  the  President  has  put  in  motion  forces  of  popu 
lar  sentiment  that  must  result  in  a  public  policy.  Many  citizens  call 
continuously  for  more  laws,  and  assume  that  the  prescription  of  more 
stringent  law  is  the  thing  needful  and  sufficient. 

That  which  is  the  remedy  is  probably  revealed  already  in  the  public 
opinion  that  will  be  discriminating  and  in  many  ways  punish  the  dis 
orderly  and  dangerous  malignants,  separating  them  from  the  theorists 
whose  revolutionary  intentions  are  bubbles. 

There  is  enough  anarchy  the  logic  of  which  is  the  massacre  of  the 


THE  ASSASSIN'S   TRIAL   AND   SENTENCE.  46 

wisest  and  best  of  men,  to  make  the  task  of  extirpation  difficult,  withou 
including  those  who  are  troubled  with  bad  dreams. 

We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  the  power  to  maintair 
order,  to  enforce  law,  to  punish  criminals,  or  we  have  lost  the  art  or 
the  ability  of  self  government.  We  may  regard  ourselves  as  the 
example  before  the  world,  where  the  people  really  rule,  and  have, 
because  it  is  broadly  based,  the  most  powerful  government  that  exists. 

Just  now  "we  the  people,"  and  we  mean  the  majority  of  electors, 
are  carrying  on  an  investigation  the  more  formidable  because  it  is  not 
formal.  We  have  had  a  frightful  lesson,  and  the  martyrdom  of  the 
President  must  educate  us  to  ascertain  our  responsibilities  and  do  our 
duty. 

There  is  power  enough.  We  can  pass  the  needful  laws,  but  they 
must  not  be  tinged  with  fanaticism,  for  so  far  as  they  offend  our  tradi 
tions  they  will  be  impracticable. 

Public  intelligence  is  shaping  public  opinion.  Whether  we  are  self 
governing  depends  upon  the  composure  to  construct,  and  the  expert- 
ness  to  apply  the  power  of  opinion  to  the  elements  of  disorder,  and 
eliminate  them. 

It  was  the  first  outcry  of  those  who  have  been  denunciatory  of  our 
government,  declaring  that  our  "rulers,"  that  is  to  say,  the  constituted 
authorities,  are  the  enemies,  of  the  poor,  forcing  the  notion  that  we  are 
a  people  of  classes,  and  that  class  should  rise  up  against  class.  It  was 
to  be  observed  and  regarded  that  they  said  the  murderer  of  McKinley 
was  not  an  anarchist,  but  a  madman.  Still  he  had  sympathizers,  and 
there  are  some  unsolved  mysteries. 

Reasons  are  noticeable  to  support  the  suggestion  that  we  have  no 
found  out  all  about  Czolgosz  the  assassin.    He  was  examined  by  scien 
tists  and  found  not  be  to  insane,  but  he  has  shown  surprising  weakness, 
He  has  not  shown  a  symptom  of  moral  sense.     The  testimony  taken  on 
his  trial  is  curiously  instructive  but  not  conclusive.     Was  he  morbi' 
with  malignancy 'and  the  folly  of  a  fool— or  wa,s  he  an  artist?    Did  he" 
have  no  accomplices?    Was  he  simply  a  wild  convert  of  a  woman  whose 
occupation  has  been  the  utterance  of  harangues?    Was  it  with  his  own 
mind  and  money  that  he  made  journeys,  ascertained  the  location  of  the 
President  and  what  his  movements  were  to  be?    His  knowledge  of  the 
President's  time-table  was  minute.     Did  he  in  a  lonesome  way  pick 
these  things  up  on  his  own  account,  and  with  absolute  secrecy? 


462164  THE   ASSASSIN'S   TRIAL   AND   SENTENCE. 

His  conversation  when  in  the  hands  of  the  officers  gives  some  counte- 

th(nance  to  the  statement  of  the  "advanced"  radicals  who  met  him  that 

thjthey  thought  such  was  his  excess  in  dangerous  talk  that  he  was  a  spy. 

th        In  the  court  there  was  stupidity  in  his  face  and  incoherency  in  his 

I  i  words.     He  stuck  to  the  one  assertion  that  he  alone  planned  and  per 

formed  "this  crime,"  as  he  called  it.     So  obstinate  was  this  persistency 

that  it  made  the  impression  of  a.  lesson  taught  by  a  stronger  person 

m  who  fancied  he  might  be  used  as  a  tool  to  commit  a  murder  that  would 

be  famous. 

He  seemed  to  enjoy  the  ride  from  Buffalo  to  Auburn.  He  talked 
to  the  police  and  the  reporters,  was  almost  elated  when  given  a  cigar 
to  smoke,  and  was  free  in  his  conversation.  He  asserted  that  he 
had  not  made  up  his  mind  to  kill  the  President  more  than  a  day  or 
two.  It  was  a  ghastly  whim  that  came  to  him  because  the  "ballot  was 
£  no  good."  That  was  a  sort  of  pivot  around  which  his  mind  whirled. 
f  It  seemed  to  him  that  he  ought  to  be  sorry  for  the  harm  he  had  inflicted 
upon  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  said,  as  if  he  was  conscious  of  making  a  good 
point,  that  he  would  be  willing  to  die  for  the  widow  of  his  victim. 
Clearly  during  this  ride  he  rather  desired  the  companionship  of  the  man 
to  whom  he  was  united  by  handcuffs. 

^  To  such  an  ignominious  end  as  this  comes  the  slayer  of  our  beloved 

President.  May  the  time  soon  come  when  the  people  of  our  great 
t  republic  will  take  a  warning  from  such  terrible  calamities  as  have  be- 
Cl  fallen  Lincoln,  Garfield  and  McKinley,  and  take  such  action  as  will  in 
~  lure  preserve  the  lives  of  the  great  men  of  our  country. 


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